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Published online by Cambridge University Press: 08 May 2015
A generation ago K.V. Sinclair published what is still the standard guide to medieval manuscripts held in Australia. The title defines the scope: Descriptive Catalogue of the Medieval Western Manuscripts in Australian Collections. The parameters are further delimited by date: included are MSS of the Xlth-XVIth centuries. Brim full with technical information, and perhaps as a result rather austere in presentation, this book is a testimony to Sinclair's perseverance: the completed manuscript was lost at the end of the 1950s, and he started again. One consequence of this setback is that the addenda to the main catalogue update a work that was largely finished over thirty years ago; yet even these additions were not able to take account of some items which came to Australia at the end of the 1950s.
1 Sydney 1969. For illuminated MSS see Manion, M.M. and Vines, V.F., Medieval and Renaissance Illuminated Manuscripts in Australian Collections (Melbourne 1984)Google Scholar, abbreviated here as M/V. The absence of a reference to M/V. in the list which follows means the MS is not illuminated. Absence of a reference to S(inclair) in the list given below means the item was acquired subsequent to his book, or apparently escaped his net. Where these two works differ on the date of a MS, M/V. have been followed.
2 This MS has received detailed attention recently from Williams, C.J.: Investigating Manuscript *091/B63 of the State Library of Victoria: Treasure Trove or Pandora's Box? (G.A. Anderson Memorial Lecture, 1992; Annidale 1993)Google Scholar. I am grateful to Dr Williams for allowing me to see her lecture in advance of publication. In the XVth century this copy of the de musica, together with two shorter, still-surviving treatises, had been bound in with and followed a copy of Isidore of Seville's Etymologiae, which latter work was detached at some later time. The glosses to the Boethius are atypical in that they are not explanatory of that text, but provide comments by way of the practical application of his treatise. One of these is a tonary, a classificatory guide for the cantor about the various Gregorian tones to be adopted for the antiphons of the Mass and the Office. This gloss is in the same hand as that which produced the de musica itself. The other unusual gloss occurs at the end of the MS, and comprises three schematic diagrams and calculations of musical intervals (Sinclair, pl. 1 on p. 449 illustrates one of these, Manion/Vines fig. 81 another). Two of these are probably contemporaneous with the Xlth-century hand, but the third is of XlVth-XVth century date.
3 Detailed examination is provided by Sinclair in his study, The Melbourne Livy (Australian Academy of Humanities Monograph, 7; Melbourne 1961)Google Scholar.
4 The Oldest Manuscripts in New Zealand (New Zealand Council for Educational Research Series, no. 36; Wellington 1955)Google Scholar. For illuminated MSS see Manion, M.M., Vines, V.F. and de Hamel, C., Medieval and Renaissance Illuminated Manuscripts in New Zealand Collections (Melbourne 1989)Google Scholar, abbreviated here as M/V/de H. The absence of a reference to M/V/de H. in the list which follows means the MS is not illuminated. Absence of a reference to T(aylor) in the list means the MS was acquired subsequent to his book, or was apparently not known to him. Where these two works differ on the date of a MS, M/V/de H. have been followed.
5 There are some MSS which contain occasional Greek words as part of scribal glosses, e.g., Sinclair 130 (no. 57).
6 M/V/de H. 46.
7 See the details in notes 1 and 4 above.
8 R.R.E. Cook is preparing an edition of this text for inclusion in her doctoral dissertation.
9 The full text with brief description by S.R. Pickering is printed in Romano, A.C., The History of the Classical Text: an Exhibition. Introduction and Catalogue (Clayton, Vic: Monash University Dept of Classical Studies 1986) 13–14, and appendix, 16-17Google Scholar. A photograph of part of the papyrus and brief notice, but again not full publication, has been provided by Pickering, S.R., ‘A fragment of Homer in the Macquarie Papyrus Collection’, Ancient History: Resources for Teachers 19 (1989) 5Google Scholar.
10 I am grateful to Professor E.A. Judge for permission to allude to this and other items in the Macquarie collection, and to Mr K. van Dyke for locating them for inspection.
11 Appreciation is expressed to Mr P. Crocker, Director of the Institute, for permission to allude to this and the following item. Dr R.G. Jenkins will also publish shortly, together with I. Gardner and W.-P. Funk, a far better preserved papyrus codex sheet from Kellis containing Rom. 2.6-22 in Coptic. I acknowledge Dr Jenkins' kindness in providing details about these two Coptic pieces of Romans on which he has been working.
12 ‘P.Mil.Vogl. inv. 1224: Novum Testamentom, Act.2.30-37 e 2.46-3.2’, BASP 19 (1982) 39–45 (two plates on pp.44—45)Google Scholar. I am grateful to Professor Gallazzi for providing the photos of the Milan fragment, which are included along with the Macquarie fragment (reproduced by the courtesy of Professor Judge and Dr Pickering) on plates 1-2.
13 See Horsley, G.H.R., New Documents illustrating Early Christianity, 3. A Review of the Greek inscriptions and papyri published in 1978 (North Ryde, N.S.W. 1983) 113Google Scholar.
14 Alexandria: Zuntz, G., ‘Réflexions sur l'histoire du texte paulinien’, RBi 59 (1952) 5–22Google Scholar, repr. in English as ‘The text of the Epistles’ in his Opúsculo Selecta (Manchester 1972) 252–68, esp. 267-68Google Scholar; id., The Text of the Epistles (Schweich Lectures, 1946; London 1953) 271-75. Oxyrhynchus: Roberts, C.H., Manuscript, Society, and Belief in Early Christian Egypt (Schweich Lectures, 1977; London 1979) 24 (‘not unlikely’)Google Scholar.
15 Treu, K., ‘Christliche Papyri, XI’, APF 31 (1985) 61Google Scholar; cf. id., APF 32 (1986) 88 and 34 (1988) 71Google Scholar.
16 ‘P.Macquarie inv. 360 (+ P.Mil.Vogl. inv. 1224): Acta Apostolorum 2.30-37, 2.46-3.2’, ZPE 65 (1986) 76–78 (pi. lb, c)Google Scholar. This codex fragment has been reprinted with useful notes in Pickering, S.R., Recently Published New Testament Papyri: P89-P95 (Papyrology and Historical Perspectives, 2; Sydney 1991) 25–31Google Scholar.
17 Other NT papyri which have been published since then may be noted briefly.
92 Eph. 1.11-13, 19-21; 2 Thess. 1.4-5, 11-12, PNarmuthis inv. 69.39a + 69.229a;
codex (Medinet Madi, III/IV): Gallazzi, C., ZPE 46 (1982) 117–22 (pl. 3.1-2)Google Scholar.
93 John 13.15-17, PSI XVII Congr. 4; individual sheet with back blank (provenance unknown, V): Bastianini, G., PSI XVII Congress (1983) 10–11 no. 4 (pi. 3)Google Scholar.
94 Rom. 6.10-13, 19-22, PCair. 10730; codex (provenance unknown, V/early VI): Bingen, J., in Janeras, S. (ed.), Misceliamo papirològica Ramon Roca-Puig en el seu vuitantè aniversari (Barcelona 1987) 75–78 (pl.)Google Scholar.
95 John 5.26-29, 36-38, PLaur. inv. 11/31; codex (provenance unknown, early III): Lenaerts, J., CE 60 (1985) 117–20 (fig.)Google Scholar.
96 Matt. 3.10-12 (Coptic) on recto, 13-15 (Greek) on verso, inv. PVindob. K.7244; fragmentary leaf from a two-column codex, Greek text in the left column and Coptic in the right (Achmim, White Monastery!?], VI): Orlandi, T., Koptische Texte theologischen Inhalts (Mitteilungen aus der Papyrussammlung der Österreichischen Nationalbibliothek, 9; Vienna 1974) [= MPER, 9] 49–51 no. 3 (pl. 7)Google Scholar.
97 Luke 14.7-14, PChester Beatty XVII; not certainly from a codex: text written on both sides of a sheet but, because the second side is largely blank, like 1593 it may have been used as a lectionary (provenance unknown, VI/VII): Pietersma, A., BASP 24 (1987 [1990]) 48–49 no. 7 (plates 11-12)Google Scholar.
98 Rev. 1.13-20, PIFAO 2.31; roll (provenance unknown, II or III init.): Hagedorn, D., ZPE 92 (1992) 243–47 (pi. 9)Google Scholar.
To these may be added the following recently published parchment item: Jn 1.5-6 (on folio Ilr. + IIv.), inv. PVindob. G.29831; double leaf used as an amulet, originally from a miniature codex (provenance unknown, VI/VII): Treu, K./Diethart, J., Griechische literarische Papyri christlichen Inhaltes, 2 (Mitteilungen aus der Papyrussammlung der Österreichischen Nationalbibliothek, 17; Vienna 1993) [= MPER, 17] 23 no. 10 (pl. 6)Google Scholar.
Further details about 92-95 may be found in Pickering's booklet (see previous note), 32-53.
18 Cf. Schulze, W., Kleine Schriften (Göttingen 1933, 2 1966) 275 n.8, 710 n.2Google Scholar; he provides further examples, and illustrates the analogous intrusions of -δ- and -θ- in words like 
and 
‘Egyptian’ (cf. 
in Jos., Ant. 1.132Google Scholar).
19 Ropes, J.H., The Beginnings of Christianity, part 1. The Acts of the Apostles, 3. The Text of Acts (London 1926)Google Scholar.
20 Horsley, G.H.R., ‘An unpublished Septuaginta papyrus from the Nachlass of Adolf Deissmann’, APF 39 (1993) 35–38 (plates 14-15)Google Scholar.
21 See most recently Kramer, J., ‘Papyrologie und Sprachwissenschaft: Die Pionierzeit (1891-1906)’, in Bülow-Jacobsen, A. (ed.), Acta of the 20th International Congress of Papyrology, Copenhagen, August 1992 (Copenhagen 1994) 71–80Google Scholar.
22 See Deissmann, G.A., in Stange, E. (ed.), Die Religionswissenschaft der Gegenwart in Selbstdarstellungen 1 (Leipzig 1925) 55Google Scholar.
23 I owe this opinion to Professor B. Kramer.
24 Tübingen 41923.
25 See further Horsley, G.H.R., ‘The origin and scope of Moulton and Milligan's Vocabulary of the Greek Testament, and Deissmann's planned New Testament Lexicon. Some unpublished letters of G.A. Deissmann to J.H. Moulton’, BJRL 76 (1994) 187–216Google Scholar.
26 Wevers, J.W., Septuaginta 2.1. Exodus (Göttingen 1991)Google Scholar.
27 Cf. Wevers, J.W., Notes on the Greek Text of Exodus (SCS, 30; Atlanta 1990) 47Google Scholar.
28 Wevers, Notes …,49.
29 Other examples: PBerl. 11863 (Gregory/Aland 0171; Matthew, c.300), PBerl. 6790 (John, VI/VII), PBerl. 6791 + 6792 + 14043 (Gregory/Aland 0261; Galatians, V), PBerl. 13977 (Gregory/Aland 0262; ITimothy, c.VII). These four items are reprinted in Horsley, , New Documents illustrating Early Christianity 2 (North Ryde 1982) 125–40, nos. 1,7, 10,13Google Scholar.
30 See Horsley, G.H.R., ‘Credal formula in a Christian amulet against fever’, in id., New Documents 3 (above n.13) 114–19Google Scholar.
31 E.J. Epp advances the suggestive hypothesis that, in view of the speed with which letters were carried over considerable distances in antiquity, the text-types of the New Testament papyri found in Egypt probably ‘represent text-types from the entire Mediterranean region’: ‘New Testament papyrus manuscripts and letter carrying in Greco-Roman times’, in Pearson, B.A. (ed.), The Future of Early Christianity. Essays in Honor of H. Koester (Minneapolis 1991) 35-56 at 56Google Scholar.
32 Cf. Bickerman, E., ‘The colophon of the Greek book of Esther’, repr. in his Studies in Jewish and Christian History 1 (Leiden 1976) 225-45, esp. 229–30Google Scholar; K. and B. Aland, The Text of the New Testament (1981; ET: Grand Rapids 1987) 50Google Scholar.
33 A mirror-analogy may be offered. There are gravestones for both Christians and non-Christians from early fourth-century Phrygia which appear to have been produced in the same stonemason's workshop, a business which ‘may well have been phanero-Christian owned and operated’: Gibson, E.P., The ‘Christians for Christians’ Inscriptions of Phrygia (Harvard Theological Studies, 32; Missoula 1978) 42Google Scholar. Cf. Horsley, G.H.R., ‘A crypto-Christian epitaph?’, in id., New Documents illustrating Early Christianity 4 (North Ryde 1987) 236–38Google Scholar.
34 See further Resnick, I.M., ‘The codex in early Jewish and Christian communities’, JRH 17 (1992) 1–17 at 7CrossRefGoogle Scholar.
35 See van Haelst, J., Catalogue des papyrus littéraires juifs et chrétiens (Paris 1976) nos. 3 and 536Google Scholar. Text of the letter in Naldini, M., Il cristianesimo in Egitto. Lettere private nei papiri dei secoli II-W (Florence 1968) 79–85 no. 6Google Scholar. Different proposals for the date of the Hebrews citation are listed in Aland, K. (ed.), Repertorium der griechischen christlichen Papyri, 1. Biblische Papyri (PTS, 18; Berlin 1976) 231Google Scholar.
36 ‘Die Bedeutung des Griechischen für die Juden im römischen Reich’, Kairos 15 (1973) 123–44Google Scholar. Cf. Bickerman, E., ‘Some notes on the transmission of the Septuagint’, repr. in his Studies in Jewish and Christian History 1.137–66, at 157Google Scholar.
37 The Birth of the Codex (London 1983)Google Scholar; Roberts, , ‘The Codex’, PBA 40 (1954) 169–204Google Scholar. Cf. also id., Manuscript, Society, and Belief (above n.14) 19-20.
38 The Typology of the Early Codex (Pennsylvania 1977)Google Scholar. Note, too, his discussion in Pap. Brüx. 16 of the nature of the roll and of the problematic terms recto/verso: Bingen, J./Nachtergael, G. (edd.), Actes du XVe congrès international de papyrologie, 1 (Papyrologica Bruxellensia, 16; Brussels 1978)Google Scholar.
39 ‘Les origines du codex’, in Blanchard, A. (ed.), Les débuts du codex (Bibliologia, 9; Tumhout 1989) 13–35Google Scholar.
40 Hellenism in Jewish Palestine (New York 1950) 203–208Google Scholar.
41 ‘Le livre hébreu dans les premiers siècles de notre ère: le témoinage des textes’, in Les débuts du codex, 115–24Google Scholar.
42 ‘Les origines du codex’, 21-23.
43 Stud. Pal. 15.234Google Scholar (Psalms) and PAlex. inv. 203 (Isaiah) are the two identified in Roberts and Skeat, 38-40. To these may now be added 98, and perhaps 93 and 97 (cf. n.17 above).
44 ‘Les origines du codex’, 34.
45 In contrast, however, the Samaritans employed the codex for copies of the Pentateuch: see Anderson, R.T., ‘Samaritan Pentateuch: general account’, in Crown, A.D. (ed.), The Samaritans (Tübingen 1989) 390–96 at 392Google Scholar. Professor Crown kindly informs me (per litt., 1.3.93Google Scholar) that ‘there seems to have been a struggle by Samaritan sectaries led by Sakta to prevent the spread of the codex, indicating that it was well in use by his day (3rd-4th cent.). I suspect that in the fixing of the Samaritan canon by Baba Rabba (mid-3rd cent.) the codex was adopted as the format [in order] to exclude Jewish books/scrolls.’
46 “The Pauline corpus and the early Christian book’, in Babcock, W.S. (ed.), Paul and the Legacies of Paul (Dallas 1990) 265-80, with notes on pp. 392–98Google Scholar.
47 So Gamble, 278.
48 See above, n.34.
49 Ibid. 12 n.57.
50 Ibid. 4.
51 Ibid. 17.
52 Hengel, M., ‘Die Septuaginta als von den Christen beanspruchte Schriftensammlung bei Justin und den Vätern vor Orígenes’, in Dunn, J.D.G. (ed.), Jews and Christians: the parting of the ways, AD 70-135 (WUNT, 66; Tübingen 1993) 39–84Google Scholar.
53 On the school syllabus and methods of teaching see generally Marrou, H.I., A History of Education in Antiquity C 1977; 31948 = ET: New York 1965) 142-75, 195–216 (Hellenistic period), 250-53, 265-90 (Roman period)Google Scholar. For the latter era see also Bonner, S.F., Education in Ancient Rome (Berkeley 1977) 34-75, 165–276Google Scholar.
54 Cf. Malherbe, A.J., Social Aspects of Early Christianity (Philadelphia2 1983) 31–41Google Scholar; Horsley, G.H.R., New Documents illustrating Early Christianity, 5. Linguistic Essays (North Ryde 1989) 111Google Scholar.
55 Lizzi, R., Vescovi e strutture ecclesiastiche nella città tardoantica (L'Italia Annonaria nel rV-V secolo d. C.) (Biblioteca di Athenaeum, 9; Como 1989)Google Scholar.
56 Gamble gives some weight to this factor, but then proceeds to undercut it (267).
57 Note in particular Harris, W.V., Ancient Literacy (Cambridge [Mass.] 1989)Google Scholar; Humphrey, J.H. (ed.). Literacy in the Roman World (JRA Suppl., 3; Ann Arbor 1991)Google Scholar; Thomas, R., Literacy and Orality in Ancient Greece (Cambridge 1993)Google Scholar.
