^{page 99 note 1} Vol. I (1901), p. 417. fig. 382, and p. 505.

^{page 100 note 1} Jahrbuch der preussischen Kunstsammlungen, xxvi (1905), p. 64,Google Scholar nos. 13-14.

^{page 100 note 2} p. 192.

^{page 100 note 3} Dictionnaire d'archéologie chrétienne, s. v. Diptyche, no. 71, col. 1154. Other casual references are in Reil, , Altchristliche Bildzyklen (1910), p. 46,Google Scholar in Smith, Baldwin, Early Christian Iconography (1918), p. 93,Google Scholar and no doubt elsewhere.

^{page 101 note 1} On the knee of the first blind man.

^{page 102 note 1} For example, on the diptych of Rufus Gennadius Probus Orestes (530) in the Victoria and Albert Museum (no. 139-1866), though here they are cut in the edges of the leaves so that they can only be seen from the sides.

^{page 102 note 2} Gori, , Thesaurus Diptychorum (1759), I, pl. viiiGoogle Scholar.

^{page 102 note 3} This of course explains why the slots are not opposite to one another.

^{page 102 note 4} In the Orestes diptych the slots show actual traces of glue or similar matter.

^{page 102 note 5} Curiously enough the consular diptych formerly at Novara, but now at Bologna (Westwood, p. 378), has one of the leaves fastened on upside down, yet the remains of the original fastenings show that this has been so from the first.

^{page 103 note 1} Since this paper was read another leading Continental authority on Carolingian art, Dr. Swarzenski, has seen the diptych, and takes the same view.

^{page 103 note 2} Venturi, I, p. 363, fig. 135.

^{page 103 note 3} The scenes in the arena seem to be continuous; at the top is a dead elk, left from the last event, then below a fresh elk is let out of what is nowadays the toril, and charges one of the minor performers who dodges behind a door. In the next scene the elk is given the spear by the matador, and below he is seen dying, while at the bottom a third elk is let out. The engraving on the lower door is an interesting feature; it is also found on the Trivulzio Maries at the Sepulchre, and the relief of the same subject from a box in the British Museum, both ivories of early fifth-century date at latest.

^{page 104 note 1} Westwood dated it 248, pp. 11-12, no. 37.

^{page 104 note 2} Venturi, I, p. 494. The embroidered dress of the chief official and the coarser ornament suggest that it is rather later in date than the Liverpool diptych-leaf.

^{page 104 note 3} Zwei antike Elfenbeintafeln (1879), PP. 34–5Google Scholar.

^{page 104 note 4} Ein altchristliches Relief in the Jabrbuch der preussischen Kunstsammlungen, xxiv (1903), p. 56,Google Scholar as beginning of the fifth century.

^{page 104 note 5} Altchristliche Kunst (1918), p. 193,Google Scholar as c. 480. No reason is given for this late dating.

^{page 104 note 6} Rōmische Mittheilungen, xviii (1913), pp. 246 ffGoogle Scholar.

^{page 104 note 7} Venturi, I, p. 395, fig. 361.

^{page 104 note 8} Venturi, I, p. 357, fig. 330; Molinier, p. 17, pl. 2.

^{page 104 note 9} Romussi, , Il Duomo di Milano (1902), pl. xxxivGoogle Scholar.

^{page 104 note 10} Venturi, 1, p. 364, fig. 336.

^{page 104 note 11} Dalton, , Catalogue, no. 6Google Scholar; where the acanthus border is taken as an indication of rather later date. It occurs, however, in an almost identical form on the Munich relief of the Resurrection, as part of the decoration of the Sepulchre, and this relief can hardly be classed except with the earlier ivories.

^{page 105 note 1} Catalogue, nos. 7, 8, and 9, pl. iv and v.

^{page 105 note 2} Haseloff, , op. cit., p. 52, fig. 3Google Scholar.

^{page 105 note 3} Molinier, pl. vi.

^{page 105 note 4} Marucchi, , I Monumenti del Museo Cristiano Pio-Lateranense (1910), p. 12, pl. xxix,Google Scholar n and b; and Venturi, I, pp. 74-5. There is a detailed description of these reliefs, with a bibliography, in Ficker, , Die altchristlichen Bildwerke im christlichen Museum des Laterans (1890), no. 179,Google Scholar where the marble is identified as Greek but no date is given; cf. Archaeologia, xl, p. 190, where a date as late as the sixth century is suggested. They have been quite recently discussed by DrHeisenberg, in the Sitzungsberichte der bayerischen Akademie for 1911.Google Scholar The head of the Christ healing the Woman is restored.

^{page 105 note 5} Op. cit., p. 115.

^{page 105 note 6} Dalton, , Byzantine Art, fig. 203, and pp. 336–7Google Scholar.

^{page 106 note 1} Venturi, I, p. 77, fig. 60.

^{page 106 note 2} Dalton, , Catalogue, no. 7Google Scholar.

^{page 106 note 3} Cf. Krücke, , Der Nimbus (1905), p. 62Google Scholar.

^{page 107 note 1} For the introduction of the Apostles compare Ficker, , Die Darstellung der Apostel in der altchristlichen Kunst (1887)Google Scholar.

^{page 107 note 2} Kaufmann, in Der Katholik, xxxviii (1903), p. 407Google Scholar.

^{page 107 note 3} Marucchi, pl. xxvi, 1.

^{page 107 note 4} Wulff, fig. 106.

^{page 108 note 1} Kanzler, , Gli Avori…della Biblioteca Vaticana, pl. iiGoogle Scholar; Garrucci, , Storia, vi, pl. 438, 3Google Scholar.

^{page 108 note 2} Such subjects were not of course confined to sculpture. In his homily on Dives and Lazarus, Asterius, bishop of Amasea, who was writing in the late fourth and early fifth century (perhaps only a few years before our diptych was carved), severely criticizes the habit of wearing dresses embroidered with pagan or merely fantastic subjects, and contrasts with these the dresses of the pious, on which ‘you will see the Marriage in Galilee and the water-pots, the Paralytic carrying his bed on his shoulders, the Blind Man healed with clay, the Woman with an Issue of Blood touching the hem of the garment, the Woman that was a Sinner falling at the Feet of Jesus, Lazarus returning to life out of the Grave’. Four out of six subjects on this list are identical with four out of the six on our diptych. For the text, see Reil, , op.cit., p. 31,Google Scholar and Kraus, , Geschichte der christlichen Kunst, i, p. 389Google Scholar.

Again, among the thirteen scenes in the early sixth-century mosaics on the left wall of S. Apollinare Nuovo at Ravenna the large majority are miracles. They represent: The Paralytic carrying his bed (at Bethesda.), the Demoniac and the Gadarene Swine, the Paralytic let down through the roof (at Capernaum?), the Separation of the Sheep and the Goats, the Widow's Mite, the Pharisee and the Publican, the Raising of Lazarus, the Woman of Samaria at the Well, the Woman taken in Adultery (sometimes called the Woman with an Issue of Blood), the Healing of the Two Blind Men, the Miraculous Draught of Fishes, the Miracle of the Loaves and Fishes, and a last scene (largely restored) which probably represented the Miracle of Cana. See Ricci, , Ravenna (1906), pp. 69 ff., figs. 57-69; and an article by the same writer inGoogle ScholarEmporium, xv (1902), pp. 261 ff.Google Scholar The only exact parallel to the selection of these particular six miracles that I have come across is in literature. In the summary of the life of Christ in the once famous Hymnum dicat turba fratrum (which, if it is correctly ascribed, as seems probable, to St. Hilary of Poitiers, must date from just after the middle of the fourth century and rank among the earliest of Latin hymns) six miracles only are. mentioned; and, allowing for the use of general terms for the fourth and perhaps for the first, they correspond precisely with our diptych.

‘debiles facit vigere, caecos luce inluminat,

verbis purgat leprae morbum, mortuos resuscitat,

vinum quod deerat hydriis mutari aquam jubet

nuptiis mero retentis propinando populo,

pane quino, pisce bino quinque pascit milia

et refert fragmenta cenae ter quaternis corbibus.’

The third and fourth lines quoted are obscure, and probably corrupt, but there is no doubt as to their general sense; cf. Walpole, , Early Latin Hymns (1922), pp. 8–9Google Scholar.

The letter of Pope Gregory II to the Emperor Leo (which, if authentic, though this has been disputed, dates from about 730) suggests a typical scheme of decoration for a church in which the same six miracles appear to be selected, but the meaning is not quite clear; cf. Reil, , op. cit., p. 116Google Scholar.

The anonymous Tituli of the fifth century (?) once ascribed to Claudian refer to seven miracles of which five are the same as on our diptych; the Leper is omitted, and Christ walking on the Water and the Healing of the Woman with an Issue of Blood are added; cf. Schlosser, Von, Quellenbuch (1896), pp. 30–2Google Scholar.

^{page 109 note 1} Haseloff, op. cit.

^{page 109 note 2} Bullettino Archeologico Cristiano, 1891, pl. iv, vGoogle Scholar; the pyxis was found at Carthage.

^{page 110 note 1} Common as a central subject on sarcophagi; it is magnificently represented on the fourth or perhaps fifth century pyxis at Berlin.

^{page 110 note 2} Best illustrated in the American Journal of Archaeology, xxiii (1919), pp. 101 ffGoogle Scholar. The doubts there expressed as to the fourth-century date of the box seem quite unjustified.

^{page 110 note 3} They may be seen in the painting of a baker's shop discovered at Pompeii, where actual loaves of a similar form, but with raised centres, have been found; see the article Boulangers in Dom Cabrol's Dicttonnatre d' Archéologle chrétienne.

^{page 110 note 4} Catalogue, no. 1; they are described as cymbals or discs.

^{page 110 note 5} Molinier, pl. iv; Venturi, I, p. 356, fig. 329.

^{page 110 note 6} Matthew ix, 27.

^{page 110 note 7} Mark viii, 22.

^{page 110 note 8} Handbuch der christlichen Archäologie (1922), p. 341Google Scholar; based on an earlier article in Der Katholik, xxxviii (1903), pp. 407–10Google Scholar.

^{page 111 note 1} In the Gospels of Rabula (Strzygowski, , Ursprung der christlichen Kirchenkunst (1920), pl. xxxiv)Google Scholar the first figure, upon whom the second is leaning, looks like a boy guide; both have sticks. On a Carolingian ivory book-cover at Würzburg, however (Goldschmidt, , Elfenbeinskulpturen, i, 82),Google Scholar the grouping of the two blind men is very similar to that of our diptych.

^{page 111 note 2} Strzygowski, , Koptische Kunst (1904), p. 194, pl. xvii,Google Scholar dated fourth-fifth century; here combined with the Raising of Lazarus.

^{page 111 note 3} Other examples of the paenula with Ψ-shaped decoration occur on the ivory pyxis with the story of St. Menas in the British Museum (Dalton, , Catalogue, no. 12),Google Scholar and in miniatures of the Rossano MS. and the Vienna Genesis. They are generally worn by Jews. The point has been discussed by Haseloff, , Codex Purpureus Rossanensis (1898), pp. 66 ff.,Google Scholar and by Braun, , Die liturgtsche Gewandung, pp. 239 ff.Google Scholar In the S. Apollinare Nuovo mosaics these decorated paenulae are worn —apart from the two blind men—by the Pharisee and the Publican, and by the Scribes and Pharisees accompanying the Woman taken in Adultery. Similar paenulae are worn by SS. Cosmas and Damian and other figures in the sixth-centui y Coptic wall-painting from Wadi Sarga now in the British Museum.

^{page 111 note 4} Matthew ix, 2; also in St. Mark and St. Luke.

^{page 111 note 5} John v, 9.

^{page 112 note 1} Dalton, , op. cit., pp. 202, 207-10Google Scholar.

^{page 113 note 1} Molinier. pl. vi. The other panels have Christ and Zacchaeus and the Healing of the Blind Man (?).

^{page 113 note 2} The same movement of the body becomes mote pronounced in the sixth-century mosaic in S. Apollinare Nuovo at Ravenna.

^{page 113 note 3} Dalton, , Catalogue, no. IGoogle Scholar.

^{page 113 note 4} The iconography of this and of some other subjects in Early Christian Art has been elaborately worked out by MrSmith, E. Baldwin in his Early Christian Iconography and the School of Provence (1918)Google Scholar; though his conclusions as to the localization of different schools have not met with general acceptance.

^{page 113 note 5} Monuments et Mémoires (Fondation Piot), xv, pl. ix, p. 66.

^{page 113 note 6} The composition is otherwise rather similar; it is almost repeated, but in reverse, in Cianipini's engraving of the mosaic in Nuovo, S. Apollinare, since wrongly restored (Emporium, xv (1902), p. 273,Google Scholar where Ricci notes the likeness to our diptych, which, however, he misinterprets).

^{page 114 note 1} Das Etschmiadzin Evangeliar (1891), pl. vii, p. 106Google Scholar.

^{page 114 note 2} The figures of Job on early sarcophagi are quite differently imagined. But a miniature in the seventh-century Syrian Bible in Paris (MS. Syr. 341) shows him naked and spotted in a not dissimilar position. It seems possible that our Leper may be based on an earlier version of such a representation of Job. Cf. Wulff, , l. c., p. 292,Google Scholar fig 274, from Monuments et Mémoires (Fondation Piot), (1909), xvii, pl. vi, p. 92Google Scholar.

^{page 114 note 3} MS. Cott. Claud. B. IV. See Sussex Archaeological Collections, xliv, p. 94.

^{page 114 note 4} Wulff, , op. cit., p. 115Google Scholar; Kaufmann, , Handbuch (1922), p. 340Google Scholar.

^{page 115 note 1} The fact that the sarcophagi found in southern France are on the whole closely similar to those found in Rome does suggest a common place of origin.

^{page 115 note 2} The three-panelled fragment at Berlin, like Mr. Andrews' diptych, may be placed in some respects as a connecting link between these two groups.