¹ Jashemski, W. F., The Gardens of Pompeii, Herculaneum and the Villas Destroyed by Vesuvius, (New York, 1979)Google Scholar.

² Cato, , De Agri Cultura, LII and CXXXIIIGoogle Scholar.

³ Pliny, , Naturalis Historia, XVII. xxi.98Google Scholar.

⁴ Detsicas, A. P., ‘Finds from th e pottery kiln(s) at Eccles, Kent’, Antiq. J. 54 (1974), 305–6Google Scholar.

⁵ Iron Age sword s also have organic components.

⁶ This is a card measuring 95 x 24mm, with a piece of wire (not copper) attached. The inscription is inked in neat capitals: REPRODUCTION OF BRONZE SWORD FOUND IN A GRAVE AT HORCHHEIM NEAR PFEDDERHEIM (sic, for ‘Pfeddersheim?). The number 20 4 is pencilled on th e label.

⁷ Lindenschmidt, L., Die Alterthumer unserer heidnischen Vorzeit, 5 vols., (Mainz, 1858), IGoogle Scholar.

⁸ Lindenschmidt, , op. cit. (note 7), Taf. II, no. 8, inv. no. 678Google Scholar.

⁹ In litt. D r Marku s Egg, RGZM. Lindenschmidt, L., Das Römisch-Germanisch Central-Museum in bildlichen Darstellungen aus seinem Sammlungen, (Mainz, 1889), Taf. XLVII, no. 14Google Scholar.

¹⁰ It would perhaps be unusual for the British Museum to collect replicas, an d one wonder s whether Lindenschmid t is right here. Ther e might be a confusion with the very example unde r discussion, which had gone to someone in Britain as eminent as Pitt-Rivers. Peter Schauer, o n die other hand, seems to imply that the Worms museum copy is in the British Museum, ‘Kopie: Mus. Worms, BE 144’, ( Schauer, P., Die Schwerter in Süddeutschland, Osterreich und der Schweiz, I, Prähistorische Bronzefunde, Abt. IV, Bd. 2, 181Google Scholar, where a full list of references to the sword may also be found).

¹¹ Déchelette, J., Manuel d'archaeologie: prehis-torique, celtique et Gallo-Romaine, 8 vols. (Paris, 1910), IIGoogle Scholar, (Archeologie celtique ou protohistorique, 1, Age du Bronze), 205, fig. 63.6 and ref. t o Chantre ( Chantre, E., Age du Bronze, 3 vols. (Paris, 1875), I, 109).Google Scholar Also pers. comm. Dr Peter Schauer, RGZM.

¹² Lindenschmidt, , op. cit. (note 7), Taf. II, no. 8, inv. no. 678Google Scholar.

¹³ Schauer, , op. cit. (note 10), 181 and Taf. 81, no. 538 from Pfeddersheim, Kr. WormsGoogle Scholar.

¹⁴ Inv. no. 678.

¹⁵ Lindenschmidt, , op. cit. (note 9)Google Scholar.

¹⁶ Schauer, , op. cit. (note 10), 180–1Google Scholar.

¹⁷ Ibid., Taf. n o, nos. 537 and 538, Taf. 122. The Rhine/Rhone axis of the distribution of the Forel group is quite marked: see e.g. Bonnamour, L. and Combier, J., ‘Un depot du Bronze Final’, Etudes Prehistorique 2 (1972), 3–14Google Scholar.

¹⁸ As early as the fourth millennium be, at the Devnja cemetery of the Gumelnija culture in Bulgaria, textile impressions are preserved as corrosion products on copper shaft-hole tools, showing that these had been wrapped for safe keeping. See Todorova, H., ‘Spatneolithisches Graberfel d bei der Stadt Devnja’, Izvestia na Narodnija Muzeji (Varna) (7, 1971), 24–39, Pl. ixGoogle Scholar.

¹⁹ cf. Nandris, J. G., ‘Bos primigenius and the bone spoon’, Bull. Univ. London Inst. Archaeol. 10 (1972), 63–82Google Scholar.

²⁰ e.g. Kemble, J. M., Horae Ferales (London, 1863), pl. XGoogle Scholar, no. 29 illustrating a knife of bronze with a yew wood handle, total lengt h 8 -25m, from the bog of Aughrane near Athleague, Co. Galway; and ibid., 155 for reference to R.Colt Hoare, The Ancient History of South Wiltshire (London, 1812), pis. XXIII and XXVII, illustrating hilts of daggers. Another example with an ‘ivory’ handle comes from Roke Down near Blandford, J. Brit. Archaeol. Ass. 2 (1847), 98Google Scholar.

²¹ Roy, J.. Hist. Archaeol. Ass. Ireland, 4 ser., 2 (1872-1873), 196, fig. 2Google Scholar.

²² The Bargeroosterveld Beaker dagger has a horn hilt decorate d with tin nails, Clarke, D. V., Cowie, T. G. and Foxon, A. (eds.), Symbols of Power at the Time of Stonehenge (Edinburgh, 1985), 313Google Scholar.

²³ e.g. a sword with whalebone plates from Lisle-trim Bog, Co. Monaghan, found in 1865, J. Roy. Hist. Archaeol. Ass. Ireland, 3 ser., 1 (1868), 24Google Scholar, and a rapier hafted with whalebone, J. Roy. Hist. Archaeol. Ass. Ireland, 4 ser., 2 (1872-1873), 195–8Google Scholar.

²⁴ An antler hilt with an ornamental curve preserved, from the River Blackwater, Co. Armagh, J. Roy. Hist. Archaeol. Ass. Ireland, 4 ser., 2 (1872-1873), 257–8Google Scholar.

²⁵ Boquet, A., ‘Les poignards néolithiques de Charavines’, Études Préhistoriques 9 (1974), 7–17Google Scholar.

²⁶ Clarke, et al., op. cit. (note 22), 226–7, 267-8, 3I2,3I3-Google Scholar

²⁷ Dufty, A. R., Kelmscott. An Illustrated Guide (London, 1984), pl. 25Google Scholar.

²⁸ Needham, P. (ed.), William Morris and the Art of the Book (Oxford, 1976), 139, pls. CXI-CXIIIGoogle Scholar.

²⁹ Brit. Lib. Dept. of MSS, Sir S.Cockerell Diaries, 1938-1939.

³⁰ At the beginning of this century Professor G. G. Coulton of Cambridge pioneered the collection of English medieval architectural graffiti. See his ‘Medieval graffiti, especially in the eastern counties’, Proc. Cambridge Antiq. Soc. 19 (1915), 53–62Google Scholar, and Art and the Reformation (Oxford, 1928) 178–9Google Scholar and Appendix 10. See also Jones-Baker, Doris, ‘The graffiti of England's medieval churches and cathedrals’, Churchscape (1987), 7–18Google Scholar; and ‘Graffito of medieva l music in the Tresaunt, Windsor Castle’, Antiq. J. 64 (1984), 373–6Google Scholar.

³¹ For the text, see Hahnloser, H. R. (ed.), Album de Villard de Honnecourt (Vienna, 1935)Google Scholar.

³² Bequests of architects’ and masons’ sketches are noted in Harvey, John, English Medieval Architects, 2nd edition, (Gloucester, 1984), 54, 192Google Scholar.

³³ Jones-Baker, Doris, English Medieval Architectural Drawings in Graffiti (forthcoming)Google Scholar.

³⁴ Important evidence for post-medieval use of graffiti and of sharpened charcoal stick s to inscribe architectural sketches on plaster was found in 1987 after a fire necessitated removal of wood panellin g from the walls of the State Rooms at Hampton Court Palace. The many drawings of this type include sketches of still existing doors, doorframes, and other architectural features, as well as designs for decorative wood carving s with drops of leaves and flowers, possibl y drawn as well as carved by Grinling Gibbons.

³⁵ The Jones-Baker Medieval Graffiti Collection includes many more tha n the twenty-two examples of graffiti sketches of medieval windows listed by Martin Biddle in 1961 in ‘A thirteenth-century architectural sketch from the Hospital of St John the Evangelist, Cambridge’, Proc. Cambridge Antiq. Soc. 54 (1961), 107–8.Google Scholar See also Harrison, Stuart and Barker, Paul, ‘Byland Abbey, North Yorkshire: the west front and rose window reconstructed’, J. Brit. Archaeol. Ass. 140 (1987), 134–51CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

³⁶ Pevsner, Nikolaus and Harris, John, The Buildings of England: Lincolnshire (Harmondsworth, 1964), 703–4Google Scholar.

³⁷ Pevsner, and Harris, , op. cit. (note 36)Google Scholar.

³⁸ For the use of boards (which have survived) inscribed in graffito wit h the design for thirteenth-century crypt vaulting in Glasgow Cathedral, see Briggs, M. S., The Architect in History (Oxford, 1927), 88Google Scholar.

³⁹ See Jones-Baker, Doris, ‘Graffito of a Danish or Viking ship, Church of St Mary, Stow-in-Lindsey, Lincolnshire, Antiq. J. 66 (1986), 394–6Google Scholar and 402-3; and The Graffiti of English Medieval Ships (forthcoming).

⁴⁰ Rubbings of the graffiti drawings of the medieval Galilee porch at Ely Cathedral from the east and west walls of the porch, Jones-Baker Medieval Graffiti Collection. A good view of the medieval Galilee porch at Ely complete as it was built is the engraving, pi. I, in Bentham, James, The History and Antiquities of the Conventual and Cathedral Church of Ely (Cambridge, 1771)Google Scholar.

⁴¹ Among the survivals of graffiti drawings for medieval windows showing only detail of tracery in the head s are those in the churches at Barrington, Gamlingay and Whittlesford in Cambs. and Offley, Herts. Rubbings, Jones-Bake r Medieval Graffiti Collection.

⁴² For the chantries of John de Welburne (sic) and the Duke of Lancaster kept at Lincoln Cathedral in th e chapel of St Stephen in the south choir transept, see Muniments of the Dea n and Chapter of Lincoln, A/1/10, and Binnall, Peter, ‘Notes on the medieval altars and chapels in Lincoln Cathedral’, Antiq. J. 42 (1962), 77CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

⁴³ Harvey, , op. cit. (note 32)Google Scholar.

⁴⁴ Rubbing, Jones-Baker Medieva l Graffiti Collection.

⁴⁵ Harvey, , op. cit. (note 32), 35–6Google Scholar.

⁴⁶ The few surviving Chantry Certificates for Lincolnshire do not include Welbour n Parish. See Foster, C. W. (Canon of Lincoln) and Thompson, A. Hamilton (eds.), ‘The Chantry Certificates for Lincoln and Lincolnshire Returned in 1548 under the Act of Parliament of 1 Edward VI’, Ass. Architect. Soc. Reps. Paps. 36 (1921), 183–4Google Scholar.

⁴⁷ Needham, S. P., ‘Towards a reconstitution of the Arreton hoard: a case of faked provenances’, Antiq. J. 66 (1986), 26, no. 13, pl. 1CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

⁴⁸ MacGregor, A. (ed.), Antiquities from Europe and the Near East in the Collections of Lord Me Alpine of West Green (Oxford, 1987), 101, no. 11.1Google Scholar.

⁴⁹ Needham, , op. cit. (note 47), 27, no. 16Google Scholar.

⁵⁰ Registration no. P1988 12-2 1.

⁵¹ The excavation was directed by Martin O'Connell, F.S.A., of Surrey County Council Archaeological Unit, for Surrey Archaeological Society, with permission from the landowners, Lord and Lady Taylor of Hadfield. The finds will ultimately be placed in Guildford Museum, and the full publication in a forthcoming volume of Surrey Archaeol. Collect.

⁵² This building was initially examined in 1979, and further work was carried out early in 1986 (see O'Connell, M., ‘Green Lane, Wanboroug h (SU 920 495)’, Surrey Archaeol. Collect. 75 (1984), 185–93)Google Scholar.

⁵³ The Farley Heath head-dres s is illustrated by Bird, D.G., ‘The Romano-British period in Surrey’, in Bird, J. and Bird, D.G. eds., The Archaeology of Surrey (Guildford, 1987), fig. 7.17 upperGoogle Scholar.

⁵⁴ XRF analyses of the meta l objects were mad e by Michael Heywort h at HBMCE Ancient Monuments Laboratory: Report 204/87.

⁵⁵ Boon, G. C., ‘A coin with the head of the Cernunnos’, Seaby's Coins and Medals Bulletin 769 (1982), 276–82Google Scholar.

⁵⁶ Conservation of the Wanborough find s was carried out by Karen Webster, Kent Count y Museum Service, for HBMCE.

⁵⁷ The fullest discussion of this is Green, M. J., The Wheel as a Cult-Symbol in the Romano-Celtic World, Collection Latomus 183 (Brussels, 1984).Google Scholar I would like to thank our Fellows Dr Miranda Green and Dr Martin Henig for their very helpful comments on the Wanborough material.

⁵⁸ The temple at Farley Heath produced a spirally-wound bronze binding decorated with crudely embossed Celtic deitie s and symbols: Goodchild, R. G., ‘A priest's sceptre from the Romano-Celtic templ eat Farley Heath, Surrey’, Ann?. J. 18 (1938), 391–6Google Scholar.

⁵⁹ Wood etc. identifications were mad e by Jacqui Watson at HBMCE Ancien t Monuments Laboratory: Report 121/88.

⁶⁰ The group of sceptres from Willingham Fen, Cambs., included several closely similar handles, but also had probable terminals, notably an owl an d other birds: Henig, M., Religion in Roman Britain (London, 1984), 136–41Google Scholar, and especially pi. 62.

⁶¹ Green, op. cit. (note 57), frontispiece.

⁶ 21 am grateful to Mr Philpot for permitting me to show the box, D r C. Brooks, Miss Jane Porter and to the Saint Andrews Trust for Conservation for providing the funds for the conservation and display of the box.

⁶³ For Sabine Baring-Gould see Purcell, W. E., Onward, Christian Soldier (London, 1957)Google Scholar.

⁶⁴ The first publication was Baring-Gould, S., ‘The Warkleigh Tabernacle’, Trans. Exeter Diocesan Architect. Soc, new ser., 5 (1892), 126–30.Google Scholar Other publications are Karslake, J. B. P., Proc. Soc. Antiq. London, 2nd ser., 21 (1905-1907), 42–3.Google ScholarNelson, P., ‘The woodwork of English alabaster retables’, Trans. Hist. Soc. Lancashire Cheshire, new ser. 36, vol. 72 (1920), 50–60.Google ScholarEnglish Medieval Art, Victoria and Albert Museum exhibition catalogue, (London, 1930), no. 577.Google Scholar Revd Andrews, J. H. B., ‘Parish of Satterleigh and Warkleigh’, Proc. Devon Ass. 92 (1960), 65, pl. 19.Google ScholarCheetham, F., English Medieval Alabasters (Oxford, 1984), 28.Google ScholarCherry, B. and Pevsner, N., Devon (Harmondsworth, 1989), 888, and pl. 47Google Scholar.

⁶⁵ Nelson, , op. cit. (note 64), 57–60.Google ScholarCheetham, , op. cit. (note 64), 28.Google Scholar The three in the Burrell collection are nos. 1/34 (formerly in the collection of Mrs Grosvenor Thomas), 1/33 (which may b e that in the possession of Mr David Wells in 1789), and 1/35. This was exhibited by Lt. Col. G. B. Croft Lyons to the Society of Antiquaries on 12 December 1912, ( Proc. Soc. Antiq. London 25 (1912-1913), 17–18Google Scholar) and earlier in 1828 it was in the church of St John the Baptist at Bristol (Antiquaries, red portfolio, Somerset, 10). The Leicester exampl e is published by Hope, W. H. St John, ‘On the sculptured alabaster tablets called St John's Heads’, Archaeo-logia 52 (1890), 692–3Google Scholar.

⁶⁶ Nelson, , op. cit. (note 64), 58Google Scholar.

⁶⁷ The provenance and dating of St John's heads is discussed by W. H. St John Hope, op. cit. (note 65).

⁶⁸ Nelson, op. cit. (note 64), 59.

⁶⁹ The possible functions of dodecahedra are reviewed by Allason-Jones, L. and Miket, R. in The Catalogue of Small Finds from South Shields Roman Fort, Soc. Antiq. Newcastle upon Tyne, Monograph 2 (Newcastle, 1984) 218–19, fig-741.Google Scholar An example from Feldber g noted by Thompson contained yellow wax, suggestive of use as a candelabrum, Thompson, F. H., ‘Dodecahedrons again’, Antiq. J. 50 (1970), 93–6, pl. xx.CrossRefGoogle Scholar We might recall those well known stacked enamelled stands from temple sites, thought to have held the tapers of votaries, cf. Butcher, S. A., ‘Enamels from Roman Britain’ in Apted, M. R., Gilyard-Beer, R. and Saunders, A. D., Ancient Monuments and their Interpretation, Essays presented to A. J. Taylor (Chichester, 1977) 49–51,Google Scholar a case which one of us has made already, cf. Henig, M., Religion in Roman Britain (London, 1984), 128–9Google Scholar.

⁷⁰ We would like to thank Mr Alan Harriso n and Mr John Hockley for allowing us to publish these objects which remain in their possession. Our thanks must also go to Mr John Cherry, F.S.A. for providing us with information on medieval sceptre mounts and to Mr John Creighton for letting us have information on the East Yorkshire mount.

⁷¹ Thompson, F. H., op. cit. (note 69)Google Scholar.

⁷² Henig, M. and Leahy, K. ‘A sceptre-head and two votiv e swords from Kirmington, Lincolnshire’, Antiq. J. 66 (1986), 388–91Google Scholar.

⁷³ Boon, G. C. ‘A priest's rattle of the third century AD from the Felmingham, Norfolk find’ Antiq. J. 63 (1983), 363–5Google Scholar.

⁷⁴ Cherry, John cites the London Museum Medieval Catalogue (London, 1940), 23, fig. 2, nos. 1 and 2Google Scholar.

⁷⁵ Catalogue of the Collection of London Antiquities in the Guildhall Museum (London, 1903) 29, 30 and pi. XXVIGoogle Scholar; also dredged from the Schelde river at Antwerp in the 1880s. I am grateful to M s Frieda Sorber, Curator of the Textielmuseum Vrieselhof, Antwerp for this information.

⁷⁶ Baart, Jan, Opgravingen in Amsterdam (Amsterdam, 1977) nos. 161–4, 169Google Scholar and personal communication.

⁷⁷ Atken, Malcolm, Carter, Alan and Evans, D. H., Excavations in Norwich 1971-1978 Pt. II, East Anglian Archaeology, 26 (Norwich, 1985) 56, fig. 38 no. 4, and pi. IXGoogle Scholar.

⁷⁸ A brooch with wirework frame was excavated from a fourteenth-century context at Swan Lane, City of London and another similar from a Billings-gate watching brief, cf. Egan and Pritchard, Medieval Finds from Excavations in London, No. 3—Dress Accessories (forthcoming).

⁷⁹ Museum of London Accn. No. 87.26, from Butler's Wharf, Southwark.

⁸⁰ The occupation of ‘garlander’ is an ancient one, recorded in London from at least the early fourteenth century, cf. Ekwall, E., Two Early London Subsidy Rolls (London, 1951) 257.Google Scholar Surviving crowns of different materials are recorded as being made by th e relevant specialist Guilds: embroidered silk crowns (e.g. those of the Parish Clerks’ Company by a Broderer) and silver (Barber Surgeons), by a Goldsmith.

⁸¹ Accn. No. R. 1919-60, cf. Bennett, Chlöe, The Triumphant Image—Tudor and Stuart Portraits at Christchurch Mansions, Ipswich (Ipswich, 1989).Google Scholar Another portrait showing flamboyant head attire s i that of Mary Fitton, Arbur y Park, Nuneaton, Warwickshire, painte d in 1596. A variant on this theme is the portrait (1640) of Margaret Conyers wife of John Buxton at Strangers Hall, Norwich, where the sitter wears a head-dress of flowers. (It is interesting to note that ‘flowers and garlands’ were listed amongst the haberdashery and small wares imported into Londo n in 1614. Sackville (Knole) MS M399, transcribed in A. M. Millard in ‘Lists of goods (excluding wines) importe d into the port of London by English and alien and denizen merchants for certain years between 1560 an d 1640 compiled from Londo n Port Book s and other sources’ (1955 ) (manuscript in Round Room PRO). John Hovell, a Haberdasher of small wares in Norwich (d. 1681) had ‘a box of holland flowers upo n wire, 21 of them at 2/6’, listed amongst the goods in his probate inventory. (Norfolk Record Office ANW 23/1/114). These may have resembled the fabric and wir e floral crowns found in 1988/9 on the skulls of unmarried women and children during excavations in Antwerp Cathedra l (information from Mrs Joke Bungeneers). ‘Maidens’ garlands’ still survive in some English parish churches as at St Mary's, Beverley; Springthorpe, Corringham, Norfolk; and Abbot's Anne, Hants, amongst others, although of more substantial crown form than thos e at Antwerp.

Other types of crown, known as ‘pastes’ from their imitation stones, were hired out b y churches for weddings, as at St Mary Wolnot h in Lombard Street in 1560, and St Margaret's, Westminster up to 1564, the latter described as a ‘Cerclet for brydes. Item, one past for brydes sett with perle and stone’—hire charge lid. The paste at St Mary Wolnoth also had chains attached. Diary of Henry Machyn Citizen of London 1550-1573, ed. J.G. Nichols, Camden Soc, old ser., 42 (London, 1848) 240, 463.

⁸² Stubbes, Phillip, Anatomy of the Abuses in England in Shakespeare's Youth AD 1583, ed. Furnivall, Frederick J., The New Shakespeare Society, Pt. I (London, 1877-1879), 67Google Scholar.

⁸³ I a m most grateful to Mr Geoffrey Denford, Keeper of Archaeology at Winchester City Museum, for permission to study the head at length, and for negotiating the forthcoming long-term loan of the head to the British Museum. I would like to acknowledge here the generosity of the Winchester Museums Service for their willingness to lend this head to the British Museum.

⁸⁴ Compare male Antonine portraits illustrated by Fittschen, K. and Zanker, P., Katalog der romischen Portrdts in den Capitolinischen Museen. Band I. (Mainz, 1985), pls. 70–93Google Scholar and by Datsouli-Stavridis, A., Pωμαίχxα Ποðτðαίτα στό ‘Eθνιxό’ Aðxαιολογιxό Mουοείο της ‘АΘέναος (Athens, 1985), pls. 45–82Google Scholar.

⁸⁵ I am, once again, indebted to Mr Denford for supplying details of the papers discussed in the following paragraph.

⁸⁶ I am most grateful to Professor Klaus Fittschen for help with the identification. The portraits of Herodes Atticus are conveniently discussed by Stavridis, ‘∑υμβολή στήν Eίχονογðαφία τόυ ‘Hεώση τού ‘Аττιχού’, Athens Annals Archaeol. 11 (1978), 214–32.Google Scholar See also Stavridis, , op. cit. (note 84), pls. 48–53. The major modern biographies of Herodes Atticus are byGoogle ScholarGraindor, Paul, Herode Atticus et sa famille (Cairo, 1930)Google Scholar and Ameling, W., Herodes Atticus, 2 vols. (Hildesheim, 1983)Google Scholar.

⁸⁷ Stavridis, , op. cit. (note 86), 219–21, figs. 5-7Google Scholar; op. cit. (note 84), 49-50. The inventory number is NM 435.

⁸⁸ Stavridis, , op. cit. (note 86) 226–7, figs. 11-12.Google ScholarRichter, G. M. A., The Portraits of the Greeks III (London, 1565), figs. 2044, 2048. The inventory number is CS 169Google Scholar.

⁸⁹ McCann, A. M., The Portraits of Septimius Severus, Memoirs of the American Academy in Rome 30 (Rome, 1968), 128, no. 2, pi. 22, fig. 2Google Scholar.

⁹⁰ Bust from Kephisia: Stavridis, op. cit. (note 86, 215-18, figs. 1-4. Richter, op. cit. (note 88), fig. 2047. The inventory number is N M 4810. Bust in Paris: Stavridis, 222, fig. 8; Richter, fig. 2049.

⁹¹ Graindor, , op. cit. (note 86), 187–8Google Scholar.

⁹² On Hadrian's Villa at Tivoli, see recently Boatwright, M. T., Hadrian and the City of Rome (Princeton, 1987), 138–50.Google Scholar On Herodes’ villa at Astros, currently being excavated, see Karusu, S., ‘Die Antiken vom Kloster Luk u in der Tyreatis’, Romische Mitteilung 76 (1969), 261Google Scholar ff. A summary is given by Ameling, , op. cit. (note 86), 11, 100Google Scholar.

⁹³ Compare the headless statue, thought to represent Herodes and found in the Odeion given by him in Athens: Richter, op. cit. (note 88), fig. 2043.

⁹⁴ See briefly Walker, S., ‘Aspects of Roman funerary art’, in Image and Mystery in the Roman World (Cambridge, 1989), 23–36Google Scholar.

⁹⁵ Walters, H. B., Catalogue of the Bronzes in the British Museum (London, 1899), no. 248.Google Scholar I am grateful to Brian Cook, Keeper of Greek and Roman Antiquities, for permission to exhibit this object. I would like als o to thank Sue Bird, who made the drawings.

⁹⁶ Inv. No. F. 2319. Heilmeyer, W. D., Antiken-museum Berlin, die ausgestellten Werke (Berlin, 1988), 104–5, 5Google Scholar; Bliimel, C., Sport der Hellenen (Berlin, 1936), 102–3, 149Google Scholar.

⁹⁷ BMRL 31207Z/5731 of 4 October 1988.

⁹⁸ Gardiner, E. N., Athletics of the Ancient World (Oxford, 1930), 156Google Scholar.

⁹⁹ I am grateful to Richard Cros s and Paul Bennett of the Canterbury Archaeological Trust, who sent me the object and provided detail s of its discovery, to Christopher Bailey, the present owner, and to my colleague Catherine Johns for her comments and observations in our discussion of the piece.

¹⁰⁰ Strong, D.E., ‘Silver cup’ 20–2, fig. 11Google Scholar, in Stead, I. M., ‘A La Tene III burial at Welwyn Garden City’, Archaeologia 101 (1967), 1–62CrossRefGoogle Scholar. Johns, C., ‘The Roman silver cups from Hockwold, Norfolk’, Archaeologia 108 (1986), 2–13, figs. 2-4CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

¹⁰¹ Strong, D. E. and Werner, A.E., in Stead, op. cit. (note 100), 21, 23Google Scholar.

¹⁰² Johns, , op. cit. (note 100), cups 2, 3, 4.Google Scholar

¹⁰³ Norwich Castle Museum. A. Gregory, publication forthcoming. I am grateful to Barbara Green who sent a photograph and details.

¹⁰⁴ Strong, , op. cit. (note 100), 22Google Scholar.

¹⁰⁵ Pryor, F. A Catalogue of British and Irish Prehistoric Bronzes in the Royal Ontario Museum, Toronto, (Toronto, 1977)Google Scholar.

¹⁰⁶ Northover, F. ‘Material issues in Celtic coinage’ Proceedings of the 11 th Oxford Symposium on Coinage and Monetary History, (forthcoming)Google Scholar.