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II.—The Temple of the Imperial Cult at Luxor

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  19 July 2011

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Every visitor to the temple of Luxor is familiar with the central hall that is described by all the leading authorities as a Christian church, adapted from a Pharaonic building of the time of Amenophis III. The date of the original building is given by the magnificent series of bas-reliefs on the walls, most of which have been revealed from beneath a thick coating of plaster, on the remaining parts of which can still be seen traces of late antique paintings. It is, in the main, these paintings that have attracted the attention of scholars, both of those who saw them immediately after excavation and of those who, since then, have deplored their almost total destruction at the hands of the Egyptologists, who stripped off the greater part of the stucco to reveal the underlying Egyptian sculpture. Somers Clarke had good reason to protest: ‘We may admit that for the purposes of a complete study of the excellent wall sculptures it was necessary to remove these paintings: but it was a piece of unscientific barbarism to break them up without even procuring careful copies.’

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Research Article
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Copyright © The Society of Antiquaries of London 1953

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References

page 85 note 2 The building was cleared in 1886 and the greater part of the surviving paintings were destroyed on that occasion, Others fell subsequently through neglect.

page 85 note 3 Christian Antiquities in the Nile Valley, p. 190.

page 85 note 4 Nilfahrt (1874), p. 356.

page 85 note 5 Aegypten in Bild und Wart, ii, Stuttgart und Leipzig, 1880, p. 295.

page 85 note 6 ‘Le Culte chrétien dans les temples de l'antique Égypte’, in Les Études, 39e année, xcii, 1902: the article was reproduced in Bulletin de la Société d'archéologie copte, vi, 1940, cf. p. 163.

page 85 note 7 ‘Altchristliche Wandmalereien aus Aegypten’, Festschrift zum sechzigsten Geburtstag von Paul Clemen, 1926, pp. 181–8.

page 85 note 8 Lacau, P., ‘Inscriptions latines du temple de Louxor’, Annales du Service des Antiquités de l'Égypte, xxxiv, 1934, pp. 4546.Google Scholar

page 85 note 9 For the relation of this and of the adjacent rooms to the general plan of the temple, see pl. xxxiv.

page 86 note 1 Baedeker, K., Egypt and the Sudan: Handbook for Travellers, 8th revised edition, Leipzig, 1929, fig. on p. 273: the same plan appears also in the previous edition.Google Scholar

page 86 note 2 C.I.L. iii, 12073.

page 89 note 1 de Villard, U. Monneret, Les Convents près de Sohâg ii, Milan, 1926, p. 95.Google Scholar

page 90 note 1 The manuscripts of Wilkinson have since, through the courtesy of the owner, been deposited in the Griffith Institute at Oxford.

page 90 note 2 MS. XXXI, an ordinary sketch-book, measuring 13½ in.× 8 in.

page 90 note 3 Aegypten in Bild und Wort, ii, Stuttgart und Leipzig, 1880.

page 90 note 4 The terms right and left are used, here and later, from the point of view of the spectator standing within the hall.

page 90 note 5 Op. cit., p. 296; see also the Italian translation, L'Egitto antico e moderno, ii, Milan, 1881, p. 308. Eber's drawing is at variance with his own text, which refers to horses and horsemen, which do not figure in his drawing but are excellently portrayed by Wilkinson.

page 91 note 1 Op. cit., coloured plate.

page 91 note 2 L. Borchardt, Mitteilungen d. deutschen Orient-Gesellschaft, 52, 1913, p. 52, fig. 26.

page 91 note 3 Sami, Gabra, ‘Fouilles de l'Université ‘Fouad el-Awal’ à Touna el-Gebel’, Annales du Service des Antiquités de l'É;gypte, xxxix, 1939, pis., LXXVIII and LXXXI, pp. 484–7.Google Scholar

page 91 note 4 J. Maspero, ‘Rapport sur les fouilles entreprises à Baouit', Comptes-rendus de I'Acad. des Inscr. et Belles-Lettres, 1913, pp. 289, 291–2. Bawīt is 12 km. from Tūna.

page 92 note 1 Egypt and the Sudan, London, 1910, pp. 391–2, repeating the substance of the previous edition, although by this date the picture could no longer be made out with any certainty.Google Scholar

page 92 note 2 Op. cit., p. 295.

page 92 note 3 Cf. Daremberg-Saglio, i, p. 862; Pauly-Wissowa, v, 1433–4. The first appearance of the term is in the Historia Augusta. A later passage in Lydus, De magistratibus, i, 17 (ed.Wünsch, pp. 21–22) describes it as part of the costume of high functionaries.

page 92 note 4 P. Romanelli, ‘Tomba romana con affreschi del IV secolo dopo Cristo nella regione di Gargàresh (Tripoli)’, Notiziario Archeologico del Ministero delta Colonie, iii, 1922, p. 28, fig. 8.

page 92 note 5 e.g. in Wilpert, Die Malereien der Katakomben Roms, Freiburg, 1904, pis. 43, 4; m; 159, 3; 183; 249, 2.

page 93 note 1 Cassini, Pitture antiche ritrovate nello scavo aperto di ordine di N.S. Pio VI p.m. in una vigna al v. ospedale di S Giovanni in Laterano I'anno 1780, Roma, 1783; A. M. Colini, Storia e topografia del Celio nell' antichità, Città del Vaticano, 1944, pp. 262–4, fig. 222, ascribed to the fourth century.

page 93 note 2 N. M. Bĕljaev, УΚΡΑШЕΗΙЯ ΠΟЗДΗΕ-ΑΗΤИЧΗΟЙ ΡΑΗΗΕ-ΒИЗΑΗΤΙЙСΚΟЙ ΟДΕЖДЬІ, Recueil N. P. Kondakov, Prague, 1926, pp. 201–8.

page 93 note 3 L'Orange, H. P., ‘Ein tetrarchisches Ehrendenkmal auf dem Forum Romanum’, Röm. Mitt, lii, 1938, p. 9, n. 3. The monument was erected in 303 for the twentieth anniversary of Diocletian's accession.Google Scholar

page 93 note 4 For the veiling of the hands, an act of religious significance and of oriental origin, see A. Alföldi, ‘Die Ausgestaltung des monarchischen Zeremoniells am römischen Kaiserhof’, Röm. Mitt, xlix, 1934, pp. 33–35 and bibliography ad loc.

page 93 note 5 R. Delbrueck, Antike Porphyrwerke, Berlin-Leipzig, 1932, pis. 31–32; fig. 38 and pl. 48; fig. 40 and pl. 49; fig. 42 and pl. 51.

page 94 note 1 The second from the right is also illustrated by von Bissing, op. cit., fig. 3.

page 94 note 2 See, for example, A. F. Kendrick, Catal. of Textiles from Burial-grounds in Egypt (Victoria and Albert Museum), i, 1920, pp. 27–30, 35–40, with full bibliography.

page 94 note 3 Op. cit., pp. 184–5.

page 95 note 1 zu Sachsen, Johann Georg Herzog, Streifzüge durch die Kirchen Aegyptens, Leipzig-Berlin, 1914, p. 53.Google Scholar

page 95 note 2 Cf. Diehl, Ch., Manuel d'art byzantin, i, Paris, 1925, fig. 116.Google Scholar

page 95 note 3 Lacau, P., Annales du Service des Antiquités de I'Égypte, xxxiv, 1934, pp. 4546.Google Scholar

page 96 note 1 Luxor (Luqsor) is a Europeanized version of the Arab name ‘the two castles’. The hybrid form is used here since it is the one in common use.

page 96 note 2 For the late buildings grouped around the temple of Luxor, see Legrain, G., ‘Rapport sur les travaux exécutés à Louxor à l'ouest du temple d'Ammon’, Annales du Service des Antiquités de I'Égypte, xvii, 1917, pp. 4975Google Scholar, an ‘Fouilles et recherches au forum de Louxor’ in Bull, de I'Institut égyptien, 1917; Daressy, G., ‘Notes sur Louxo de la période romaine et copte’, Annales du Service, xix 1919, pp. 159–75; P. Lacau, op. cit.Google Scholar

page 96 note 3 The writer's knowledge of excavation within the buildings adjoining the temple dates from 1937. There does not seem to be any record of any subsequent work.

page 96 note 4 Op. cit.

page 96 note 5 As in the first part of this article, the axis of the temple, which in fact runs from north-east to south-west, is here, for convenience of reference, regarded as running north and south.

page 96 note 6 The only record of this sector of the wall is that to be found in H. Carter, Plan and Section of Continuation of Enclosure Wall from Entrance to Ancient Breakwater, dated March 1900 and preserved in the archives of the Egyptian Museum, Cairo.

page 96 note 7 Borchardt, L., ‘Nilmesser und Nilstandmarken’, Abh. d. K. Preuss. Akad. d. Wissensch., Berlin, 1906, p. 31.Google Scholar

page 97 note 1 Cf. C.I.L. iii, suppl. 6979 = I.L.S. 660.

page 97 note 2 As already noted half a century ago by Schreiber, Th., ‘Vorbemerkungen zu einer Typologie der hellenistischen Stadtgründungen’, Festschrift für Heinrich Kiepert, Berlin, 1898, pp. 336 ff. See also the many examples published since then.Google Scholar

page 98 note 1 Krencker, D. and others, Palmyra, Ergebnisse der Expeditionen von 1902 und 1917, Berlin, 1932, pp. 85–10Google Scholar

page 98 note 2 C.I.L. iii, 133–6661; Krencker, op. cit., p. 106.

page 98 note 3 Schlumberger, D., ‘Études sur Palmyre’, Berytus, ii, 1935, pp. 164–7.Google Scholar

page 98 note 4 It seems unlikely that the double plan is to be explained by the need to provide separate quarters for the two legions that, after 297, were stationed in Egypt under the Dux Thebaidos, i.e. the Legio I Maximiana and the II Flavia Constantia (Enszlin, W., ‘Zur Ostpolitik des Kaisers Diokletians’, Sitzungsber. d. Bayer. Akad. d. Wissensch., phil.-hist. Abt., 1942, i, pp. 2334). The two legions must have been stationed in different cities.Google Scholar

page 98 note 5 e.g. Dēr el-Kahf, dated to 306: C. Butler, Publication of the Princeton University Archaeological Expeditions to Syria, ii, A 2, 1910, fig. 127.

page 98 note 6 e.g. the fortresses of the upper Rhine: Kohl, O., ‘Ausgrabungen am römischen Kastell bei Kreuznach’, Bonner Jahrb. 120, 1911, pp. 286315Google Scholar; E. Anthes and W. Unverzagt, ‘Das Kastell Alzei’, ibid. 122, 1912, pp. 149 ff.; Th. Burckhardt-Biedermann, Westd. Zeitschr. xxv, pp. I 29 ff. Cf. also the fortresses of the Numidian limes, Guey, J., ‘Note sur le limes remain de Numidie et le Sahara au IVe siècle’, Mélanges de Rome, lvi, 1939, pp. 192203.Google Scholar

page 98 note 7 de Villard, U. Monneret, ‘Sul castrum romano di Babilonia d' Egitto’, Aegyptus, v, 1924, pp. 174–82, and especially p. 182. The writer hopes to have occasion shortly to publish the drawings of this important monument, Small doors in the flanks of the towers are later a feature of the fortifications built by Theodosius II at Byzantium.Google Scholar

page 98 note 8 de Villard, U. Monneret, La Nubia Romana, Rome, 1941. pp. 89.Google Scholar

page 99 note 1 ‘Fouilles in Egypte’, Bull, de I'lnstitut égyptien, 1889 334. For the inscription see C.I.L. iii, suppl., 12073.

page 99 note 2 There is a circular statue-base in the museum at Alexandria, inscribed with a dedication to Constantine by the same Valerius Rometalca; but the fact that it is cut in Nubian stone is not enough to show that it comes from Luxor, as Lacau maintains: it could equally well come from any other site in upper Egypt.

page 99 note 3 For the cult of the military insignia see Renel, Ch., Cultes militaires de Rome: les Enseignes (Annales del'Unversité de Lyon, N.s. ii, Droit, Lettres, no. 12), Paris, 1903 pp. 285311.Google Scholar

page 99 note 4 Cf. the inscription of the altar of the camp at Lambaesis, C.I.L. viii, 2529; and, in general, von Domaszewski, A., ‘Religion des röm. Heeres’, Westdeutsche Zeitschrift, xxi, 1895, pp. 3435, and ‘Principia des röm. Lagers’, Neue Heidelberger Jahrb. ix, 1899, p. 149.Google Scholar

page 99 note 5 Cf. the Berlin papyrus, Wilcken, Philologus, liii, 1894, p. 83, and v. Domaszewski, Neue Heidelberger Jahrb. ix, 1899, p. 149.

page 99 note 6 Brünnow, R. E. and von Domaszewski, A., Die Provincia Arabia, i, Strassburg, 1904, p. 439, fig. 531.Google Scholar

page 99 note 7 See Burton's drawing in British Museum, Add. MS. 25624, p. 102v.

page 100 note 1 See Burton's drawings in British Museum Add. MSS. 25628, f. 145, and 25625, pp. 61–62. Probably to be identified with the hydreuma Traiani at fons felicissimus Traianus Dacicus; cf. Schweinfurth, , Auf unbetretenen Wegen in Aegypten, Berlin, 1922, pp. 235–65Google Scholar; Murray, G. W., ‘Roman Roads and Stations in the Eastern Desert’, Journal of Egyptian Archaeology, xi, 1925, p. 148Google Scholar; Lesquier, J., L'Armée romaine en Égypte d Auguste à, Dioclétien, Cairo, 1918, pp. 441–3.Google Scholar

page 100 note 2 Krencker, op. cit., pl. 48.

page 100 note 3 Besnier, M., ‘Les Scholae des sous-officiers dans le camp romain de Lambèse’, Mélanges d'archéologie et d'histoire, xix, 1899, pp. 231–2.Google Scholar

page 100 note 4 e.g. Nieder-Bieber (E. Ritterling, Bonner Jahrb. 120, 1911, pp. 266–7, pl. XVI; Der Obergermanisch-Raetische Limes des Roemerreiches, B. I); Arzbach, Hunzell, Holzhausen (Der Obergermanisch-Raetische Limes, B. I) Feldberg (ibid., B. II, 1); Kapersburg, Ruckingen (ibid B. II, 2); Heddernheim (ibid., B. II, 3); Woerth (ibid., B. III); Welzheim (ibid., B. IV); Cannstadt, Köngen (ibid., B. V, i); Schierenhof, Unterböbingen, Aalen, Heidenheim, Faimingen (ibid.,, B. VI; the last named is one of the rare cases where the apse does not project beyond the line of the lateral walls); Pföring (ibid., B. VII; here, too, the apse does not project, but is hidden behind a rectilinear wall).

page 100 note 5 Renel, op. cit., p. 284, fig. 58; a Spanish coin (Caesar augusta?) of 18–17 B.C.; cf. H. Mattingly, Coins of the Roman Empire in the British Museum, i, 1923, pl. VII, nos. 10–14.

page 100 note 6 Lersch, Das sogenannte Schwert des Tiberius, Bonn, 1849; Proc. Soc. Ant. iii, 1867, p. 358.

page 100 note 7 Krencker, D. and others, Palmyra, Ergebnisse der Expeditionen von 1902 und 1917, Berlin, 1932, pp. 85105.Google Scholar

page 100 note 8 R. Cagnat, ‘Les Deux Camps de la Légion III Augusta à Lambèse d'après les fouilles récentes’, Mém. Acad. Inscr. et Belles Lettres, xxxviii. 1, 1908, pp. 28–31, 34–35.

page 101 note 1 Roscher, Lexikon, v, 967–970.

page 101 note 2 Cf. the coins of C. Vibius Pansa (49 B.C.) in Grueber, H. A, Coins of the Roman Republic in the British Museum, London, 1910, nos. 3978–82.Google Scholar

page 101 note 3 See the coin of restitution of Augustus struck by Tiberius in A.D. 22–23, H. Mattingly, Coins of the Roman Empire in the British Museum, i, 1923, pp. 129–30, nos. 70–75, and the coin of Titus, derivative from the first, ibid, ii, 1930, pp. 281–2, nos. 263–4, both of the type of the Augustus of Bovillae, now in the Torlonia Museum. For the literary and epigraphic sources for the identification of Augustus with Jupiter, see M. M. Ward, ‘The Association of Augustus with Jupiter’, Studi e Materiali di Storia delle Religioni, ix, 1933, pp. 203–24.

page 101 note 4 Sittl, ‘Der Adler und die Weltkugel als Attribute des Zeus’, Jahrb.für class. Philol., suppl. vol. xiv, 1884. On the globe in the Emperor's hand see A. Schlachter, ‘Der Globus’, Stoicheia, viii, 1927, pp. 64 ff.; A. Alföldi, ‘Insignien und Tracht der rom. Kaiser’, Röm. Mitt. 1, 1935, pp. 117 ff., specially 119. On the globe as symbol of the κοσμοκράτωρ cf. Fr. Cumont, L'Égypte des astrologues, Bruxelles, 1937, pp. 27–28; P. Hombert, ‘Sarapis Kosmokrator’, L'Antiquité classique, xiv, 1945, pp. 319–29.

page 101 note 5 H. Mattingly and E. A. Sydenham, The Roman Imperial Coinage, v, 2, 1933, p. 248, no. 275.

page 101 note 6 For the significance of the term Jovius, as applied to Diocletian, see W. Seston, Dioclétien et la Tétrarchie (Bibl. des. Écoles franç. d'Athènes et de Rome, 162), Paris, 1946, pp. 211–30.

page 101 note 7 Lactantius, De mart, persec. 42, 1: ‘Eodemque senis Maximiani statuae Constantini iussu revellebantur et imagines ubicumque pictus esset detrahebantur’; cf. also Euseb. Hist, eccles. viii, 13, 15; Vita Constant, i, 47. For the erasure of his name in inscriptions see Pauly-Wissowa, s.v. Maximianus (Herculius), xiv, 2, 2515.

page 102 note 1 J. Straub, Von Herrscherideal in der Spätantike, 1939 p. 38.

page 102 note 2 For the attributes of Jupiter in this connexion see A. B. Cook, Zeus: a Study in Ancient Religion, i, Cambridge, 1914, pp. 34–41. For the nimbus see the panegyric of 289 (Eumenius, Paneg. ii, 3), which indicates tha it is a normal attribute of the Imperial dignity. The first living rulers to use it in the representations on their coinage were the Kuṣāṇa of the dynasty of Kaniṣka (after 128–9, according to S. Konow); see the writer's article, ‘Le Monete dei Kushāna e l'lmpero romano’, Orientalia N.S. xvii, 1948, pp. 215–19.

page 102 note 3 R. Delbrueck, Antike Porphyrwerke, Berlin-Leipzig, 1932. pp. 84–92.

page 102 note 4 H. P. L'Orange, ‘Die Bildnisse der Tetrarchen’, Acta Archaeol. ii, 1931, pp. 29 ff.

page 102 note 5 Kinck, K.-F., ‘L'Arc de triomphe de Salonique’, Paris, 1890, pp. 2427Google Scholar, pl. vi; Hébrard, E., Bull. Corr. Hell, xliv, 1920, pl. 11Google Scholar; von Schoenebeck, H., ‘Die Zyklische Ordnung der Triumphalreliefs am Galeriusbogen in Saloniki’, Byz. Zeitschr. xxxvii, 1937, pp. 361–71.Google Scholar For the date of the arch (A.D. 303) see Seston, op. cit., p. 392 and note on p. 187. The glass disc published by Bruzza, L. (‘Frammenti di un disco in vetro che rappresenta i vicennalia di Diocleziano’, Bull. Comm. Roma, x, 1882, pp. 180–90Google Scholar, pl. xx) has since been shown to represent Constantine; Fuhrmann, H., ‘Eine Glasschale von der Vicennalienfeier Constantins des Grossen zu Rom im Jahre 326 nach C.’, Röm. Mitt, liv, 1939, pp. 161–75.Google Scholar

page 102 note 6 Of the Imperial statues that were worshipped in Roman Egypt in the temples of the Imperial cult, and are often mentioned (as ảνδριάντες) in the papyri (cf. F. Blumenthal, ‘Der Aegyptische Kaiserkult’, Archiv f. Papyrusforschung, v, 1913, pp. 317–45, spec. 318, 328, 331, 335) all too little is known. Perhaps the well-known head-less porphyry statue of Diocletian in the museum of Alexandria (sometimes wrongly thought to be a Pantokrator) is one of these.

page 102 note 7 Mattingly, H., Coins of the Roman Empire in the British Museum, ii, 1930, p. 388 and note.Google Scholar

page 103 note 1 Cf. Alföldi, Röm. Mitt. 1, 1935, pp. 37 ff.; L. Strach,Untersuchungen zur röm. Reichsprägung des zweiten fahrhunderts, III, Die Reichsprägung zur Zeit des Antoninus Pius, Stuttgart, 1937, p. 160, no. 335, pl. III; no. 1191, pl. xv.

page 103 note 2 In laud. Just. min. 3, 191 ff.: ‘atria praelargis extan altissima tectis … nobilitat medios sedes augusta penates, quattuor eximiis circumvallata columnis. Quas super ex liquido praefulgens cymbus aureo in medio, similans con-vexi climata coeli, immortale caput soliumque sedentis obumbrat ornatum gemmis auroque ostroque superbum. Quattuor in sese nexos curvaverat arcus.’

page 103 note 3 Ebersolt, J., Le Grand Palais de Constantinople, Paris 1910, p. 42.Google Scholar

page 103 note 4 Ed. Vogt, i, Commentaire, p. 46

page 103 note 5 Strzygowski, J., Die Kalenderbilder des Cronographs vom jahre 354, Berlin, 1888, pls. 3435.Google Scholar

page 103 note 6 Delbrueck, R., Die Consulardiptychen, Berlin-Leipzig 1929, nos. 5152, pp. 201–8.Google Scholar

page 103 note 7 Delbrueck, R., Antike Porphyrwerke, Berlin-Leipzig,1932, pp. 9698, pis. 40–41.Google Scholar

page 103 note 8 Danthine, H., ‘L'Imagerie des trônes vides et des trônes porteurs de symboles dans le proche Orient ancien’,Melanges Dussaud, ii, Paris, 1939, pp. 857–66.Google Scholar

page 103 note 9 Reichel, W., Über vorhellenische Götterculte, Vienna,1897.Google Scholar

page 103 note 10 Daressy, G., ‘Une nouvelle forme d'Amon’, Annales du Service des Antiquités d'Égypte, ix, 1908, pp. 6469Google Scholar; G. A. Wainwright, ‘The aniconic form of Amon in the New Kingdom’, ibid, xxviii, 1928, pp. 175–89.

page 103 note 11 A. Alföldi, op. cit., pp. 134–9.

page 103 note 12 Grabar, A., L'Empereur dans l'art byzantin, Stras-bourg, 1936, pp. 199200.Google Scholar

page 103 note 13 H. Cohen, Monnaies de l'empire romain, 2 ed., vi, p. 507, nos. 132–7; vii, no. 58; pp. 106–7, nos. 39–44. 47–49.

page 104 note 1 Bernhardt, Cf. M., Handbuch zur Münzkunde der römischen Kaiserzeit, Halle, 1926, pls. 19, 11–12, and 63, 9–14.Google Scholar

page 104 note 2 Toutain, J., Les Cultes païens dans l'empire remain, i, 1 Paris, 1907, pp.18, 27–28, 43, 51–52, 56, 71–73, 106, 116, 121,124–5.Google Scholar

page 104 note 3 C.I.L. vi, 255, 256.

page 104 note 4 Tertull. apol. 32, ad Scapul. 2; Euseb. Hist. eccl. iv, 15, 18–21.

page 104 note 5 Thus Acepsimas, martyred in 379, is called on to swear by the great god, the Sun, and the Fortune of the king of kings, Shāpūr: ὄμνυμι τὸν μέγαν θεὸνλιον καὶ τὴν τύχην τοῦ βασιλέως τῶν βασιλέων Σαβωρίου (Patrologia Orientalis, ii, pp. 496 and 539). Cf. further Hoffmann, G.Aufzüge aus syrischen Akten persischer Märtyrer, Leipzig, 1880, p. 63; C. Braun, Ausgewählte Akten persischer Märtyrer … aus dem syrischen übersetzt, Kampten and Munich, 1915, pp. 61, 68, 124; H. Delehaye, ‘Les versions grecques des actes des martyrs persans sous Sapor II', Patr. Or. iv,96; E. Assermani, Acta sanctorum martyrum orientalium et occidentalium, i, Rome, 1748, p. 192. On the coins of the KuṢāṇa, the Fortune (τύχη) is called Ardoksho and, like the Roman Genius, carries the cornucopia and, on the head, the modius; the two personifications are evidently related, although of different sexes.Google Scholar

page 104 note 6 Synaxary, ed. Basset, Patr. Or. iii, pp. 311–16; ed. Forget, C.S.C.O., script, arab, series 3, vol. xviii, text pp. 301 ff., translation pp. 137 ff.

page 104 note 7 For this name (restored as agrariae) and for al-Hīfā, see Daressy, G., ‘Le Camp de Thèbes', Annales du Service des Ant. de l'Égypte, xix, 1919.Google Scholar

page 104 note 8 Steindorff, G., Zeitschr.f. Aegypt. Sprache, xxx, 1892, pp. 4142.Google Scholar

page 104 note 9 Crum, W. E., Coptic Ostraca, London, 1902, p. 18, no. 105.Google Scholar

page 105 note 1 Jullian, C., ‘Processus consularis’, Revue de philologie vii, 1883, pp.144Google Scholar

page 105 note 2 Alföldi, A., Röm. Mitt, xlix, 1934, pp. 88118Google Scholar

page 105 note 3 See Delbrueck, R., Die Consulardiptychen Berlin-Leipzig, 1929, p. 41Google Scholar, with bibliography. The fundamental work on this corps remains Jullian, C., De protect, et domest. Augustorum, Paris, 1883Google Scholar; to which add Michon,Rev. Bibl., 1900, pp. 96–105, pl. 1 (reproducing a stele from Ba'albek) and the work of Matzulewitch on the Kertsch dish, which has not been available to the writer.

page 105 note 4 Alföldi, A., Röm. Mitt. 1, 1935, pp. 59.Google Scholar