1 Summerson, J. N., ‘An Early Modernist. James Wild and his Work’, The Architects’ Journal (9 January 1929), p. 58 Google Scholar. This was Summerson’s second article and his first for The Architects’ Journal. It is ironic that Summerson should eventually succeed Wild as Curator of the Sir John Soane’s Museum.

2 The modern study of Victorian architecture probably started with Kenneth Clark’s The Gothic Revival (1928).

3 I am grateful to Dr Alan Powers for these observations on John Summerson’s early career.

4 See Summerson, ‘Early Modernist’, p. 57.

5 Zanten, David van, Architectural Polychromy of the 1830s (New York and London, 1977), pp. 34–35 Google Scholar.

6 Crinson, Mark, Empire Building, Orientalism and Victorian Architecture (London and New York, 1996)Google Scholar. See also, Crinson, Mark, ‘Leading into Captivity: James Wild and his work in Egypt’, The Georgian Group Journal (1995), pp. 51–64 Google Scholar.

7 Crook, J. Mordaunt, The Dilemma of Style. Architectural Ideas from the Picturesque to the Post-Modem (Chicago, 1987), p. 124 Google Scholar.

8 Ruskin, John, The Stones of Venice, 3 vols (Orpington, 1851, 1853, 1853), 11, chap. VI, para. LXXXIX Google Scholar.

9 Ruskin, John, The Seven Lamps of Architecture (Orpington, 1849), chap. IV, para. XXXV Google Scholar.

10 Robert Smirke to his father, Pisa, 22 November 1803, Smirke Papers, British Architectural Library (RIBA).

11 Smirke, Robert, ‘Account of Some Remains of Gothic Architecture in Italy and Sicily’, Archaeologia or Miscellaneous Tracts Relating to Antiquity, XV (1806), pp. 364, 365 Google Scholar.

12 Ibid., plates XXI and XXII.

13 SirEnglefield, H. C., ‘Observations on the preceding Paper respecting the remains of Gothic Architecture in Italy &c’, Archaeologia or Miscellaneous Tracts Relating to Antiquity, xv (1806), p. 370 Google Scholar.

14 Interestingly, this is a conclusion with which Cresy and Taylor (discussed below) appear to disagree, implying that the upper storey was of a later date. See below, Cresy and Taylor, Architecture, p. 43.

15 Salmon, Frank, ‘British Architects, Italian Fine Arts Academies, and the Foundation of the R.I.B.A., 1816-43’, Architectural History, 39 (1996), p. 78 CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

16 Sydney Smirke was seventeen years younger than his brother Robert (1781–1867). Both were to win the Royal Gold Medal for Architecture.

17 Sydney Smirke to his sister Mary, Pisa, 10 November 1824, Smirke Papers, British Architectural Library (RIBA).

18 Ibid.

19 Sydney Smirke to his brother Robert, Pistoia, 26 November 1824, Smirke Papers, British Architectural Library (RIBA). Why Smirke should underline ‘construction’ is intriguing: perhaps he meant nothing more than construction details.

20 That it was novel is perhaps apparent from his comment that, in describing the Veronese architecture of the middle ages, he felt the need for ‘a convenient term; the word Gothic having been appropriated to the modification of the pointed style, which prevails in our own country.’ See Woods, Joseph, Letters of an Architect from France, Italy and Greece, 2 vols (London, 1828), 1, p. 235 Google Scholar.

21 For example, ‘One more church and I have done with the Gothic architecture of Verona … Before turning to the modern architecture of Verona, I must just mention to you the three principal tombs of the Scaligers.’ Ibid., pp. 235, 236.

22 Ibid., pp. 225-27.

23 Ibid., p. 229.

24 Ibid., p. 315.

25 Between October 1816 and June 1819, Woods visited, sometimes more than once, Milan, Bologna, Verona, Venice, Florence, Siena, Rome, Ostia, Perugia, Cortona, Arezzo, Modena, Parma, Mantua, Ferrara, Ravenna, Macerata, Naples, Bari, Athens, Malta, Syracuse, Catania, Taormina, Messina, Palermo, Agrigen-tum, Segesta, Pompeii, Paestum, Salerno, Assisi, Pisa, Lucca, Carrara, Genoa, and Turin.

26 Woods, , Letters, 1, p. 393 Google Scholar.

27 I am grateful to Mr Frank Salmon of the University of Manchester for bringing this book, and the application of colour in some copies of it, to my attention.

28 Cresy, Edward and Taylor, George Ledwell, Architecture of the Middle Ages illustrated by a view, plans, sections, elevations, and details of the Cathedral, Baptistry, Leaning Tower or Campanile, and Campo Santo, at Pisa … (London, 1829), Plates 9.1 Google Scholar, 9.2, 9.3, 11b, 11c, and 11d.

29 Ibid., p. 15.

30 Ibid., p. 18.

31 Ibid., p. 54.

32 Ibid., p. 31.

33 Ibid., pp. 26-27.

34 Ibid., p. 27.

35 Taylor, Arthur, ‘Remarks on the Gothic Ornaments of the Duomo, Battistero, and Campo Santo, of Pisa’, Archaeologia or Miscellaneous Tracts Relating to Antiquity, XX (1824), pp. 537-52Google Scholar.

36 Willis, Robert, Remarks on the Architecture of the Middle Ages, Especially of Italy (Cambridge, 1835), p. iii Google Scholar.

37 Buchanan, Alexandrina, ‘Robert Willis and the Rise of Architectural History’ (doctoral thesis, University of London, 1995), p. 46 Google Scholar.

38 Willis, Remarks, p. 140.

39 Willis, Remarks, p. 12 n.

40 The Charter of the Institute was laid before the members by the Secretary, T. L. Donaldson, on 6 February 1837. Papers Read 1835-49, British Architectural Library (RIBA). For more on Donaldson and the establishment of the IBA, see Salmon, ‘British Architects’, pp. 78-80.

41 See the small red pocket-book in which Donaldson noted the membership and proceedings of the Committee. Papers Read 1835-49, British Architectural Library (RIBA), 19(n).

42 For Donaldson, see Sandra Blutman, ‘The Father of the Profession’, R.l.B.A. Journal (December 1967), pp. 542–44. For the rest of the Committee see Colvin’s Biographical Dictionary of British Architects and the Dictionary of National Biography.

43 Stuart, James and Revett, Nicholas, Antiquities of Athens, 4 vols, 1754 Google Scholar ff.

44 Papers Read 1831-40., British Architectural Library (RIBA), no. 12, p. 1 ; also no. 13.

45 Quoted in Jones, Owen, An Apology for the Colouring of the Greek Court in the Crystal Palace (London, 1854), P.9 Google Scholar.

46 Jacques-Ignace Hittorff, also known as Jakob Ignaz Hittorff, and Karl Ludwig Wilhelm von Zanth were pupils of Charles Percier in Paris and had travelled together in Italy and Sicily in 1823-24. Hittorff was elected an Honorary Corresponding Member of the IBA on 25 May 1835, and Zanth on 3 December 1838. See Salmon, ‘British Architects’, p. 113 n. 133 and pp. 100–01.

47 See Salmon, ‘British Architects’, p. 96. Salmon also says that Hittorff was in London to examine the Elgin Marbles for a second time. See p. 111 n. 101.

48 ‘Report of the Committee appointed to examine the Elgin Marbles in order to ascertain whether any evidences remain as to the employment of color [sic] in the decoration of the Architecture or Sculpture’, Papers Read 1835-49, British Architectural Library (RIBA), no. 18, pp. 17-19. See also Donaldson’s notebook, loc. cit.

49 Ibid., no. 18, p. 20.

50 Ibid., no. i8, p. 21.

51 Ibid., no. 18, p. 20V.

52 Bartholomew, Alfred, Specifications for Practical Architecture, preceded by an essay on the Decline of Excellence in the Structure and in the Science of Modern English Buildings; with a Proposal of Remedies for Those Defects, 2nd edn (London, 1846), chap. LXXXIV Google Scholar.

53 Ibid., para. 683.

54 Ibid., para. 689.

55 Ibid., para. 685. ‘The Stuarts of Britain’ is a reference to Stuart and Revett.

56 Semper, Gottfried, Vorläufige Bemerkungen über bemalte Architectur und Plastik bei den Alten (Altona, 1834), p. 15 Google Scholar. I am grateful to Professor Dick Geary of the University of Nottingham for his translation from the German.

57 Gwilt, Joseph, Encyclopaedia of Architecture, Historical, Theoretical and Practical (London, 1842), p. 678 Google Scholar, para. 2511.

58 See Buchanan, ‘Willis’, p. 40.

59 Gwilt, Encyclopaedia, p. 678, para. 2512.

60 Ibid., p. 678, para. 2512.

61 suggests, Stefan Muthesius, in The High Victorian Movement in Architecture 1850-1870 (London and Boston, 1972, pp. 20 Google Scholar and 214 n. 90), that Pugin used colour reluctantly and that the coloration at Cheadle was the result of Lord Shrewsbury’s insistence. Roderick O’Donnell, writing more recently, argues otherwise, quoting Pugin (1844) thus: ‘I am half frantic with delight. I have seen such churches with the painting and gilding near perfect!!!!’ See O’Donnell, Roderick, ‘Pugin as a Church Architect’, in Atterbury, Paul and Wainwright, Clive (eds), Pugin. A Gothic Passion (New Haven and London, 1994), pp. 74–76 Google Scholar.

62 I am grateful to Dr Roderick O’Donnell of English Heritage for alerting me to the use of structural polychromy at the Grange, and to Ms Catriona Blaker, Hon. Secretary of the Pugin Society, for visiting the Grange and inspecting the brickwork for me.

63 John Newman, ‘St. Augustine’s, Ramsgate, as a Kentish church’, from the transcript of a lecture given to the Pugin Society in October 1996, p. 4. Newman argues in this paper that the knapped flint and stone or brick banding are very much a Kentish tradition. I am grateful to Ms. Catriona Blaker for bringing this paper to my attention.

64 Wedgwood, Alexandra (ed.), ‘“Pugin in his home.” A memoir by J. H. Powell’, Architectural History, 31 (1988), p. 194 CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

65 Pugin, A. W. N., The True Principles of Pointed or Christian Architecture (London, 1841), p. 1 Google Scholar.

66 See Crinson, Empire Building, pp. 28-31.

67 Coste, Pascal, Architecture arabe ou monuments du Kaire, mesurés et dessinés, de 1818 à 1825 (Paris, 1839), colour plates X, XI and XII Google Scholar.

68 Uncoloured line drawings, on the other hand, did examine details of the buildings. See, for example, plate III, ‘Détails de la Mosquée Teyloun.’

69 Jones, Owen, Plans, Elevations, Sections and Details of the Alhambra: from drawings taken on the spot in 1834 by the late M. Joules Goury and in 1814 and 1837 by Owenjones, Archt., 2 vols (London, 1842, 1845)Google Scholar. The plates seem to have been issued separately, and perhaps singly, between 1837 and 1845.

70 Ibid., 1, plate XXXVIII.

71 See Pevsner, Nikolaus, Some Architectural Writers of the Nineteenth Century (Oxford, 1972), p. 67 Google Scholar, n. 22.

72 Knight, Henry Gaily, The Ecclesiastical Architecture of Italy, from the time of Constantine to the Fifteenth century, 2 vols (London, 1842, 1844), 11, plate V Google Scholar, n.p.

73 Ibid., 11, plate XXXII, n.p.

74 Ibid., 11, plate XXXIII, n.p.

75 Even if this was for reasons of economy, it nevertheless means that those who had not see the buildings in situ had no real conception of their coloration.

76 Crook (Dilemma, p. 280 n. 12) suggests that ‘possible models for [the] Wilton church are San Michele, Pavia (T Hope, An Historical Essay on Architecture, 1835) and Santo Carcere, Catania (H Gaily Knight, Saracenic and Norman Remains, 1840, pl. x).’ Some of the forms of the Wilton church appeared in T. H. Wyatt’s album of travel sketches now in the Yale Center for British Art, New Haven, Connecticut.

77 The Ecclesiologist (February 1844), pp. 86-87.

78 James, Thomas, ‘On the Use of Brick in Ecclesiastical Architecture’, Fourth Report of the Architectural Society of the Archdeaconry of Northampton (Northampton, 1847), p. 25 Google Scholar.

79 Ibid., p. 26.

80 Ibid., p. 29.

81 Ibid., p. 36.

82 For Wild, see Crinson, Empire Building, pp. 98-T07; Summerson, ‘Early Modernist’, pp. 57-62; van Zanten, Architectural Polychromy, pp. 344–51; and Wild’s obituary by C Purdon Clarke, ‘James W. Wild’, R.I.B.A.Journal (30 March 1892), pp. 275-76.

83 Crinson, Empire Building, p. 98. See also van Zanten, Architectural Polychromy, pp. 345–48.

84 These two churches were All Saints, Botley, Hampshire (1836) and Holy Trinity, Greenwich, Kent (1838-39). On 14 March 1839 the Rev. N. A. Soames wrote that Wild ‘is now building a Church at Southampton & another in the Isle of Wight’ (London Metropolitan Archive P95/CTC1/17/143); and on 13 September 1840 Wild writes that he has to go down to the Isle of Wight for a committee meeting (London Metropolitan Archive P95/CTC1/17/145). This church would be St Stephen, Newport, dated by Pevsner, Nikolaus and Lloyd, David as 1844 (Hampshire and the Isle of Wight, Harmondsworth, 1967, p. 750)Google Scholar.

Wild’s obituary (Purdon Clarke, ‘Wild’, p. 276) says that ‘before he was twenty-six [ie. 1840] he had built six churches.’ These could include St Lawrence, Southampton, 1839-42. dem.; St Cuthbert and St Mary, Barton, Yorkshire, 1840-41; Holy Trinity, Coates, Cambridgeshire, 1840-41; and St Paul, Valetta, Malta, 1839. All the churches, except perhaps Valetta, were in the Norman or Early English style. However Nikolaus Pevsner attributes Barton to Bonomi, Ignatius (Yorkshire, The North Riding, Harmondsworth, 1978, p. 72)Google Scholar, although engravings for Barton (and Coates), crediting Wild as architect, are held in the Prints and Drawings Collection, Victoria and Albert Museum (94.J.24).

85 There is no indication of Wild’s having travelled abroad before he went to Egypt in 1842. The point, however, is inconclusive. There are a quantity of drawings made by Wild of the Alhambra and of the Alcazan in Seville retained in the Prints and Drawings Collection at the Victoria and Albert Museum (94.J.25) which are all, apparently, undated. Could he have visited Spain in 1839 or early 1840, perhaps at the instigation of Owen Jones? His studies of lattice-work (E 3927-1938) and doorways (E 3908-1938, E 3910-1938) at the Alcazan, could provide a precedent for the ‘rose’ window at Christ Church, Streatham.

86 Van Zanten says Wild and Jones shared a house between 1846 and 1848, and Jones married Isabella Wild in 1848. See van Zanten, Architectural Polychromy, pp. 215-16 and 349. Crinson, drawing upon Derby, has Jones and Wild sharing a house in 1841, Jones marrying Isabella Wild in 1842, and Wild returning from Egypt in 1847. See Crinson, Empire Building, pp. 98, 107 and 247 n. 2. In March 1839, Soames gives Wild’s address as 35 Albermarle Street, London (London Metropolitan Archives P95/CTC1/17/143). In 1840-42, Wild was writing from 130 Piccadilly, London. See London Metropolitan Archives P95/CTC1/17/139-151, etc.

87 See Salmon, ‘British Architects’, p. 83.

88 In 1835 Basevi won the competition for the Fitzwilliam Museum, Cambridge, which established him as a leading Classicist.

89 Nairn, Ian and Pevsner, Nikolaus, Sussex (Harmondsworth, 1965), p. 429 Google Scholar.

90 Purdon Clarke, ‘Wild’, p. 276.

91 London Metropolitan Archive P95/CTC1/17/143.

92 Van Zanten, however, suggests that Wild began the design in 1838. (Architectural Polychromy, pp. 345, 348) He says (p. 345) that ‘Three preliminary sketches for the church’s facade survive in the Victoria and Albert Museum, one of which is dated 1838.’ These presumably are the three sketch elevations, sans tower, in the Museum’s Department of Prints and Drawings, nos E 3644-1938, E 3655-1938 and E 3646-1938 (94.J.24). I could not see any date on these drawings and, in any case, Soames’s letter to Blunt (London Metropolitan Archives P95/CTC1/17/143) would render such an early start highly unlikely.

93 Letter from Wild to Blunt, 10 February 1840, London Metropolitan Archive P95/CTC1/17/139.

94 The Incorporated Church Building Society, ICBS 2698, fols 1–2, Lambeth Palace Library.

95 Minute Book of the Incorporated Society for Promoting the Enlargement, Building and Repairing of Churches and Chapels, ICBS Minute Books, vol. 10, p. 28, Lambeth Palace Library.

96 Raven’s appointment as incumbent of Christ Church was confirmed on 12 March 1840. See London Metropolitan Archives P95/CTC1/17/61-63.

97 ICBS 2698, fols 1-2.

98 See ICBS Minute Books, vol. 10, for other awards made at that time.

99 ICBS 2698, fols 1-2. For the building contract, dated 27 August 1840, see London Metropolitan Archives P95/CTC1/17/81. The contract was for-£4581 17s. 6d.

100 By 1 January 1839, Blunt had already raised almost, £1,250 through subscriptions, with him and J. G. Fuller promising £100 each. See London Metropolitan Archives P95/CTC1/17/153. See also Payne, John, Hargreaves, Brenda, Ivory, Christopher, Christ Church Streatham. A History and Guide, 3rd edn (Streatham, 1999), P. 5 Google Scholar.

101 ICBS 2698, fol. 27.

102 ICBS 2698, fol. 3.

103 ICBS 2698, fol. 5. Wild had, in fact, designed Christ Church using the same seating dimensions as at Holy Trinity, Greenwich, 34 × 20 inches for pews and 27 × 18 inches for free seats. The regulations at the time Christ Church was designed required 34 × 20 inches and 30 × 18 inches respectively. To conform to this meant a loss of 16 seats. The new regulations, brought in after Christ Church was designed, required both pews and free seats to be 35 × 20 inches, resulting in a loss of 50 seats. The measurements are pew-back to pew-back, by seat width. For further correspondence and accounts regarding pews and pew rents, see London Metropolitan Archives P95/CTC1/31/1-6.

104 ICBS 2698, fol. 8.

105 Ibid.

106 See Good’s Reports of 9 June and 24 June 1840, ICBS 2698, fols 11 and 17.

107 There is a handwritten comment in the margin of Good’s Report of 9 June 1840 saying ‘Boards have allowed a smaller space for sittings, in this case.’ See ICBS 2698, fol. 11. This was minuted by the Board at the Committee meeting of 18 May 1840. See ICBS Minute Books, vol. 10, p. 54.

108 See ICBS 2698, fols 14, 15, 29.

109 ICBS 2698, fol. 23. Copy letter at London Metropolitan Archives, P95/CTC1/17/135. A very similar letter had been written to HM Commissioners on 15 December 1841, London Metropolitan Archives P95/CTC1/17/T36.

110 Ibid.

111 The ICBS authorized the release of the £500 grant on 20 May 1842. See also ICBS Minute Books, vol. 11, p. 108, and letter from Rodber to Raven, 20 May 1842, London Metropolitan Archives P95/CTC1/17/137.

112 London Metropolitan Archives, P95/CTC1/17/137.

113 Letter from Good to Raven, 12 January 1842, London Metropolitan Archive P95/CTC1/17/133.

114 ICBS 2698, fol. 27.

115 London Metropolitan Archives, P95/CTC1/17/137.

116 ICBS 2698, fol. 23.

117 Letter from Wild to Raven, 28 February 1841. London Metrolopitan Archives P95/CTC1/17/148.

118 Letter from Wild to Raven, Thursday 12 May 1841, London Metropolitan Archives P95/CTC1/17/144.

119 Letter from Wild to Raven, 3 March 1841, London Metropolitan Archive P95/CTCT/17/T51.

120 Letter from Wild to Raven, 25 September 1840, London Metropolitan Archive P95/CTC1/17/140. A west elevation (no. III) showing the arched timber cornice is one of seven drawings at the church. They all bear the label James William Wild Arch^t April 9^th 1840 130 Piccadilly’ and are numbered I to VIII (IV is missing). This date would be when the drawings were completed. They were subsequently sealed by the ICBS and HM Commissioners and signed by W. J. Rodber (probably for the ICBS), John Thompson (the builder), John Labouchere (Treasurer to the Fund), and S. J. Blunt (Churchwarden). It is likely that these were also used as contractual drawings as part of a building contract dated 27 August 1840 between Thompson, Labouchere, Samuel Jasper Blunt and Joseph Hartneil (Churchwarden). London Metropolitan Archives P95/CTC1/17/81.

121 Letter from Wild to Raven, 12 November 1840, London Metropolitan Archives P95/CTC1/17/141.

122 London Metropolitan Archives P95/CTC1/17/148.

123 Wild is here asking for Italian tiles. Letter from Wild to Raven, 17 March 1841, London Metropolitan Archives P95/CTC1/17/149.

124 Wild wrote: ‘I wish also that the roof of the Campanile should be built in solid brickwork ornamented like the rest of the church in colored [sic] patterns. — The appearance would be much better than the slate — and it would never require repair—’. See London Metropolitan Archives P95/CTC1/17/148.

125 Wm Boutcher, ‘On brickwork’, The Builder (2 September 1848), p. 423.

126 On 25 September 1840 Wild obtained prices for ‘extra guaged and colored [sic] arches, to the upper side & apse windows’. London Metropolitan Archives P95/CTC1/17/140.

127 Van Zanten, Architectural Polychromy, p. 350.

128 E 3647-1938 (A-244) Prints and Drawings Collection, Victoria and Albert Museum, London. Van Zanten (Architectural Polychromy, p. 347 and plate 129) confusingly dates this drawing as 1840.

129 The following sources are my analysis: van Zanten (Architectural Polychromy, pp. 345-48) suggests others.

130 Jones, , Alhambra, 1, plate I Google Scholar.

131 Ibid., plate XXXIII.

132 Ibid., plate XX.

133 Coste, Architecture arabe, plate III.

134 Streatham New Church. Arrangements for Consecration and Appropriation of Pews, London Metropolitan Archives P95/CTC1/17/167.

135 ICBS 2698, fols 33-34.

136 ICBS 2698, fol. 31.

137 ICBS 2698.

138 Payne, Christ Church, p. 7.

139 See van Zanten, Architectural Polychromy, p. 348, and Payne, Christ Church, p. 13. In a letter to me dated 8 March 2000, the Rev. Christopher Ivory, Vicar of Christ Church, says, ‘Jones was clearly paid as architect in connection with the project for the finishing of the church (decorating, heating, ventilating and provision of an organ). It seems unlikely that Jones was picked out of the blue for this. It does suggest that the people concerned knew of his involvement earlier on.’

140 Wild to Wood, 14 December 1841, Borthwick Institute of Historical Research (Hickleton Papers), York, A2.42.5, quoted in Crinson, Empire Building, p. 99.

141 Quoted in Summerson, John, Heavenly Mansions and Other Essays on Architecture (London, 1949), p. 195 Google Scholar.

142 In their review of the second volume of The Stones of Venice, The Ecclesiologists said: ‘We must express our regret also that, in this volume as before, Mr. Ruskin takes no notice of the efforts and successes of other architectural writers and thinkers in the same field. He has often been anticipated in many of the principles he lays down, and the arguments by which he enforces them: and we do not think his work would have been less influential, had its general readers been made to understand that the author did not stand quite alone, nor even foremost in point of time, in his onslaughts on many of the false principles of the day.’ The Ecclesiologist (December 1853), p. 415.

143 The Preface of The Stones of Venice, 1, is signed ‘Denmark Hill, February, 1851.’

144 Ruskin, Stones, 1, chap. XXVI, para. IV.

145 On 26 May 1842, Wild signed the receipt for his fifth fee instalment (£50). The two last receipts dated 17 September 1842 (£50) and 7 January 1843 (£65) were signed for him, in his absence, by Margt. Wild [sic]. Wild’s total fee for Christ Church was £340 plus £2 2s. od. expenses. London Metropolitan Archives P95/ CTC1/17/25.

146 See The Builder (5 September 1846), pp. 421, 426.

147 ‘All Saints, Knightsbridge’, The Ecclesiologist (August 1849), p. 64.

148 James, ‘Use ofBrick’, p. 35.

149 Bartholomew, Specifications, para. 32.

150 James, ‘Use ofBrick’, p. 36.

151 The Builder (18 September 1847), p. 447.

152 2 & 3 Viet. cap. 24.

153 Dobson, Edward, A Rudimentary Treatise on the Manufacture of Bricks and Tiles … (London, 1850), part I, p. 8 Google Scholar.

154 12 and 13 Viet cap. 9.

155 See Bowley, Marian, Innovations in Building Materials, An Economic Study (Cambridge, 1966), part 2, p. 64 Google Scholar.

156 See Jackson, Neil, ‘Views with a Room: taxation and the return of the bay window to the third rate speculative houses of nineteenth-century London’, Construction History, 8 (1992), pp. 55–67 Google Scholar.

157 Boutcher, ‘On brickwork’, p. 424.

158 ‘All Saints, Margaret Street, London’, The Ecclesiologist (April 1850), pp. 432-33.

159 The Ecclesiologist (November 1841), p. 11.

160 Cambridge Camden Society, A Few Words to Church Builders (Cambridge, 1841), p. 9, para. 15.

161 The Ecdesiologist (December 1841), p. 25.

162 Ibid., p. 27.

163 Ibid., p. 20.

164 Pevsner, Architectural Writers, p. 127. Pevsner here references A Few Words to Church Builders, p. 5, but the reference appears to be incorrect.

165 The Ecdesiologist, Index, 3 (1844), n.p. Butterfield is listed in the Index under ‘Architects Approved’ on account of his new church at Coalpit Heath (reviewed on p. 113). R. C. Carpenter and Benjamin Ferrey are also listed under ‘Architects Approved’, but Charles Barry and Edward Blore are amongst those ‘Architects Condemned’.

166 Rev.Webb, Benjamin, Sketches of Continental Ecclesioiogy, or Church Notes in Belgium, Germany, and Italy (London, 1848), p. v Google Scholar.

167 Ibid., p. 274.

168 Ibid., p. 269.

169 See Street, George Edmond, Brick and Marble in the Middle Ages, Notes of a Tour in the North of Italy (London, 1855)Google Scholar.

170 Webb, Sketches, p. xiv.

171 Ibid., p. xviii.

172 Ibid., p. 362.

173 Ibid., p. 354.

174 Ibid., p. 256.

175 Ibid., p. 381.

176 Ibid., p. 382.

177 Ibid., p. 383.

178 Of St Mark’s Webb wrote: ‘Porphyry, jasper, serpentine and alabaster, verde, and rose antique, and a hundred others, give a truly eastern magnificence; to which art has lent its magic in every conceivable branch.’ Ibid., p. 269.

179 The Ecdesiologist (August 1851), p. 275.

180 The Ecdesiologist (October 1851), p. 348.

181 Ruskin, , Seven Lamps, chap. IV, para. XXXVI Google Scholar.

182 ‘All Saints’ Church, Margaret-Street, Cavendish-Square’, The Builder (22 January 1853), p. 56.

183 ‘All Saints’, Margaret Street’, The Ecdesiologist (June 1859), p. 184.

184 Thompson, Paul, ‘All Saints’ Church, Margaret Street, Reconsidered’, Architectural History, 8 (1965), pp. 73–87 CrossRefGoogle Scholar.