1 Vuilliamy, C. E., Aspasia: The Life and Letters of Mary Granville, Mrs Delany (1700–1788) (London, 1935), p. 181.Google Scholar

2 Lewis, Wilmarth Sheldon (ed.), The Yale Edition of Horace Walpole’s Correspondence, 48 vols (New Haven and London, 1937-83), XXXV, p. 359 (hereafter HW Corr.).Google Scholar

3 HW Corr., X, p. 43.

4 For a recent overview, see Clarke, Stephen, ‘Horace Walpole’s Architectural Taste’, 1650–1850 Ideas, Aesthetics and Enquiries in the Early Modern Era, 16 (2009), pp. 223–44.Google Scholar

5 The notable exception is the brief account in McCarthy, Michael, The Origins of the Gothic Revival (New Haven and London, 1987), pp. 105–11.Google Scholar

6 HW Corr., XX, p. 166.

7 HW Corr., XXXV, p. 359.

8 Anon., Windsor and its Environs (London, 1768), p. 79.Google Scholar

9 Llanover, Lady (ed.), The Autobiography and Correspondence of Mary Granville, Mrs Delany, 3 vols (London, 1862), I, p. 176.Google Scholar

10 See most recently, Friedman, Terry, The Eighteenth-Century Church in Britain (New Haven and London, 2011), pp. 215–17Google Scholar; Colvin, Howard, ‘Henry Flitcroft, William Kent and Shobdon Church, Herefordshire’, in Essays in Scots and English Architectural History: A Festschrift for John Frew, ed. Jones, David and McKinstry, Sam (Donnington, 2009), pp. 1–8 Google Scholar; Baxter, Ron, ‘Whose Heritage? The Problem of the Shobdon Arches’, Journal of the British Archaeological Association, 163 (2010), pp. 154–76CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Whitehead, David, ‘Artisan Attitudes to Gothic in Georgian Herefordshire’, Georgian Group Journal, 17 (2009), pp. 61–76.Google Scholar

11 Mowl, Timothy, Horace Walpole: The Great Outsider (London, 1996)Google Scholar; Bentman, Raymond, ‘Horace Walpole’s Forbidden Passion’, in Queer Representations: Reading Lives, Reading Cultures, ed. Duberman, Martin (New York, 1997), pp. 276–89Google Scholar; Elfenbein, Andrew, Romantic Genius: The Prehistory of a Homosexual Role (New York, 1999)Google Scholar; Haggerty, George, Men in Love: Masculinity and Sexuality in the Eighteenth Century (New York, 1999)Google Scholar; Haggerty, George, ‘Walpoliana’, Eighteenth-Century Studies, 34.2 (2001), pp. 227–49CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Haggerty, George, ‘Queering Horace Walpole’, Studies in English Literature, 46.3 (2006), pp. 543–62Google Scholar; Haggerty, George, ‘Strawberry Hill: Friendship and Taste’, in Horace Walpole’s Strawberry Hill, ed. Snodin, Michael (New Haven and London, 2009), pp. 75–79 Google Scholar; Haggerty, George, Horace Walpole’s Letters: Masculinity and Friendship in the Eighteenth Century (Lewisburg, 2011), and further studies cited below.Google Scholar

12 In particular, Trumbach, Randolph, Sex and the Gender Revolution: Volume One. Heterosexuality and the Third Gender in Enlightenment London (Chicago, 1998)Google Scholar, and Trumbach, Randolph, ‘Modern Sodomy: The Origins of Homosexuality, 1700–1800’, in A Gay History of Britain: Love and Sex Between Men Since the Middle Ages, ed. Cook, Matt (Oxford, 2007), pp. 77–106.Google Scholar

13 Reeve, Matthew M., ‘Gothic Architecture, Sexuality and License at Horace Walpole’s Strawberry Hill’, Art Bulletin, 95 (September 2013, in press).CrossRefGoogle Scholar

14 For example, Porter, David, The Chinese Taste in Eighteenth-Century England (Cambridge, 2010)Google Scholar; Levine, Neil, ‘Castle Howard and the Emergence of the Modern Architectural Subject’, Journal of the Society of Architectural Historians, 62.3 (2003), pp. 326–51CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Wittkower, Rudolph, ‘Classical Theory and Eighteenth-Century Sensibility’, in Wittkower, Rudolph, Palladio and English Palladianism (London, 1983), pp. 193–204 Google Scholar; Rykwert, Joseph, The First Moderns: Architects of the Eighteenth Century (Massachusetts, 1983)Google Scholar. On ‘modern’ art as rococo and ‘the new liberty of taste’, see Crown, Patricia, ‘British Rococo as Social and Political Style’, Eighteenth-Century Studies, 23.3 (1990), pp. 269–82.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

15 The World, XVI (12 April 1753), pp. 86–93. For John Gilbert Cooper’s description of ‘the splendid Impertinence, the unmeaning Glitter, the tasteless Profusion and monstrous Enormities […] [in] some of the Villas in our Neighbourhood of our Metropolis’, see his Letters Concerning Taste (London, 1755), p. 61. For an overview, see Allen, Beverley Sprague, Tides in English Taste, 2 vols (Cambridge, Mass, 1937, 1969), II, pp. 87–114 Google Scholar. On the Maccaroni, see Rauser, Amelia F., ‘Hair, Authenticity, and the Self-Made Macaroni’, Eighteenth-Century Studies, 38.1 (2004), pp. 101–17CrossRefGoogle Scholar, and Nussbaum, Felicity, ‘Effeminacy and Femininity: Domestic Prose Satire and David Simple ’, Eighteenth-Century Fiction, 11.4 (1999), pp. 1–24 (pp. 13–14).CrossRefGoogle Scholar

16 For a brief account of the subsequent history of the house, see Tyack, Geoffrey, Bradley, Simon and Pevsner, Nikolaus, The Buildings of England: Berkshire (New Haven and London, 2010), p. 417.Google Scholar Aspects of both the Chinese and Gothic ornament were still present in 1922-34, including quantities of painted glass. This is noted in correspondence to Wilmarth Sheldon Lewis from Katherine Theodora Cater of 1947. See Yale University, Lewis Walpole Library WSL Correspondence folder cas-ce, Wilmarth Sheldon Lewis, Correspondence. These details are absent from the 1969 sale particulars in Berkshire Record Office, D/EX 1051.15.

17 MrChristie, , Catalogue of that Museum of that much esteemed and truly valuable museum of the Hon. Richard Bateman (London, 1774).Google Scholar

18 Harris, John, ‘A Pioneer in Gardening: Dickie Bateman Re-assessed’, Apollo, 380 (1993), pp. 227–33Google Scholar; Harris, John, Gardens of Delight: The Rococo English Landscape of Thomas Robins the Elder (London, 1978), pp. 12–15 Google Scholar; Pococke, Richard, The Travels Through England by Richard Pococke, ed. Cartwright, James Joel, 2 vols (Cambridge, 1889), 11, p. 65.Google Scholar

19 These paintings were sold in the 2009 Old Master’s sale at Christie’s, London (sale 7744, lot 124).

20 Harris, , ‘A Pioneer’, p. 227 Google ScholarPubMed. It appears that Bateman’s redecoration of the interiors of Shobdon Court, Herefordshire, his father’s Palladian mansion, was in a similar manner. The evidence is now found in Hereford, Herefordshire County Record Office (hereafter ‘HRO’), G39/III/E, a series of letters from Richard Bateman to Mr Fallowes, the estate manager at Shobdon between 1739–63. For his acquisition of Chinese porcelain for Shobdon in 1740, see HRO, G39/III/E/37, letter, 1740, and for the Chinese bedroom, see HRO, G39/E/242, letter, 10 January 1749.

21 Painted in gouache, these paintings had deteriorated somewhat by the time they were photographed, making some details undiscernible. Harris, , Gardens of Delight, pp. 12–13.Google Scholar

22 Pococke, , Travels Through England, p. 64.Google Scholar Fortunately, the veracity of Robins’s view can be tested against a slightly later view by Thomas Sandby, which proves that he was accurate in most details. See Eustace Harwood, T., Windsor Old and New (London, 1929), p. 320 Google Scholar (facing page).

23 Pococke, , Travels Through England, p. 64 Google Scholar; Hazeltine, Alice I., ‘A Study of William Shenstone and his Critics with Fifteen Unpublished Poems’ (MA thesis, Wellesley College, 1913), p. 77 Google Scholar, citing Wellesley, Mass., Wellesley College Library, Shenstone MS, 1753-54. This page also includes an overlooked Latin ‘Inscription on a small Mausoleum supported by Four Ionic Pillars’ in Bateman’s garden.

24 Some of the original windows were employed to new uses at the property and are still extant.

25 A Chinese screen is mentioned in letters regarding Bateman’s portrait by Robert Tournières (Fig. 1). Undoubtedly to celebrate his role as ‘founder of the Sharawadgi taste’, Dickie asked that the panel be included in the background, thus suggesting that the work on the front may predate 1741. Harris, ‘A Pioneer’, p. 230; Cannon-Brookes, Peter, ‘Robert Tournières, Lord Bateman and Two Picture Frames’, The International Journal of Museum Management and Curatorship, 4 (1985), pp. 141–45.CrossRefGoogle Scholar In 1985, the original MS containing these letters was lost and was only known from a typescript. It has not been possible for the author to consult the typescript. The Chinese screen, however, appears to derive from Bateman’s farmhouse (Fig. 5) rather than Grove House.

26 HW Corr., XX, p. 199.

27 Pococke, , Travels Through England, p. 64.Google Scholar

28 London, British Library, RP 2377 (i), letter 2, 11 August 1759. This passage is often cited out of context from the partial transcription in Climenson, Emily T., Elizabeth Montagu: The Queen of the Bluestockings, 2 vols (London, 1906), II, p. 192.Google Scholar

29 Autobiography and Correspondence, III, p. 618.

30 Ibid., 1, p. 176.

31 It has not been possible to produce all of the images now available of Old Windsor. Some views not reproduced here are found in McCarthy, Origins of the Gothic Revival; Harris, ‘A Pioneer’; Harris, Gardens of Delight.

32 On Dugdale’s works, see most recently Roberts, Marion, Dugdale and Hollar: History Illustrated (Newark, 2002).Google Scholar This was noted by contemporary critics: in a rant on the impurity of contemporary villas, one author describes ‘monstrous Chimney-Pieces, that look like Family Monuments in a Cathedral’, although no particular villa is mentioned. See Cooper, Letters Concerning Taste, p. 64. A similar critique was advanced in The World, XII (22 March 1753), pp. 68–69: ‘A few years ago everything was Gothic; our houses, our beds, our book-cases, and our couches were all copied from some parts or other of our old cathedrals’. Walpole advocated the use of prints such as Dugdale for Gothic designs in his A Description of the Villa of Mr Horace Walpole (1784 edn, rep. London, 2010), p. 395: ‘The general disuse of Gothic architecture, and the decay and alterations so frequently made in churches, give prints a chance of being the sole preservatives of that style’.

33 Thomas Gray addressed letters to Walpole at Bateman’s in July 1758. HW Corr., XIV, p. 102.

34 ‘The Hon. Rich. Bateman at Old Windsor has altered his offices in 1758 according to a plan given by Mr Bentley.’ HW Corr., XXXV, p. 644.

35 ‘His cloister of founders, which by the way is Mr Bentley’s, is delightful’. HW Corr., X, p. 43. For Müntz’s design of the cloister, see McCarthy, Origins of the Gothic Revival, fig. 142.

36 Watts, Teresa S., ‘The Life and Work of Johann Heinrich Müntz (1727–1798)’ (doctoral thesis, University of Toronto, 1986), pp. 21-25, 49-53Google Scholar

37 McCarthy, , Origins of the Gothic Revival, p. 104.Google Scholar

38 Pote, Joseph, Les Delices de Windsore (London, 1771), p. 93.Google Scholar

39 Windsor and its Environs, pp. 82–83. These may have been the ‘twenty-two [framed paintings of] English worthies, poets &c’ mentioned in the details of the 3 May sale account. Christie, A Catalogue, p. 3.

40 McCarthy, , Origins of the Gothic Revival, p. 192 Google Scholar, n. 36: inscription on verso of Caducanus drawing, ‘Funeral monument of Caducanus, once Bishop of Hereford. J.H. Muntz Hereford 1759. The same erected at Old Windsor for the Honble [sic] R.: Bateman’. The canopy is an invention of Müntz and may reflect a commission by Bateman.

41 Walpole wrote covetously about Bateman’s chairs to William Cole on 9 March 1765. HW Corr., I, p. 90. See also Wainwright, Clive, The Romantic Interior: The British Collector at Home 1750–1850 (New Haven and London, 1989), pp. 58–59, 106.Google Scholar See n. 42.

42 24 September 1762. Walpole writes to George Montagu, ‘I envy him his old chairs and his tomb of Caducanus’ (both of which were in the cloister). HW Corr., X, p. 43. See also HW Corr., I, p. 90.

43 Snodin, Horace Walpole’s Strawberry Hill, cat. no. 34.

44 Keating, Geoffrey, Foras Feasa ar Éirinn: The History of Ireland, ed. and trans. Comyn, David and Dinneen, P. S., 4 vols (Dublin, 1902–14).Google Scholar The text was translated into English in 1723; Clare O’Halloran, ‘The Triumph of “Virtuous Liberty”: Representations of the Vikings and Brian Boru in Eighteenth-Century Histories’, Eighteenth-Century Ireland, 22 (2007), pp. 151–63. This monument may have been intended as a celebration of his brother’s Irish peerage.

45 See, however, Baxter, ‘Whose Heritage?’, p. 164.

46 Windsor and its Environs, pp. 79–80.

47 HW Corr., IX, pp. 197–98. These political allusions were not uncommon in the early phase of the Gothic Revival: William Beckford was to employ the heraldry from the Magna Carta signatories in a grand genealogical display at Fonthill Abbey culminating in a sculpture of his father — former Lord Mayor — holding a copy of the Magna Carta. See Hamilton-Phillips, Martha, ‘Benjamin West and William Beckford: Some Projects for Fonthill’, Metropolitan Museum Journal, 15 (1981), pp. 157–74 (p.167)CrossRefGoogle Scholar

48 This was noted in contemporary descriptions. For example, Windsor and its Environs, p. 81, and Pote, Joseph, Les Delices de Windsore (Eton, 1755), p. 80.Google Scholar Richard Pococke also draws attention to this and recounts the results of recent excavations near Bateman’s residence to unearth medieval foundations. Pococke, , Travels Through England, p. 64.Google Scholar

49 Windsor and its Environs, p. 82. The stained glass was still extant in 1934 and was described in a letter to Wilmarth Sheldon Lewis by its former resident Katherine Theorora Cater. Farmington, CT, Yale University, Lewis Walpole Library, WSL Correspondence cas-ce, 31 August and 20 October 1947.

50 Windsor and its Environs, p. 82.

51 Pote, , Les Delices de Windsore, p. 93.Google Scholar

52 For example, Walpole, Horace, Anecdotes of Painting in England, 3rd edn, 4 vols London 1782), I, p. 186.Google Scholar

53 Clarke, ‘Horace Walpole’s Architectural Taste’.

54 Harris, , ‘A Pioneer’, p. 229 Google ScholarPubMed; and Wainwright, , The Romantic Interior, pp. 80–81.Google Scholar

55 See Harwood, , Windsor Old and New, pp. 319–20.Google Scholar

56 HW Corr., XL, p. 18. Calè, Luisa, ‘Gray’s Ode and Walpole’s China Tub: The Order of the Book and The Paper Lives of an Object’, Eighteenth-Century Studies, 45.1 (2011), pp. 105–25.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

57 HW Corr., XXXV, p. 177. He also owned ‘A landscape in Indian ink, with Italian, Chinese and Gothic buildings; by Mr Bentley, in his best style’. This may well have been an image of Bateman’s house and gardens prior to his Gothicization. See Walpole, , A Description of the Villa of Mr Horace Walpole, pp. 432,428.Google Scholar

58 Porter, , The Chinese Taste, pp. 115–30.Google Scholar

59 HW Corr., XXXV, p. 241. For Walpole’s distrust of hybridity, see Clarke, , ‘Horace Walpole’s Architectural Taste’, pp. 235–37.Google Scholar

60 Porter, , The Chinese Taste, pp. 121–26.Google Scholar See, in general, Llewellyn, Nigel, ‘The Anecdotes of Painting and Continental Art History’, in Snodin, , Horace Walpole’s Strawberry Hill, pp. 137–49.Google Scholar

61 See most recently Rogers, Kevin, ‘Walpole’s Gothic: Creating a Fictive History’, in Snodin, Horace Walpole’s Strawberry Hill, pp. 59–73 Google Scholar; Silver, Sean, ‘Visiting Strawberry Hill: Horace Walpole’s Gothic Historiography’, Eighteenth-Century Fiction, 21.4 (2009), pp. 535–64.Google Scholar

62 See Reeve, Matthew M., ‘A Gothic Vatican of Greece and Rome: Horace Walpole, Strawberry Hill and the Narratives of Architecture’, Architecture and the Classical Tradition, from Pliny to Posterity, ed. Reeve, Matthew M. (New York, 2013, in press).Google Scholar

63 For the influence of Walpole and Strawberry Hill on eighteenth-century Gothic architecture, see McCarthy, , Origins, and McKinney, David Duane, ‘History and Revivalism: Horace Walpole’s Promotion of the Gothic Style of Architecture’, (doctoral thesis, University of Virginia, 1992), esp. pp. 250–79.Google Scholar On Walpole’s Strawberry Hill as a ‘court’, see Correspondence of Thomas Gray, 3 vols, ed. Paget Toynbee and Leonard Whibley (Oxford, 1935), II, p. 775.

64 Haggerty, , ‘Strawberry Hill: Friendship and Taste’, p. 84 Google Scholar; Haggerty, , Horace Walpole’s Letters, esp. pp. 69–86.Google Scholar

65 The fullest account of their patronage to date is McCarthy, Origins. A typical statement of this form of emulative patronage is Thomas Gray’s commentary on Thomas Wharton’s new interiors, stating with approval that his friend had ‘enter[ed] into the spirit of Strawberry-Castle’. Correspondence of Thomas Gray, I, pp. 406–07. Elsewhere, Walpole commented on Sanderson Miller’s Belhus, Essex, as being ‘in Gothic, and very true, through not up to the perfection of the committee’. HW Corr., XXXV, p. 183.

66 On the relationship of taste to gender, see most recently Vickery, Amanda, Behind Closed Doors: At Home in Georgian England (New Haven and London, 2009)Google Scholar, esp. chs 6 and 10. For aesthetic and / as sexual aisthesis, see Davis, Whitney, Queer Beauty: Sexuality and Aesthetics from Winckelmann to Freud and Beyond (New York, 2010).CrossRefGoogle Scholar

67 For example, HW Corr., xxi, p. 471; Haggerty, , Horace Walpole’s Letters, p. 78.Google Scholar

68 Clarke, , ‘Horace Walpole’s Architectural Taste’, p. 237.Google Scholar

69 On Lee Priory, see Robinson, John Martin, James Wyatt: Architect to George III (New Haven and London, 2012), pp. 220–23Google Scholar. The ‘Strawberry Room’ is now installed at the Victoria and Albert Museum. HW Corr., XII, pp. 111, 137; HW Corr., II, p. 59.

70 For the Vyne, see HW Corr, XXXV, p. 639. Elsewhere I have described these familial connections as a manifestation of ‘queer family romance’ based on Davis, Whitney, ‘Queer Family Romance in Collecting Visual Culture’, GLQ: Gay and Lesbian Quarterly, 17.2–3 (2011), pp. 309–29CrossRefGoogle Scholar. See Reeve, ‘Gothic Architecture, Sexuality and License’.

71 As noted in a letter by Mrs Delany of 29 January 1747 (Newport Public Library, vol. II, f. 105), that was recently published in Harris, Ellen T., Handel as Orpheus: Voice and Desire in the Chamber Cantatas (Cambridge, Mass, 2001), p. 19 Google Scholar: ‘Lord Bateman has sometimes been famous for a male seraglio’.

72 HW Corr., XXX, pp. 307–10 (p. 309).

73 Christie, , A Catalogue, pp. 6, 8.Google Scholar

74 Cannon-Brookes, , ‘Robert Tournières’, p. 143 Google Scholar. Bateman was also responsible for transporting and storing statuary for Lord Foley at his family estate at Shobdon Court: HRO, G39/E/71, letter, 1740.

75 Walpole and Bateman planned a visit to Redlynch to visit Stephen Fox in 1762. See HW Corr., XL, p. 249. I will discuss these in my forthcoming study. Henry Fox’s letters to Charles Hanbury Williams from the 1740s (now Yale University, Lewis Walpole Library, Charles Hanbury Williams Correspondence vol. 48) contain frequent references to Dickie Bateman, Old Windsor, and his tastes in architecture.

76 The Fox brothers manifestly shared tastes in architecture, as reflected in their correspondence with Bateman. See British Library, Add. MS 51373A, Holland House Papers, 29 January 1755, ff. 37–38, discussed in Colvin, , ‘Henry Flitcroff, pp. 1–2.Google Scholar

77 See most recently, Moore, Lucy, Amphibious Thing: The Life of Lord Hervey (London, 2000)Google Scholar. For Bateman’s connection, see pp. 76, 93. Hervey was described in Pope, Alexander, Epistle from Mr Pope to Dr Arbuthnot (London, 1735)Google Scholar: ‘Now high, now low, now Master up, now Miss, / And he himself one vile Antithesis … / Fop at the Toilet, Flatt’rer at the Board, / Now trips a Lady, and now struts a Lord’.

78 British Library, Add. MS 22628, Suffolk Papers, n.d., f. 39: in an unpublished note in Lady Hervey’s hand, she cleverly describes ‘the Society of Straw-berries’ in anthropological terms as a society newly formed with distinctive ‘Characters, Manners, Customs, Laws, Entertainments, places of meeting, and habit’, which can only refer to the men of Walpole’s circle. The note is undated. I am grateful to Eric Weichel for providing this reference. For the time spent by Walpole and Hervey at Bateman’s see HW Corr., XXXII, p. 241.

79 HW Corr., XXXII, p. 241; I, p. 325. The portrait hung in his flower garden cottage at Strawberry Hill. See Walpole, , A Description of the Villa of Mr Horace Walpole, p. 509.Google Scholar

80 Campbell, Jill, ‘Politics and Sexuality in Portraits of John, Lord Hervey’, Word and Image, 6.4 (1990), pp. 281–97.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

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82 Walpole, , A Description of the Villa of Mr Horace Walpole, pp. 435–36, 452–53, 464 Google Scholar; Reeve, ‘Gothic Architecture, Sexuality and License’.

83 Campbell, ‘Politics and Sexuality’; Weichel, Eric, ‘“Fixed by so much better a fire”: Wigs and Masculinity in Early 18th-century British Miniatures’, Shift: Queen’s Journal of Visual and Material Culture, 1 (2008), pp. 1–25 Google Scholar. Notably Hogarth’s 1755 Election series was dedicated to a broadly homoerotic circle including Charles Hanbury Williams and Henry Fox. See Krysmanski, Bernd W., Hogarth’s Hidden Parts: Satiric Allusion, Erotic Wit, Blasphemous Bawdiness and Dark Humour in Eighteenth-Century English Art (Hildesheim, 2010), p. 147.Google Scholar

84 HW Corr., X, p. 168.

85 See recently, Ostergard, Derek E., William Beckford 1760–1844: An Eye for the Magnificent (New Haven and London, 2001)Google Scholar. On the sexual valences of Beckford’s Fonthill, see Davis, Whitney, ‘The Site of Sexuality: William Beckford’s Fonthill Abbey, 1780–1824’, in Archaeologies of Sexuality, ed. Schmidt, Robert A. and Voss, Barbara L. (London and New York, 2000), pp. 104–16Google Scholar; and Davis, ‘Queer Family Romance’.

86 See especially Hill, Rosemary, ‘“The ivi’d ruins of forlorn Grace Dieu”: Catholics, Romantics and Late Georgian Gothic’, in Gothic Architecture and Its Meanings 1550–1830, ed. Hall, Michael (Reading, 2002), pp. 159–84Google Scholar. On Walpole’s crypto-Catholicism, see Mowl, , Horace Walpole, p. 236 Google Scholar, O’Malley, Patrick, Catholicism, Sexual Deviance, and Victorian Culture (Cambridge, 2006), esp. pp. 14–15.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

87 I have discussed this aspect of the Gothic in greater detail in Reeve, ‘Gothic Architecture, Sexuality and License’. See also Haggerty, , ‘The Horrors of Catholicism: Religion and Sexuality in Gothic Fiction’, in Haggerty, Queer Gothic, pp. 63–83 Google Scholar; Townsend, Dale, ‘“Love in a convent”: Or, Gothic and the Perverse Father of Queer Enjoyment’, in Queering the Gothic, ed. Hughes, William and Smith, Andrew (Manchester, 2012), pp. 11–35 Google Scholar; Hanson, Ellis, Decadence and Catholicism (Cambridge, Mass, 1997)Google Scholar; O’Malley, Patrick R., ‘Epistemology of the Cloister, Victorian England’s Queer Catholicism’, GLQ: A Journal of Gay and Lesbian Studies, 15.4 (2009), pp. 535–64CrossRefGoogle Scholar; and Patrick R. O’Malley, Catholicism, Sexual Deviance, and Victorian Culture; Acosta, Ana M., ‘Hotbeds of Popery: Convents in the English Literary Imagination’, Eighteenth-Century Fiction, 15.3-4 (2003) pp. 615–42CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Janes, Domenic, ‘Unnatural Appetites: Sodomitical Panic in Hogarth’s The Gate of Calais, or, O the Roast Beef of Old England (1748)’, Oxford Art Journal, 35.1 (2012), pp. 19–31 CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Hilliard, David, ‘UnEnglish and Unmanly: Anglo-Catholicism and Homosexuality’, Victorian Studies, 25.2 (1982), pp. 181–210.Google Scholar

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89 Sedgwick, Eve Kosofsky, Between Men: English Literature and Male Homosocial Desire (New York, 1985), p. 93.Google Scholar

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93 Here I paraphrase Hanson, Decadence and Catholicism, pp. 7, 24-25.

94 Autobiography and Correspondence, I, pp. 177-78.

95 HW Corr., I, p. 325. For the Malmesbury Chasse, see Wainwright, , The Romantic Interior, p. 134 Google Scholar, and Caudron, Simon, ‘Connoisseurs of Champlève Limoges Enamels in Eighteenth Century England’, British Museum Yearbook, 2 (1977), pp. 9–33 (pp. 16–18).Google Scholar

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97 Walpole, , Description of the Villa of Mr Horace Walpole, pp. 471, 473, 477.Google Scholar

98 HW Corr., XXXV, p. 185.

99 Despite the fact that Mrs Delany had lengthy homoerotic relationships with women, she remained traditional in her views and appears to have felt no solidarity toward men of the third sex or their tastes. Moore, Lisa L., ‘Queer Gardens: Mary Delany’s Flowers and Friendships’, Eighteenth-Century Studies, 39.1 (2005), pp. 49–70.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

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101 See above, n. 28.

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104 On the fribble in general, see King, Thomas A., ‘The Fop, the Canting Queen, and the Deferral of Gender’, in Presenting Gender: Changing Sex in Early Modern Culture, ed. Mounsey, Chris (Cranbury, NJ, 2001), pp. 94–135 (p. 131, n. 26)Google Scholar; King, Thomas A., The Gendering of Men, 1600–1750, Volume 1: The English Phallus (Madison, WI, 2004), esp. pp. 239–48Google Scholar, and King, Thomas A., Volume 2: Queer Articulations (Madison, WI, 2008), pp. 64–69, 128–34, 261–62, 267 Google Scholar; Senelick, Laurence, ‘Mollies or Men of Mode? Sodomy and the Eighteenth-Century London Stage’, Journal of the History of Sexuality, 1.1 (1990), pp. 33–67 Google ScholarPubMed; Trumbach, Randolph, ‘The Transformation of Sodomy from the Renaissance to the Modern World and Its General Sexual Consequences’, Signs, 37.4 (2012), pp. 832–48 (at pp. 841–42).CrossRefGoogle Scholar

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107 Garrick reprised the ‘fribble’ to satirize another ‘homosexual’ man in The Fribbleriad (1761), the Irish critic Thaddeus Fitzpatrick.

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111 Autobiography and Correspondence, II, p. 453.

112 Harwood, , Windsor Old and New, p. 320 Google Scholar. This would not be the last time Bateman was satirized: his effeminacy was the subject of Charles Hanbury Williams’s Isabella; or, the Morning (1740), in which Bateman is a foppish purveyor of Chinese novelties (’the newest, charming’st, most delightful thing!’). Williams, Charles Hanbury and Walpole, Horace, The Works of the Right Hon. Charles Hanbury Williams (London, 1822), pp. 72–89 (p.73).Google Scholar

113 Stylistic hybridity was a current concern of Lord Lyttelton. Writing to Elizabeth Montagu in the same year, he expressed concern that his own building project at Hagley Hall, Worcestershire, would be similarly critiqued as ‘little better than a gothick house modernized. The Goths will think it too Grecian and the Grecians too Gothic’. Climenson, , Elizabeth Montagu: Queen of the Bluestockings, II, pp. 148–49Google Scholar. See also Combe, William, Letters of the Late Lord Lyttelton (Dublin, 1785)Google Scholar, letter 20, on hybridity in architecture.

114 The World, XV (12 April 1753). See also Cooper, Letters Concerning Taste, letter IX.

115 In a fiercely homophobic critique of 1764, Walpole was described as a hermaphrodite. For discussion of this passage in the context of architecture, see Reeve, Matthew M., ‘Gothic’, Studies in Iconography, 33 (2012), pp. 233–46 (pp. 240–43).Google Scholar

116 Churchill, , Poems, I, p. 15–16.Google Scholar

117 I cite here the English translation: Lavater, Johann Kaspar, Essays in Physiognomy (London, 1783), p. 213 Google Scholar. On the reception of the text in England, see Graham, John, ‘Lavater’s Physiognamy in England’, Journal of the History of Ideas, 22.4 (1961), pp. 561–72.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

118 For example, Hart, Vaughan, ‘From Virgin to Courtesan in Early English Vitruvian Books’, in Paper Palaces: The Rise of the Renaissance Architectural Treatise, ed. Hart, Vaughan and Hicks, Peter (New Haven and London, 1998), pp. 297–320 Google Scholar; and Dodds, George and Tavernor, Robert, Body and Building: Essays on the Changing Relation of Body and Architecture (Cambridge, Mass, 2005).Google Scholar

119 My reference to the ‘gaudy gout’ is a paraphrase of Elizabeth Montagu’s 1749 description of Chinoiserie cited in Oswald, Arthur, ‘Mrs Montagu and the Chinese Taste’, Country Life, 30 April 1953, p. 1328.Google Scholar

120 Autobiography and Correspondence, II, pp. 273, 415. Mrs Delany also commemorated Bateman in her list of flower donors. See Ford, Lisa, ‘A Progress in Plants: Mrs Delany’s Botanical Sources’, in Mrs Delany and her Circle, ed. Laird, Mark and Roberts, Alicia Weisberg (New Haven and London, 2009), pp. 204–23 (pp. 214, 220).Google Scholar

121 Melchior-Bonnet, Sabine, The Mirror: A History, trans. Jewitt, Katherine H. (New York and London, 2002), p. 177.Google Scholar

122 Dittelbach, Thomas, ‘Die illusio verspottet sich selbst. Goethes Spiegeltheorem und die Villa dei Monstri des Fürsten von Palagonia’, Zeitschrift für Kunstgeschichte, 68 (2005), pp. 501–20Google Scholar; Laroque, Didier, ‘Les Miroirs de la Villa Palagonia’, in Miroirs XVes entretiens de la Garenne Lemot, ed. Pigeaud, Jackie (Rennes, 2011), pp. 263–71CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Chaimovich, Felipe, ‘Mirrors of Society: Versailles and the Use of Flat Reflected Images’, Visual Resources, 24.4 (2008), pp. 353–67CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Ezell, Margaret J. M., ‘Looking Glass Histories’, Journal of British Studies, 43.3 (2004), pp. 317–38CrossRefGoogle Scholar; and for an overview of costs and production in London, see Child, Graham, World Mirrors 1650–1900 (London, 1990), pp. 17–23 Google Scholar and Parker, James, ‘Rococo and Formal Order in English Furniture’, The Metropolitan Museum of Art Bulletin, NS 15.5 (1957), pp. 129–40.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

123 Windsor and its Environs, p. 80.

124 ’Insignificancy’ stood at the centre of the characterization of Fribble in Miss in Her Teens: Captain Loveit chides him as ‘a species too despicable for correction; therefore be gone; and if I see you here again, your insignificancy shan’t protect you’. See also Senelick, , ‘Mollies or Men of Mode?’ p. 53.Google ScholarPubMed

125 Porter, , The Chinese Taste; Stacey Sloboda, ‘Fashioning Bluestocking Conversation: Elizabeth Montagu’s Chinese Room’, in Architectural Space in Eighteenth-Century Europe: Constructing Identities and Interiors, ed. Baxter, Denise Amy and Martin, Meredith (Aldershot, 2010), pp. 129–48.Google Scholar Walpole himself was not above a jibe at Bateman’s Chinese enthusiasms: ‘durst I risk shaking ornaments of Bateman-architecture when every Chinese shelf has weak nerves?’ HW Corr., XL, p. 52.

126 King, , The Gendering of Men, 1600–1750, Volume 1, pp. 228–55 (p.229)Google Scholar. See also The Dictionary of Love, unpaginated, for the ‘Fop’ as a category of fastidious, narcissistic masculinity: ‘he passes most of his time in ogling himself in a glass, priming his figure, and caressing his curls and toupee’.

127 Autobiography and Correspondence, II, p. 25.

128 Davis, , Queer Beauty, pp. 187–242 Google Scholar. On the subsequent nineteenth-century history of these ideas in architectural description, see Hatt, Michael, ‘Space, Surface, Self: Homosexuality and the Aesthetic Interior’, Visual Culture in Britain, 8.1 (2007), pp. 105–28.Google Scholar

129 HW Corr., I, p. 325. Walpole’s friends also expressed interest in the sale and in Bateman’s artifacts. In a letter to Walpole, Cole writes, ‘I never wished for money more than at this instant, to enable me to have purchased St Anthony or St Francis over the door at Mr Bateman’s, with some other of his relics, and particularly Caducanus, the Welsh Bishop’. HW Corr., I, p. 327.

130 On the Christie’s sales of the eighteenth century, see in general Wall, Cynthia, ‘The English Auction: Narratives of Dismantlings’, Eighteenth-Century Studies, 31.1 (1997), pp. 1–25 CrossRefGoogle Scholar. Bateman’s sale is not mentioned.

131 HW Corr., XXXII, p. 241.