¹ Generallandesarchiv Karlsruhe (hereafter cited as GLA), Germany, 79 Breisgau Generalia, Auslaufregister: Vorlande “Schwabenbücher,” vol. 2, p. 12, 7 October 1541, fol. 234.Google Scholar

² I employ the model of Andreas, Suter, Der schweizerische Bauernkrieg von 1653. Politische Sozialgeschichte—Sozialgeschichte eines politischen Ereignisses (Tübingen, 1997), 36.Google ScholarA separation between structural history and eventual history or history of events, as Suter calls it, will not be used. Since there is not an existence of mere facts, their juxtaposition cannot result in a clear structure. Such a strict separation is not possible, as has been already pointed out by a number of authors.Google ScholarSee Volker, Sellin, Einführung in die Geschichtswissenschaft (Munich, 2001), 44;Google ScholarPeter, Borowsy, Barbara, Vogel, AND Heide, Wunder, Einführung in die Geschichtswissenschaft (Opladen, 1989), 29;Google Scholar for a historiographical perspective, see Christian, Simon, Historiographie. Eine Einführung (Stuttgart, 1996), 79–82.Google Scholar

³ Ludolf, Pelizaeus, “Der ‘gemainden große uffrur.’ Städtischer Widerstand und Protest in ‘Oberosterreich’ und ‘Kastilien’ am Anfang des 16. Jahrhunderts” (Habilitation, University of Mainz, 2003).Google Scholar

⁴ Rheinfelden is mentioned for the first time in 1057, whereas Laufenburg is not mentioned until 1207, when the Habsburgs already ruled the area. Pelizaeus, , “Der ‘gemainden große uffrur,’” 350.Google Scholar

⁵ Karl, Schib, “Die vier Waldstädte,” in Vorderösterreich, ed. Friedrich, Metz (Freiburg, 1977), 375–99, esp. 377;Google ScholarSchib, , Geschichte der Stadt Laufenburg (Aarau, 1951), 23–109;Google ScholarSchib, , Geschichte der Stadt Rheinfelden (Rheinfelden, 1961), 31–242.Google Scholar

⁶ Pelizaeus, “Der ‘gemainden große uffrur,’” 348;Google ScholarGeorges, Bischoff, “Du village ά la ville. Les années d'apprentissage (Xllle-XIVe siècles)” [From village to town: The years of apprenticeship (XIIIth to XVIth centuries)], in Histoire de Belfort [History of Belfort], ed. Yvette, Baradel (Roanne, 1985), 57–66.Google Scholar

⁷ The institution of the condominium—the rule of two or more Reichsstände within one geographical area—has been a factor that helped to produce resistance even during the eighteenth century.Google ScholarWerner, Trossbach, Bauern 1648–1806 (Munich, 1993), 87;Google ScholarHermann, Rebel, Peasant Classes: The Bureaucratization of Property and Family Relations under Early Habsburg Absolutism, 1511–1636 (Princeton, 1983), 10f.;Google ScholarDieter Kurt, Speck, Die vorderösterreichischen Landstände. Entstehung, Entwicklung und Ausbildung bis 1595/1602, vol. 1 (Freiburg, 1994), 21–27;Google ScholarKarl Josef, Seidel, Das Oberelsaβ vor dem Übergangan Frankreich: Landesherrschaft, Landstände und fürstliche Verwaltung in Alt-Vorderösterreich (1602–1638) (Bonn, 1980), 22.Google Scholar

⁸ The ancient division is still reflected by the organization of the archive in Innsbruck, where the “Oberösterreichische Hofregistratur” encompasses material on Tirol, Swabia, Burgau, Alsace, the Black Forest, and the Sundgau.Google ScholarSee Seidel, Das Oberelsaβ vor dem Übergang an Frankreich, 23.Google Scholar

⁹ There is no recent monograph on the history of Rheinfelden or Laufenburg. A short history can be found in Anton, Senti, “Die Herrschaften Rheinfelden und Laufenburg,”Google Scholarin Vorderösterreich, ed. Metz, 401–30;Google Scholar and Paul, Stintzi, “Die Habsburger im Elsaß,” in Vorderösterreich, ed. Metz, 505–64.Google Scholar

¹⁰ On the definition of small or medium-sized towns (Klein- und Mittelstädte),Google Scholarsee Schulze, Hans K., Grundstrukturen der Verfassung tin Mittelalter, vol. 2 (Mainz, 1992), 132–35;Google ScholarEberhard, Isenmann, Die deutsche Stadt im Spätmittelalter 1250–1500. Stadtgestalt, Recht, Stadtregiment, Gesellschaft, Wirtschaft (Stuttgart, 1988), 19–25;Google ScholarHerbert, Knittler, Die europäische Stadt in der frühen Neuzeit: Institutionen, Strukturen, Entwicklungen (Vienna, 2000), 13;Google ScholarTom, Scott, Regional Identity and Economic Change: The Upper Rhine, 1450–1600 (Oxford, 1997), 74–79, 91–94.Google Scholar

¹¹ Schib, , Geschichte der Stadt Laufenburg, 61–64.Google ScholarSee also the map in Hubert, Jedin, Kenneth Scott, Latourette, AND Jochen, Martin, eds., Atlas zur Kirchengeschichte (Freiburg, 2004), 97.Google Scholar

¹² Angelika, Wiesflecker, Die Oberösterreichischen Kammerraitbücher zu Innsbruck 1493–1519. Ein Beitrag zur Wirtschafts-, Finanz- und Kulturgeschichte der oberösterreichischen Ländergruppe (Graz, 1987), 16–18;Google ScholarHeinz, Noflatscher, Räte und Herrscher. Politische Eliten an den Habsburgerhöfen der Österreichischen Länder 1480–1530 (Mainz, 1999), 62–68.Google Scholar

¹³ See definitions by Brady, Thomas A., Turning Swiss: Cities and Empire 1450–1550 (Cambridge, 1985), 51.Google ScholarSee also Charles, Ingrao, The Habsburg Monarchy 1618–1815 (Cambridge, MA, 1994), 6–7.Google Scholar For the organization of the “upper lands,” see Otto, Stolz, Geschichtliche Beschreibung der ober- und vorderösterreichischen Lande (Karlsruhe, 1943).Google Scholar

¹⁴ Renate, Pieper, Die Vermittlung einer neuen Welt: Amerika im Nachrichtennetz des Habsburgischen lmperiums 1493–1598 (Mainz, 2000), 58–59.Google Scholar

¹⁵ See Speck, , Die vorderösterreichischen Landstände, 1:264–71;Google ScholarSeidel, , Das Oberelsaβ vor dem Übergang an Frankreich, 86–94.Google Scholar

¹⁶ On economic orientation, see Scott, , Regional Identity and Economic Change, 57–58, 92–94;Google ScholarChristophe, Grudler, “Les registres du péage de Belfort,” Bulletin de la Société Belfortaine d'Emulation (hereafter cited as BSBE) 86 (1995): 47–61, esp. 58.Google Scholar

¹⁷ For the entire text, see Roger, Boigeol, “La Guerre des Paysans dans la Porte de Bourgogne: 1525” [The Peasants' War at the portal of Burgundy], BSBE 74 (1982): 43;Google ScholarBischoff, “Du village ά la ville,” 61–66. On the legal situation,Google Scholarsee Henry, Bardi, “Les franchises de Belfort (mai 1307)” [The privileges of Belfort (May 1307)], Revue d'Alsace (1864): 529–37. Compare Thann, also situated in the Sundgau:Google ScholarHeider, C., “Thann, ville domaniale et chef-lieu de baillage sous les Ferette et les Habsbourg” [Thann, dominial town and main bailiff town under the (counts of) Pfirt/Ferette and the Habsburgs], Revue d'Alsace 128 (2002): 101–21, esp. 102–8.Google ScholarSee also Speck, , “Teutsch und Welsch. Vorderösterreichischer Adel, Regiment und Universität in ihren Beziehungen zu Frankreich und Burgund,” in Zwischen Habsburg und Burgund, ed. Konrad, Krimm and Rainer, Brüning (Sigmaringen, 2003), 195; I do not agree with his interpretation of the 1648 map.Google Scholar

¹⁸ Rebel, , Peasant Classes, 5–7.Google ScholarRebel's, work puts emphasis on the region around Linz, a territory called, by 1550, “Upper Austria.”Google Scholar

¹⁹ Ibid., 25.

²⁰ In 1363, the Habsburgs inherited Tirol. Brady, , Turning Swiss, 51f.Google Scholar

²¹ Certain parallels can be seen in Spain, where Charles V either sold cities and ecclesiastical land to noblemen or made cities pay for the concession of city rights.Google ScholarHelen, Nader, Liberty in Absolutist Spain: The Habsburg Sale of Towns, 1516–1700 (Baltimore, 1990), 99–101.Google Scholar

²² For an English-language description, see Rebel, , Peasant Classes, 25f.; for a short definition in German,Google ScholarseeWeyhe, L., “Pfandschaft,” and “Pfandschaftspolitik,” both in Lexikon des Mittelalters, ed. Norbert, Angermann et al. , vol. 6 (Munich, 1993), 2020–21.Google Scholar

²³ The forms of protest and the question of the difference between conflict and protest cannot be entered into here in great detail. The works and models developed by Winfried, Schulze and Horst, Carl are worth mentioning in this context. Schulze distinguished between latent, manifest, and violent protest, which Horst Carl has more exactly defined as disobedient anti-unjust advances, lawful protest, and violent protest.Google ScholarSee Winfried, Schulze, Bäuerlicher Widerstand und feudale Herrschaft in der frühen Neuzeit (Stuttgart, 1980), 89–114;Google Scholar and Horst, Carl, “Landfriedenseinung und Ungehorsam—der Schwäbische Bund in der Geschichte des vorreformatorischen Widerstandsrechts im Reich,” in Widerstandsrecht in der Frühen Neuzeit. Erträge und Perspektiven der Forschung im deutsch-britischen Vergleich, ed. Friedeburg, Robert v. (Berlin, 2001), 85–112, esp. 93.Google Scholar Another model can be found in Peter, Blickle, Deutsche Untertanen. Ein Widerspruch (Munich, 1981), 93–95.Google Scholar For an international comparison, see Thomas, Robisheaux, “The Peasantries of Western Germany 1300–1750,” in The Peasantries of Europe from the Fourteenth to the Eighteenth Centuries, ed. Tom, Scott (London, 1998), 111–44, esp. 139.Google Scholar Contrary to this position and following Robert Mousnier, see Hugues, Neveux, Les révoltes paysannes en Europe XlVe-XVIIe siède [Peasant rebellions in Europe, XlVth to XVIIth centuries] (Paris, 1997), 41.Google ScholarAccording to Berce, a people's revolt is (1) the actions of an armed group, which (2) unify the residents of a variety of locations and (3) hold their loyalty for more than one day. He excluded inquiries and religious wars.Google ScholarSee Yves Marie, Berce “Offene Fragen der französischen Bauernrevolten vom 16.-bis 18. Jahrhundert,” in Aufruhr und Empörung. Studien zum bäuerlichen Widerstand im Alten Reich, ed. Peter, Blickle, Peter, Bierbrauer, AND Claudia, Ulbrich (Munich, 1980), 60–75.Google Scholar

²⁴ Rebel, , Peasant Classes, 10–28, 167f.Google Scholar

²⁵ Ibid., xiv.

²⁶ For details, see Pelizaeus, , “Der ‘gemainden große uffrur,’” 55–56;Google Scholar and Stintzi, , “Die Habsburger im Elsaß,” 505–64, esp. 532–35.Google Scholar

²⁷ Wilhelm, Baum, Die Habsburger in den Vorlanden 1386–1486: Krise und Höhepunkt der habsburgischen Machtstellung in Schwaben am Ausgang des Mittelalters (Vienna, 1993), 501, 508, 556.Google Scholar

²⁸ Peter von, Hagenbach is still seen in a negative way, but most authors only base their judgment on negative views ex post. It must not be forgotten, however, that Hagenbach served the dukes of Burgundy, and therefore he undertook the enormous task of centralizing the administration and making it more effective.Google ScholarOn Hagenbach, see Werner, Paravicini, “Hagenbachs Hochzeit. Ritterlich höfische Kultur zwischen Burgund und dem Reich im 15. Jahrhundert,” in Zwischen Habsburg und Burgund, ed. Krimm and Bruning, 13–60, esp. 56–58.Google Scholar For reforms in Burgundy in the time of the “Great Dukes,” see Louis, Stouff, La description de plusieurs forteresses de Charles le Téméraire en Alsace et dans la haute vallée du Rhin par maitre Mongin Contault (1473) [The description of some fortresses of Charles the Bold in Alsacia and the higher Rhine valley made by Master Mongin Contault (1473)] (Paris, 1902);Google ScholarLouis, Stouff, Les possessions bourguignonnes dans la vallée du Rhin sous Charles le Téméraire (1471) [The Burgundian possessions in the Rhine valley in the time of Charles the Bold (1471)] (Paris, 1904).Google Scholar

²⁹ Baum, , Die Habsburger in den Vorlanden, 501, 508, 556.Google Scholar

³⁰ Hermann, Wiesflecker, Kaiser Maximilian I. Das Reich, Österreich und Europa an der Wende zur Neuzeit, vol. 1 (Vienna, 1971-1986), 113–35;Google ScholarScott, , Regional Identity and Economic Change, 46–48.Google Scholar

³¹ In this fourth point, I follow the ideas of one referee.Google Scholar On the “Bündisches System” as an alternative, see Carl, , “Landfriedenseinung und Ungehorsam,” 86–99.Google Scholar On the pronunciation of gravamina, see Speck, , Die vorderösterreichischen Landstände, 1:324–35;Google ScholarSeidel, , Das Oberelsaβ vor dem Übergang an Frankreich, 91–94.Google Scholar

³² On the Bundschuh movement, see Albert, Rosenkranz, Der Bundschuh. Die Erhebungen des südwestdeutschen Bauernstandes in den Jahren 1493–1517, 2 vols. (Heidelberg, 1927), 1:33–110;Google ScholarGünther, Franz, Der deutsche Bauernkrieg (Darmstadt, 1967), 56–79.Google ScholarMore recent analyses include Horst, Buszello, Dieter, Mertens, and Tom, Scott, “Die Stadt zwischen Reformation, Bauernkrieg und katholischer Reform,” in Geschichte der Stadt Freiburg, ed. Heike, Hartmann and Hans, Schadeck, vol. 2 (Stuttgart, 1994), 13–68, esp. 22–25;Google Scholar and Tom, Scott, Freiburg and the Breisgau: Town-Country Relations in the Age of Reformation and Peasants' War (Oxford, 1986), 163–89.Google ScholarOn the movement of the “Armer Konrad” at the same time,Google Scholarsee Andreas, Schmauder, Der Arme Konrad 1514. Ein Beitrag zum bäuerlichen und städtischen Widerstand im Alten Reich und zum Territorialisierungsprozeβi im Herzogtum Württemberg an der Wende zur Frühen Neuzeit. (Leinfelden-Echterdingen, 1998), 44–50, 174–85.Google Scholar

³³ On negotiations during the “Bundschuh” upheavals,Google Scholarsee Stadtarchiv Rheinfelden/Switzerland (hereafter cited as StAR), 1513, 109; 11 August 1517, StAR, 112; 16 September 1517. StAR, 113.Google Scholar

³⁴ Furthermore, one must keep in mind that the documentation that has survived to the present time about the diets is scarce. Also, Speck has based his research primarily on the documentation conserved in local archives. For the years 1522–26, however, very little has been preserved, apparently due to contemporary fear of punishment.Google ScholarSee Speck, , Die vorderösterreichischen Landstände, 12–17;Google Scholar and Burkert, Günther R., Landesfürst und Stände. Karl V., Ferdinand I. und die österreichischen Erbländer im Ringen um Gesamtstaat und Landesinteressen (Graz, 1987).Google Scholar

³⁵ In English: Tom, Scott and Bob, Scribner, The German Peasants' War: A History in Documents (Atlantic Highlands, 1991);Google ScholarPeter, Blickle, Resistance, Representations and Community (Oxford, 1997);Google ScholarPaul, Freedman, “The German and Catalan Peasant Revolts,” American Historical Review 98, no. 1 (1993): 39–54;Google ScholarPaula Sutter, Fichtner, Ferdinand I of Austria: The Politics of Dynasticism in the Age of the Reformation (New York, 1982), 13–39.Google ScholarRecent literature includes Alfred, Kohler, Ferdinand I, 1503–1564: Fürst, König und Kaiser (Munich, 2003), 60–88;Google ScholarThomas, Winkelbauer, Ständefreiheit und Fürstenmacht. Länder und Untertanen des Hauses Habsburg im Konfessionellen Zeitalter, 2 vols. (Vienna, 2003), 1:25–44.Google ScholarFor more literature, see Pelizaeus, , “Der ‘gemainden große uffrur,’” 43–78.Google Scholar

³⁶ The histories of a city are, in general, more a description of the history of the town, but not, as in Spain, scientific research on the city council.Google ScholarIn this respect, Scott's book Freiburg and the Breisgau is an outstanding example of such an analysis for Upper Austria.Google ScholarFor a comparison with Spain, see Pelizaeus, , “Der ‘gemainden große uffrur,’” 105–9;Google Scholarfor the state of research on Spain, see Maria Asenjo, González, “Las ciudades castellanas al inicio del reinado de Carlos V” [The Castilian cities at the beginning of the reign of Charles V], Studia historica. Historia Moderna 21 (1999/2000): 49–115.Google Scholar

³⁷ Tom, Scott, “Reformation and Peasants' War in Waldshut and Environs: A Structural Analysis, Part I,” in Archiv für Reformationsgeschichte (hereafter cited as ARG) 69 (1978): 82–102, esp. 86–88;Google Scholar and Scott, , “Reformation and Peasants' War in Waldshut and Environs: A Structural Analysis, Part II,” in ARG 70 (1979): 140–68.Google Scholar

³⁸ Georges, Bischoff, Gouvernés et Gouvernants en Haute Alsace a ľépoque Autrichienne. Les états de pays antérieurs des origines au milieu du XVIe siècle [Governed and governors in Upper Alsace in the Austrian epoch: The estates of the Outer Lands from their origins to the middle of the XVIth century] (Strasbourg, 1982), 255–57.Google Scholar

³⁹ A part of the documents for the early Reformation in Rheinfelden and the documents of the city's policy during the Peasants' War fell victim to a fire at city hall in 1531.Google ScholarThe government in Innsbruck presumed that interested city council members had ordered the fire to be set, as had happened in the Spanish city of Zamora after the Comunero rebellion in 1520–22.Google ScholarFor the conservation and documentation in Spain, Germany, Switzerland, France, Austria, and Portugal,Google Scholarsee Pelizaeus, , “Der ‘gemainden große uffrur,’” 11–15.Google Scholar

⁴⁰ Niklas, Landolt, Untertanenrevolten und Widerstand aufder Basler Landschaft im 16. und 17. Jahrhundert (Liestal, 1996), 152–214.Google Scholar

⁴¹ On Eberlin, ,Google Scholarsee the biography by Christian, Peters, Johann Eberlin von Günzburg, ca. 1465–1533. Franziskanischer Reformer, Humanist und konservativer Reformator (Gütersloh, 1994).Google Scholar

⁴² Eberlin, had a number of contacts with the leading families in Rheinfelden.Google ScholarIbid., 187f., 193.

⁴³ “... do allen gotseligen erbern leuthen gefiel sein predig,... und verantwort etlich rede wider den Eberlin felschlich furgebracht.Google Scholar” Johann, Eberlin, “Mich wundert …” in Eberlin von Günzburg. Sämtliche Schrifien, ed. Ludwig, Enders, vol. 3 (Halle, 1896-1902), 156.Google ScholarPeters, , Johann Eberlin von Günzburg, 185–87.Google Scholar

⁴⁴ Archives Departementales Haut Rhin, Colmar (hereafter cited as ADHR), Série 1 C 6008,1566.Google Scholar

⁴⁵ Schib, Rheinfelden, 99.Google Scholar

⁴⁶ Ibid., 73, 94–96.

⁴⁷ See Peters, , Johann Eberlin von Günzburg, 185.Google Scholar

⁴⁸ Ibid., 186.

⁴⁹ For a detailed analysis of his concept of state and social order, see Frank, Ganseuer, Der Staat des “gemeinen Marines”: Gattungstypologie und Programmatik des politischen Schrifttums von Reformation und Bauernkrieg (Bern, 1985), 236–315, esp. 243–50.Google Scholar

⁵⁰ Tiroler Landesarchiv Innsbruck (hereafter cited as TLA), Austria, Pestarchiv XVIII 55, no date, [1523], fol. 25.Google ScholarOn Eberlin's, stay in Rheinfelden,Google Scholarsee Peters, , Johann Eberlin von Günzburg, 188.Google Scholar

⁵¹ TLA, Pestarchiv XVIII 55, 10 December 1523, 13 December 1523, and 27 December 1523, fol. 20–25.Google Scholar

⁵² About the position of the city council vis-à-vis Balthasar Hubmair in Waldshut and Jakob Strauß, as well as Urban Regius in Hall,Google Scholarsee Pelizaeus, , “Der ‘gemainden große uffrur,”’ 148–64.Google Scholar

⁵³ Peters, , Johann Eberlin von Günzburg, 190.Google ScholarOn the struggle for power within Waldshut in the same period,Google Scholarsee Pelizaeus, , “Der ‘gemainden große uffrur,’” 148–54;Google Scholar and Scott, , “Reformation and Peasants' War … Part I,” 86–88.Google Scholar

⁵⁴ Kantonsarchiv Aarau (hereafter cited as KAA), Switzerland, AA, 6687, 1526; AA 6688, 1520.Google Scholar

⁵⁵ Peters, , Johann Eberlin von Günzburg, 192.Google ScholarEberlin, , “Mich wundert …,” 158.Google ScholarSee also Schib, , Rheinfelden, 162–66;Google ScholarScott, , “Reformation and Peasants' War … Part I,” 90.Google Scholar

⁵⁶ See Karl, Brandi, Karl V., vol. 1, Werden und Schicksal einer Persönlichkeit und ernes Weltreiches (Munich, 1964), 152;Google Scholar and Ernst, Schulin, Kaiser Karl V. Geschichte eines übergroßen Wirkungsbereiches (Stuttgart, 1999), 100–102.Google Scholar

⁵⁷ In claiming this right, both Waldshut and Rheinfelden ignored the fact that the agreement applied only to imperial entities (Reichsstände) represented in the Reichstag, but never to individual territorial cities without reichsunmittelbarem status.Google ScholarSee Historische Kommission of the Bayerische Akademie der, Wissenschaften, ed., Deutsche Reichstagsakten. Jüngere Reihe, vol. 3, Deutsche Reichstagsakten unter Kaiser Karl V. (Göttingen, 1962-2001), 449, 746f.Google Scholar

⁵⁸ Hofkammerarchiv Vienna (hereafter cited as HKA), Austria, II. RA F 78, 1526, fol. 61.Google Scholar

⁵⁹ TLA, An die fürstliche Durchlaucht (AfD) 1, 20 June 1524, fol. 200; GLA, 79 P12, vol. 1, 4.5, 16 July 1524, fol. 24, 32.Google ScholarFor the refusal to pay the tithe to Martin, St.,Google Scholarsee Scott, , “Reformation and Peasants' War … Part I,” 89.Google ScholarSee also Schib, , Rheinfelden, 168f.Google Scholar

⁶⁰ TLA, Von der königlichen Majestät (VkM) 1, Linz, 11 July 1524, Vienna, 5 November 1524, fol. 125, 203.Google Scholar

⁶¹ Peters, , johann Eberlin von Günzburg, 191–92.Google Scholar

⁶² TLA, Pestarchiv XVIII 55, 27 February 1524, fol. 67.Google Scholar

⁶³ The teachings of Hubmair, spread throughout the whole Upper Rhine region.Google ScholarSee Claus Peter, Clasen, Anabaptism: A Social History, 1525–1618. Switzerland, Austria, Moravia, South and Central Germany (Ithaca, 1972), 152–53;Google ScholarBalthasar, Hubmaier, “Schlussreden,” in Balthasar Hubmaier, Schriften, ed. Gunnar, Westin and Torsten, Bergsten (Gütersloh, 1962), 71–74;Google Scholar and Torsten, Bergsten, Balthasar Hubmaier. Seine Stellung zu Reformatio und Täufertum 1521–23 (Kassel, 1961), 130f.Google Scholar

⁶⁴ KAA, AA, 6687,13 June 1524.Google Scholar

⁶⁵ On the troubles finding a successor for Eberlin, see KAA, AA, 6687,9 July 1524.Google ScholarOn the key importance of the designation of Hubmair for the conflict between Waldshut, and Ensisheim, ,Google Scholarsee Scott, , “Reformation and Peasants' War …Part I,” 91–94.Google Scholar

⁶⁶ StAR, 109, 22 July 1520, 22 April 1521; [1521].Google Scholar

⁶⁷ See Pelizaeus, , “Der ‘gemainden große uffrur,”’ 69–72;Google ScholarHiroto, Oka, Der Bauernkrieg in der Landgrafschaft Stühlingen und seine Vorgeschichte seit der Mitte des 15. Jahrhunderts (Konstanz, 1998), 2–13.Google Scholar

⁶⁸ For the legal status of the Stein, see Pelizaeus, , “Der ‘gemainden große uffrur,’” 114–16.Google ScholarSee also Claudia, Ulbrich, “er Charakter bäuerlichen Widerstands in den vorderösterreichischen Herrschaften,” in Aufruhr und Empörung. Studien zum bäuerlichen Widerstand im Alien Reich, ed. Peter, Blickle, Peter, Bierbrauer, and Claudia, Ulbrich (Munich, 1980), 202–16, esp. 204.Google Scholar

⁶⁹ HKA, II. RA F 78, 1526, fol. 61.Google Scholar

⁷⁰ TLA, Pestarchiv XVIII 55, fol.Google Scholar

⁷¹ HKA, II. RA F 78, 1526, fol. 61. For a critical view of the role of German cities as territorial lord,Google Scholarsee Máximo Diago, Hernando, “Los Senoríos territoriales de las ciudades europeas bajomedievales. Análisis comparativo de los ejemplos castellano y alemán” [The territorial lords in late medieval cities: A comparative analysis of Castilian and German examples], Hispania 188 (1994): 791–844, esp. 803.Google Scholar

⁷² TLA, AfD 2, fol. 273.Google Scholar

⁷³ TLA, CD 1, 3 December 1524, fol. 160f.Google Scholar

⁷⁴ StAR, 113, 15 September 1525.Google Scholar

⁷⁵ StAR, 112, 12 November 1525.Google Scholar

⁷⁶ GLA, 79 P12, vol. 1, 16 February 1525, fol. 49–51. The Laufenburg council had urged the soldiers to pay since 1516. Stadtarchiv Freiburg i. Br., C 1 Landstände 1, Letter from Laufenburg to Freiburg, 1516.Google Scholar

⁷⁷ TLA, AfD 1, 18 February 1524, fol. 123.Google ScholarSee Pelizaeus, , “Der ‘gemainden große uffrur,’” 212–17, 237–44.Google Scholar

⁷⁸ “… menches mal beschehen, das sy die thuren an der Statt offen gelaßen, das by nachts die Schweizer, inn die statt inn die wirts hußer gangen, deß sich nymand versehen het….” HKA, II. RA F 78, 1526, fol. 99v.Google Scholar

⁷⁹ HKA, II. RA F 78, 1526, fol. 99r.Google Scholar

⁸⁰ Ibid.

⁸¹ Ibid.

⁸² Ibid., fol. 99v.

⁸³ GLA, 79 P12, vol. 1, 16 June 1525, fol. 64–65.Google Scholar

⁸⁴ For details about the ongoing conflict from 1539 to 1546, see Pelizaeus, , “Der ‘gemainden große uffrur,’” 237–44, 285–87.Google Scholar

⁸⁵ GLA, 79 PI2, vol. 1,13 July 1525, fol. 65.Google Scholar

⁸⁶ For an extended explanation of the background of this development, see Pelizaeus, , “Der ‘gemainden große uffrur,’” 271–73.Google Scholar

⁸⁷ See Evans, Robert J. W., The Making of the Habsburg Monarchy, 1550–1700 (Oxford, 1979).Google Scholar

⁸⁸ Schib, , Rheinfelden, 172.Google Scholar

⁸⁹ StAR, 725 III, Mandat, 7 May 1537; IV., 10 April 1530; 1531/32; 5 May 1535. GLA, 79 P12, vol. 3, 19 January 1551, fol. 161f.Google Scholar

⁹⁰ In contrast to Freiburg and Hall/Tirol, where a general reunion had to be admitted, or Waldshut, where the constitution was changed.Google Scholar For more examples and a comparison of the role of the population during the revolts in Spain, see Pelizaeus, , “Der ‘gemainden große uffrur,’” 148–64, 169–73.Google Scholar On Freiburg, see Scott, , Freiburg and the Breisgau,204–15.Google Scholar

⁹¹ Pelizaeus, , “Der ‘gemainden große uffrur,’” 153f.Google Scholar

⁹² Ibid., 151–54.

⁹³ Ibid.., 237–44.

⁹⁴ Ibid.., 110,348.

⁹⁵ For the general political background, see Alfred, Kohler, Karl V. 1500–1558. Eine Biographie (Munich, 1999), 158–64.Google Scholar

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⁹⁷ Jean Marc, Debard, “La Guerre des Paysans dans les marges occidentales du monde germanique” [The Peasants' War at the margins of the Germanic world], Pays d'Alsace 3–4 (1976): 33–48, esp. 37f. GLA, 79 P12, vol. 1, 13 June 1525, fol. 61.Google ScholarBischoff, , “Aspects militaires de la guerre des paysans en Alsace,” 261f.Google Scholar

⁹⁸ Horst, Buszello, “Oberrheinlande,” in Der Deutsche Bauernkrieg, ed. Horst, Buszello, Peter, Blickle, and Rudolf, Endres (Paderborn, 1984), 61–96, esp. 87f.;Google ScholarGeorges, Bischoff, “La Haut Alsace et la Guerre des Paysans” [Upper Alsace and the Peasants' War], in Guerre des Paysans en Alsace [The Peasants' War in Alsace], ed. Alphonse, Wollbrett (Saverne, 1975), 111-20, esp. 119-20.Google Scholar On Straßburg, see Brady, , Turning Swiss, 202–11.Google Scholar

⁹⁹ Tom, Scott is clearly justified in classifying Belfort as a “portal” rather than “central city.”Google ScholarSee Scott, , Freiburg and the Breisgau, 7;Google Scholar and Scott, , “Das Elsaß als wirtschaftliche Brückenlandschaft im 15. und 16. Jahrhundert,” in Zwischen Habsburg und Burgund, ed. Krimm and Brüning, 215–28, esp. 215–19.Google Scholar

¹⁰⁰ Stintzi, , “Die Habsburger im Elsaß,” 505;Google ScholarBischoff, , Gouvernés et Gouvernants en Haute Alsace a l'époque Autrichienne, 17.Google Scholar

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¹⁰² Pelizaeus, , “Der ‘gemainden große uffrur,”’ 110, 368;Google ScholarStrieker, E. and Peter von, Mörsberg, “Ein Sundgauer Haudegen und Diplomat,” Annuaire de la société d'histoire Sundgovienne [Yearbook of the Historical Society of the Sundgau] 60 (1938): 62–74, esp. 63–67;Google ScholarScott, , Regional Identity and Economic Change, 49–50.Google Scholar

¹⁰³ Roger, Boigeol, “La Guerre des Paysans dans la Porte de Bourgogne: 1525” [The Peasants' War at the Burgundian Gate], BSBE 74 (1982): 35–52, esp. 36–38;Google ScholarBoigeol, , “Sur le protestantisme dans la Région de Belfort” [On Protestantism in the region of Belfort], BSBE 57 (1950/1951), 35–57, esp. 41–44.Google ScholarSee also George, Bischoff, “Un symbole de l'Alsace autrichienne, Belfort du début du XVIe siède à la guerre de trente ans” [A symbol of the Austrian Alsace: Belfort from the beginning of the XVIth century to the Thirty Years' War], in Histoire de Belfort [History of Belfort], ed. Yvette, Baradel (Roanne, 1985), 97–122, esp. 104;Google ScholarBischoff, , “Grunewald en Haut Alsace et à Belfort en 1523 et en 1524” [Grünewald in Upper Alsace and at Belfort in 1523 and 1524], Revue d'Alsace 112 (1986): 111 -15, esp. 111–12;Google ScholarDebard, , “La Guerre des Paysans,” 37–43.Google Scholar

¹⁰⁴ “… us dem welschen huffen ettlich von Beffort Inn die Statt eingeloffen….” Archives Municipals Belfort (hereafter cited as AMB), FF 19/3–4, 19 March 1529, fol. 2r. FF 19/9, Beffort, 20 July 1543, fol. 105.Google ScholarSee also Manfred, Krebs, “Die Rechtfertigungsschriften der vorderösterreichischen Städte vom Jahr 1526. Dokumente zur Geschichte des Bauernkrieges am Oberrhein,” Zeitschriftfür die Geschichte des Oberrheins 93 (1941): 9–77, esp. 35.Google Scholar On early nationalism, see Claudius, Sieber-Lehmann, Spätmittelalterlicher Nationalismus. Die Burgunderkriege am Oberrhein und in der Eidgenossenschaft (Gottingen, 1995), 117–20, 281–89;Google Scholar and Speck, , “Teutsch und Welsch,” 193–211, esp. 194–95.Google Scholar

¹⁰⁵ AMB, FF 19, 3–4,19 March 1529. For the older state of investigation,Google Scholarsee Debard, , “La Guerre des Paysans,” 34.Google Scholar

¹⁰⁶ The Belfort report can be found in Krebs, , “Die Rechtfertigungsschriften der vorderösterreichischen Städte vom Jahr 1526,” 35–36.Google Scholar

¹⁰⁷ ADHR, 1 C 5997, 12 August 1528, fol. 59.Google Scholar

¹⁰⁸ AMB, FF 19, 3–4, 19 March 1529, fol. 6v.Google Scholar

¹⁰⁹ AMB, FF 19, 3–4, 19 March 1529, fol.Google Scholar

¹¹⁰ These were twelve demands that grew out of gravamina first presented in Memmingen. With minor changes, they contained the main grievances of the rural population.Google Scholar For the content, see Scott, and Scribner, , The German Peasants War,Google ScholarPeter, Blickle, Die Revolution von 1525 (Munich, 1981), 296–301.Google Scholar

¹¹¹ AMB, FF 19, 3–4, 19 March 1529, fol. 3v-4r.Google Scholar

¹¹² AMB, FF 19, 3–4,19 March 1529, fol. 5.Google Scholar

¹¹³ The passus in the song, originally written in patois, is “Détschassie vos, cos de Béfo, po repessa let riviere,” which can be translated in modern French as “Déchaussez vous—coqs de Belfort—pour repasser la riviére” (Take off your shoes—cocks from Belfort—to cross the river).Google ScholarSee Boigeol, , La Guerre des Paysans, 43.Google Scholar

¹¹⁴ AMB, FF 19, 3–4, 19 March 1529, fol. 6r. It is interesting to note that the peasant armies are called “the Burgundians”; that is, they are labeled as the old enemy.Google Scholar

¹¹⁵ “… weren wir von den puren erwürgkt und erstochen und sind also zwischen thur und angel gesessen.” AMB, FF 19, 3–4, 19 March 1529, fol. 7v.Google Scholar

¹¹⁶ Pelizaeus, , “Der ‘gemainden große uffrur,’” 110.Google Scholar

¹¹⁷ Boigeol, , La Guerre des Paysans, 48.Google Scholar

¹¹⁸ The demands included: (1) the amelioration of coins; (2) the abolition of the jurisdiction of Basel; (3) the prohibition of handcrafts in the countryside to protect the cities; (4) a new reglement for the “Hofgericht” at Rottweil; (5) tax participation of knights living in “landesfuerstlichen” villages; (6) prohibition of sale of chamber property to noblemen; (7) disposition of the mortgagee lords; (8) the taxation of freygesitzer, and (9) the expulsion of the Jews.Google ScholarThese articles can be found in the manuscript version of Georges, Bischoff'sGeorges Gouvernés et Gouvernants en Haute Alsace a ľépoque Autrichienne, 247–51;Google Scholarthe manuscript version is available in ADHR, Manuscript No. 241.Google Scholar

¹¹⁹ Buszello, , “Oberrheinlande,” 88f.Google Scholar

¹²⁰ Pelizaeus, , “Der ‘gemainden große uffrur,’” 110.Google Scholar

¹²¹ Ibid., 229–44.

¹²² Ibid., 242.

¹²³ The classification of Othein, Rammstedt, “Stadtunruhen 1525,” in Der Deutsche Bauernkrieg, ed. Hans Ulrich, Wehler (Göttingen, 1975), 239–76, esp. 246–54, cannot be applied here.Google ScholarSee Pelizaeus, , “Der ‘gemainden große uffrur,’” 231–37.Google Scholar

¹²⁴ On the situation in Waldshut, see Scott, , “Reformation and Peasants' War … Part I”;Google Scholar and Scott, , “Reformation and Peasants' War … Part II.”Google ScholarOn Wurttemberg and the situation of Ulrich, see Volker, Press, “Herzog Ulrich (1498–1550),” in 900 Jahre Haus Württemberg. Leben und Leistung für Land und Volk, ed. Robert, Uhland (Stuttgart, 1985), 110–35, esp. 116–20;Google ScholarScott, , Regional Identity and Economic Change, 60–61;Google ScholarFranz, Brendle, “Die “Einführung” der Reformation in Mömpelgard, Horburg und Reichenweier zwischen Landesherrn, Theologen und Untertanen,” in Württemberg und Mömpelgard 600 jahre Begegnung—Montbéliard—Wurtemberg. 600 Ans de Relations, ed. Sönke, Lorenz and Peter, Rückert (Leinfelden-Echterdingen, 1999), 145–67, esp. 146–47.Google Scholar

¹²⁵ Pelizaeus, , “Der ‘gemainden große uffrur,’” 265–68.Google Scholar

¹²⁶ Peter, Moraw, “Aufruhr in der Stadt. Bürgerkämpfe im Spätmittelalter,” in Aufstände, Unruhen, Revolutionen. Zur Geschichte der Demokratie in Deutschland, ed. Hans, Sarkowicz (Frankfurt am Main, 1988), 7–24, esp. 18f.;Google Scholaron “revolting parties” in German cities.Google Scholar

¹²⁷ See Suter, , Der schweizerische Bauernkrieg von 1653, 36n2.Google Scholar

¹²⁸ Peter, Wallace, “Between Bourbon and Habsburg: Elite Political Identities at Freiburg 1651–1715,” Austrian History Yearbook 33 (2002), 15–41.Google ScholarOf course, at the same time, France managed to conquer Belfort, but it must not be forgotten that certain inner problems—Fronde and the Hugenots—also remained a problem in the French monarchy during the seventeenth century.Google Scholar