¹ My use of the phrase “national identity” should be explained, since nationalism is usually associated with a unified ethnic identity and/or with the modern form of the nation-state, neither of which could be utilized in the Austro-Hungarian Empire to unite a diverse population and create the kind of public consciousness that is under consideration here.Google ScholarTherefore, in this article I will use the word “nation” in its most generic sense, to refer simply to the binding ideologies, not necessarily ethnic, of a state.Google Scholar

² Patrick, Werkner, Austrian Expressionism: The Formative Years, trans. Parsons, Nicholas T. (Palo Alto, 1993), 250.Google Scholar

³ Carl, Schorske, Fin-de-Siècle Vienna: Politics and Culture (New York, 1981), 279–366;Google ScholarPéter, Hanák, The Garden and the Workshop: Essays on the Cultural History of Vienna and Budapest (Princeton, 1998), 68.Google Scholar

⁴ Schorske, , Fin-de-Siècle Vienna, 363.Google Scholar

⁵ For examples of this view,Google Scholarsee Alessandra, Comini, Egon Schiele's Portraits (Berkeley, 1974), 191 n. 10;Google ScholarMagdalena, Dabrowski, “Egon Schiele: Master of Expressive Form,”Google Scholarin Rudolf, Leopold and Magdalena, Dabrowski, Egon Schiele: The Leopold Collection, Vienna (New York, 1997), 19–20;Google ScholarWolfgang, Georg Fischer, Egon Schiele, 1890–1918: Desire and Decay, trans. Michael, Hulse (Cologne, 1995), 172;Google ScholarJane, Kallir, Egon Schiele (New York, 1994), 108;Google ScholarLudwig, Schmidt, Egon Schiele, trans.Stephen, Gorman (San Diego, 1990), 23–24;Google Scholar and Werkner, , Austrian Expressionism, 142–43.Google Scholar

⁶ Alternatives to this thesis may be found in a handful of studies that focus specifically on the landscapes. See Rupert, Feuchtmüller, “Egon Schieles Städtebilder von Stein an der Donau,” Alte und moderne Kunst, no. 103 (3./4. 1969): 29–33;Google ScholarReinhold, Heller, “The City Is Dark: Conceptions of Urban Landscape and Life in Expressionist Painting and Architecture,” in Expressionism Reconsidered: Relationships and Affinities, ed. Pickar, G. B. and Webb, K. E. (Munich, 1979), 42–57;Google ScholarThomas, Heyden, “Die Tote Stadt: Schiele und Krummau,” in Egon Schiele. Inszenierung und Identität, ed. Pia, Müller-Tamm (Cologne, 1995), 159–81;Google ScholarSmith, Kimberly A., “Egon Schiele's Treescapes. Work and World: Unframing the Autonomous Landscape,” Art History 23, no. 2 (06 2000): 233-61;CrossRefGoogle Scholar and Wischin, Franz E., Die Stadt am blauen Fluβ. Egon Schiele und Krumau (Vienna, 1994).Google Scholar

⁷ Werkner, , Austrian Expressionism, 143.Google Scholar

⁸ Schiele, , letter to Franz Hauer, Aug. 1913,Google ScholarEgon-Schiele-Archiv, Max-Wagner-Stiftung, Graphische Sammlung Alberrina, Vienna, E.S.A. 107.Google Scholar

⁹ Schiele, , “Skizze zu einem Selbstbildnis,”Google Scholar printed in Arthur, Roessler, “Egon Schiele,” Bildende Künstler. Monatsschrift für Künstler und Kunstfreunde (Vienna, 1911), 104.Google Scholar

¹⁰ See, for example, Jane, Kallir, Egon Schiele: The Complete Works (New York, 1990), 99,308;Google ScholarRudolf, Google Scholar and Werkner, , Austrian Expressionism, 143.Google Scholar

¹¹ Jacques, Le Rider, Modernity and Crises of Identity: Culture and Society in Fin-de-Siède Vienna, trans. Rosemary, Morris (New York, 1990).Google Scholar

¹² Katherine, Arens, “Central Europe and the Nationalist Paradigm,” working paper, Center for Austrian Studies, Minneapolis, 1996,4.Google Scholar

¹³ For an analysis of the Secession's hope of uniting the nation by uniting the arts,Google Scholarsee also James, Shedel, Art and Society: The New Art Movement in Vienna, 1897–1914 (Palo Alto, 1981), esp.203–8.Google ScholarOther attempts to analyze the relationship of Viennese modernism to political or national identity have tended to focus on the applied arts and theories of design rather than on Austrian painting.Google ScholarSee, for example, Gottfried, Fliedl, Kunst und Lehre am Beginn der Moderne. Die Wiener Kunstgewerbeschule 1867–1918 (Salzburg, 1986);Google Scholar and James, Shedel, “Variationen zum Thema Ornament. Kunst und das Problem des Wandels im Österreich der Jahrhundertwende,” in Ornament und Askese, ed. Alfred, Pfabigan (Vienna, 1985).Google Scholar

¹⁴ Russell, Berman, Cultural Studies of Modern Germany: History, Representation, and Nationhood (Madison, 1994), 8.Google Scholar

¹⁵ See the discussion of Nancy Fraser and Julia Kristeva in Arens, “Central Europe and the Nationalist Paradigm,” 6–7.Google Scholar

¹⁶ See William, Vaughan, German Romantic Painting, 2d ed. (New Haven, 1994).Google Scholar

¹⁷ Carl, Gustav Cams, Neun Briefe über Landschaftsmalerei, geschrieben in den Jahren 1815 bis 1824 (Dresden, 1831);Google Scholar excerpts reprinted and translated in Art in Theory, 1815–1900: An Anthology of Changing Ideas, ed. Charles, Harrison and Paul, Wood, with Jason Geiger (London, 1998), 104.Google Scholar

¹⁸ Johann, Gottfried Herder, Ideen zur Philosophic der Geschichte der Menschheit (Riga, 1784-1791);Google ScholarAlexander von, Humboldt, Ansichten der Natur (Tübingen, 1808);Google ScholarCarl, Ritter, Die Erdkunde im Verhältnis zur Natur und zur Geschichte des Menschen, oder allgemeine vergleichende Geographie (Berlin, 1840).Google Scholar

¹⁹ Barnard, F.M., “Herder on Causation and Continuity,” Journal of the History of Ideas 24 (1963): 208.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

²⁰ Mitchell, Timothy F., Art and Science in German Landscape Painting, 1770–1840 (Oxford, 1993), 137.Google Scholar

²¹ Friedrich, RatzelVölkerkund (Leipzig, 1885-1886);Google Scholaridem, Anthropogeographie (Stuttgart, 1882-1891);Google Scholaridem, Die Erde und das Leben (Leipzig, 1901-1902).Google Scholar

²² Richard, Peet, “The Social Origins of Environmental Determinism,” Annals of the Association of American Geographers 75, no. 3 (1985): 316.Google ScholarPeet goes on to argue that the success of environmental determinism, both in Europe and the United States, derived from its ability to legitimate imperialist expansion. On this theme,Google Scholarsee also Stephen, Frenkel, “Geography, Empire, and Environmental Determinism,” Geographical Review 82, no. 2 (04. 1992): 143–153.Google Scholar

²³ Wilhelm, Heinrich Riehl, The Natural History of the German People (Stuttgart, 1869),Google Scholared. and trans. David J. Diephouse (Lewiston, 1990).Google Scholar

²⁴ Willy, Hellpach, Die geopsychischen Erscheinungen. Wetter, Klima und Landschaft in ihrem Einfluss aufdas Seelenleben (Leipzig, 1910).Google ScholarThe book went through four more editions between 1917 and 1939. In the preface to the 1917 edition, Hellpach writes that the book's popularity led the publisher to request a second edition only one year after it was first published.Google Scholar

²⁵ Hellpach, , Die geopsychischen Erscheinungen, 409.Google Scholar

²⁶ “Einfluß der Landschaft auf den Volkscharakter,” Neues Wiener Journal, 05 29,1917, 3–1.Google Scholar

²⁷ David Diephouse, editor's introduction to Riehl, The Natural History of the German People, 14.Google Scholar

²⁸ George, Mosse, The Crisis of German Ideology: Intellectual Origins of the Third Reich (New York, 1964), 14–16.Google Scholar

²⁹ Ibid.,17. On Riehl's ideas and their influence on völkisch ideology in the 1920s and 1930s, see 19–24.Google Scholar

³⁰ The terms were first introduced by Ferdinand, Tönnies in Gemeinschaft und Gesellschaft (Leipzig, 1887).Google Scholar On these terms and their meanings, see Kurt, Sontheimer, Antidemokratisches Denken in der Weimarer Republik. Die politischen Ideen des deutschen Nationalismus zwischen 1918 und 1933 (Munich, 1962), 315.Google Scholar

³¹ Paul, Lagarde, Deutsche Schriften (1878; 3d ed., Munich, 1937).Google ScholarOn Lagarde's vision of a spiritually united German nation with a shared sense of mission and the impact of his views on later thinkers,Google Scholarsee Fritz, Stern, The Politics of Cultural Despair: A Study in the Rise of the Germanic Ideology (Berkeley, 1961), 56–57, 82–94.Google Scholar

³² Julius, Langbehn, Rembrandt als Erzieher. Von einem Deutschen, 3d ed. (Leipzig, 1891).Google Scholar

³³ On the astonishing success of the book and its deep impact on German society,Google Scholarsee Stern, , The Politics of Cultural Despair, 153–80.Google Scholar

³⁴ See the discussion of the nationality problem in Mason, John W., The Dissolution of the Austro-Hungarian Empire, 1867–1918, 2d ed. (London, 1997), 9–22.Google Scholar

³⁵ Kann, Robert A., The Multinational Empire: Nationalism and National Reform in the Habsburg Monarchy, 1848–1918 (New York, 1950), 1:33–37.Google Scholar

³⁶ Paul, Vysny, Neo-Slavism and the Czechs, 1898–1914 (Cambridge, 1977), 3.Google Scholar

³⁷ Kann, , The Multinational Empire, 1:200–206.Google Scholar

³⁸ Ibid., 1:18–19. In 1867 the Austrian Empire had become the Austro-Hungarian Empire, in which both states enjoyed the rights of sovereign entities governed by a common ruler, Francis Joseph, who became king of Hungary in addition to emperor of Austria. The union was a compromise intended to resolve decades of disputes and confusion regarding Hungary's relationship to the Habsburg monarchy.Google Scholar

³⁹ Mason, , The Dissolution of the Austro-Hungarian Empire, 44–45.Google Scholar

⁴⁰ See Hans, Kohn, The Habsburg Empire, 1804–1918 (Princeton, 1961);Google ScholarTaylor, A. J. P., The Habsburg Monarchy, 1809–1918 (London, 1948);Google ScholarLeslie, Charles Tihany, “The Austro-Hungarian Compromise,1867–1918: A Half Century of Diagnosis; Fifty Years of Post-mortem,” Central European History 2 (1969): 114–38.Google Scholar

⁴¹ Judson, Pieter M., Exclusive Revolutionaries: Liberal Politics, Social Experience, and National Identity in the Austrian Empire, 1848–1914 (Ann Arbor, 1996), 7–8.Google Scholar

⁴² Istváan, Diósvegi, Die Aussenpolitik der Österreichisch-Ungarischen Monarchie, 1871–1877 (Vienna, 1985), 10;Google ScholarBarbara, Jelavich, History of the Balkans: The Twentieth Century (Cambridge, 1983), 2:77;Google ScholarAlan, Sked, The Decline and Fall of the Habsburg Empire, 1815–1918 (London, 1989), 230–32.Google Scholar

⁴³ Ernil, Franzel, Der Donauraum im Zeitalter des Nationalitätenprinzips (Bern, 1958), 23;Google Scholar cited and translated in Peter, Sugar, “The Rise of Nationalism in the Habsburg Empire,” Austrian History Yearbook 3, pt. 1 (1967): 94.Google Scholar

⁴⁴ Wagner, F. Peter, “Introduction: Retrospectives on an Empire and Its Capital,” in Vienna: The World of Yesterday, 1889–1914, ed. Stephen, Eric Bronner and Wagner, F. Peter (Atlantic Highlands, 1997), 16 n. 19.Google ScholarWagner only briefly mentions Francis Joseph as a figure who stood above the conflicts and represented the empire as an integral whole, but this is a concept to which an entire essay could be devoted.Google ScholarSee also Johnston, William M., The Austrian Mind: An Intellectual and Social History, 1848–1938 (Berkeley, 1972), 33.Google Scholar

⁴⁵ Sugar, , “The Rise of Nationalism,” 95.Google Scholar

⁴⁶ Whiteside, Andrew G., The Socialism of Fools: Georg Ritter von Schönerer and Austrian PanGermanism (Berkeley, 1975), 9.Google Scholar

⁴⁷ See Kann, , The Multinational Empire, vol. 2. There was opposition to this multinational approach, of course. The Pan-German movement, the Germanic idea of a Mitteleuropa, and separatist theories of national autonomy competed for power during these years as well.Google Scholar

⁴⁸ Ian, Reifowitz, “Civic Nationalism in a Multiethnic Society: Conceptions of a Supraethnic Austrian Identity, 1848–1918” (Ph.D. diss., Georgetown University, 1999), 14–15.Google Scholar

⁴⁹ Margaret, Olin, “Alois Riegl: The Late Roman Empire in the Late Habsburg Empire,” in The Habsburg Legacy: National Identity in Historical Perspective, ed. Ritchie, Robertson and Edward, Timms (Edinburgh, 1994), 107–12.Google Scholar

⁵⁰ Ibid., 113. Olin notes that in seeing Rembrandt as a combinatory product of differing cultural attitudes, Riegl explicitly rejected Langbehn's promotion of Rembrandt as an authentic German. This is in contrast to Josef Strzygowski, who, as Olin shows, seems to have approved of Langbehn's popular book, and, moreover, identified closely with the efforts of the Pan-German movement.Google Scholar

⁵¹ This paragraph relies on Reynolds's perceptive analysis of Riegl's involvement with the Museum for Art and Industry, which he critiqued adamantly, and the Association for Austrian Folklore.Google ScholarDiana, Graham Reynolds, “Alois Riegl and the Politics of Art History: Intellectual Traditions and Austrian Identity in Fin-de-Siècle Vienna” (Ph.D. diss., University of California, SanDiego, 1997), 172.Google Scholar

⁵² Ibid.,178.

⁵³ Neue Freie Presse, Jan. 1,1915, 3.Google Scholar

⁵⁴ Hanslik is listed as an outside lecturer of geography at the University of Vienna in its course catalog, the Öffentliche Vorlesungen an der K.K. Universität zw Wien, during the years 1912,1913,1914,1916, and 1917. Hanslik's courses included “Boden und Geschichte” (Land and history), “Erd- und gesellschaftskundliche Übungen: Das Problem der Beziehungen zwischen Erde und Seele (auf Grundlage der Philosophie Wilhelm Diltheys)” (Seminars in geography and sociology:The problem of the connections between earth and soul [on the basis of Wilhelm Dilthey's philosophy]), and “Anthropo-geographische Übungen über Slawentum” (Anthropogeographical seminars on the Slavs).Google Scholar

⁵⁵ Erwin, Hanslik, Wesen der Menschheit (Vienna, 1917), 185.Google Scholar

⁵⁶ Erwin, Hanslik, Die Menschheit in 30 Weltbildern (Vienna, 1917);Google Scholaridem, Österreich als Naturforderung (Vienna, 1917);Google Scholaridem, Österreich. Erde und Geist (Vienna, 1917);Google Scholaridem, Wesen der Menschheit.Google Scholar

⁵⁷ Hanslik cites Herder, Humboldt, and Ritter as the models for his approach to cultural geography, while he rejects the example of Ratzel as “one-sided” and incapable of dealing with issues of the “spirit.” Hanslik, Wesen der Menschheit, 103.Google Scholar

⁵⁸ Ibid., 196.

⁵⁹ Ibid.,193. Hanslik's, first attempts to link geography with cultural identity are found in his study of Biala, his home town, several years earlier.Google ScholarHanslik, , Biala. Eine deutsche Stadt in Galizien. Geographische Untersuchung des Stadtproblems (Vienna, 1909).Google ScholarSee especially the chapter entitled “Das geistige Leben: Probleme der ideellen Geographie.”Google Scholar

⁶⁰ Hanslik, , Wesen der Menschheit, 186.Google Scholar

⁶¹ Ibid., 189.

⁶² Ibid., 62.

⁶³ Ibid., 63.

⁶⁴ Hanslik, , Österreich. Erde und Geist, appendix.Google Scholar

⁶⁵ Hanslik, , Österreich als Naturforderung, 62.Google Scholar

⁶⁶ Hanslik, , Österreich. Erde und Geist, 38.Google Scholar

⁶⁷ Ibid., 17. It should be noted, however, that Hanslik's interest in the Austrian nation did not indicate an aggressive nationalistic attitude. Hanslik was a staunch pacifist, subscribing to the theory that since nations are destined to their fates by the earth, they cannot be held responsible for their innate differences, nor can they alter their destinies through war.Google Scholar

⁶⁸ Roller is named as the person responsible for overseeing the map production on the final, unnumbered pages of both Wesen der Menschheit and Die Menschheit in 30 Weltbildem.Google Scholar

⁶⁹ Arnold Schönberg Center Privatstifrung, Archiv, Vienna, BOOK H10.Google Scholar

⁷⁰ Erwin, Hanslik, “Weltaufruf zur geistigen Abrüstung,” Der Anbruch. Flugblätter aus der Zeit 1, no. 2 (01. 15,1918): 1.Google Scholar

⁷¹ The place of Der Anbruch in Vienna's cultural life between 1917 and 1922, when the journal stopped publication, offers interesting opportunities for further research.Google ScholarSee Carmen, Klement,“‘In ihrem Rücken ist Zusammenbruch‘Jüngsten’ um 1918 in den Zeitschriften Anbruch und Aufschwung,” in “Mit uns zieht die neue Zeit”. Der Mythos Jugend, ed.Thomas, Koebner, Rolf-Peter, Janz, and Frank, Trommler (Frankfurt, 1985).Google ScholarSee also the discussion of the journal and one of its editors, Ludwig, Ullmann, in Heinz Lunzer, “Ludwig Ullmann und die literarische Avantgarde in Wien 1912 bis 1914,” in Expressionismus in Österreich. Die Literatur und die Künste, ed. Klaus, Amann and Wallas, Armin A. (Vienna, 1994), 585–87.Google Scholar

⁷² Schiele's eulogy to Klimt appeared in Der Anbruch 1, no. 3 (Feb. 15,1918):1.Google Scholar

⁷³ On Schiele's acquaintance with Roller,Google Scholarsee Otto, Kallir, Egon Schiele: Oeuvre Catalog of Paintings (Vienna, 1966), 86.Google ScholarRoller is also listed in Schiele's address book of friends and acquaintances, daring from 1918.Google ScholarChristian, Nebehay, Egon Schiele, 1890–1918. Leben, Briefe, Gedichte (Salzburg, 1979), 493, #1802.Google Scholar

⁷⁴ Letter from Erwin Hanslik's secretary to Egon Schiele, Sept. 4, 1917, collection of Gertrude Peschka-Schiele, Vienna; reprinted in Nebehay, Egon Schiele, 432, #1299.Google Scholar

⁷⁵ Letter from Schiele to Anton Peschka, Oct. 25, 1917, Egon-Schiele-Archiv, Max-Wagner-Stiftung, Graphische Sammlung Albertina, Vienna, E.S.A. 268.Google Scholar

⁷⁶ Ibid.

⁷⁷ These visits are recorded in Schiele's telephone/date book from 1918. Egon-Schiele-Archiv, Max-Wagner-Stiftung, Graphische Sammlung Albertina, Vienna, E.S.A. 724.Google Scholar

⁷⁸ Letter from Erwin Hanslik's secretary to Egon Schiele, Sept. 4,1917, collection of Gertrude Peschka-Schiele, Vienna; reprinted in Nebehay, Egon Schiele, 432, #1299.Google Scholar

⁷⁹ Hanslik, , Wesen der Menschheit, n.p. Until 1998, the existence of this book with its drawing by Schiele had not been noted in any published source. Since the book had not been located and the original drawings had not been found, it had generally been assumed that the drawings were either not executed or the book was never published.Google ScholarSee Nebehay, , Egon Schiele, 408,#1272; and Kallir, , Egon Schiele: The Complete Works, 243 n. 27.1 wrote of the drawing's inclusion in Hanslik's book in my dissertation.Google ScholarSee Kimberly, Smith, “Egon Schiele's Landscapes” (Ph.D.diss., Yale University, 1998), 166.Google ScholarIn 1998 Jane Kallir published a supplement to her 1990 edition of her catalogue raisonné, which also includes the Hanslik illustration.Google ScholarSee Jane, Kallir, Egon Schiele: The Complete Works, exp. ed. (New York, 1998), 677.Google Scholar

⁸⁰ Hanslik, , Wesen der Menschheit, 108.Google Scholar

⁸¹ On Schiele's growing success in 1917,Google Scholarsee Kallir, , Egon Schiele: The Complete Works, 210–18.Google Scholar

⁸² Hanslik, , Wesen der Menschheit, 199–200.Google Scholar

⁸³ Arthur, Roessler, “Wandertrieb und Reiselust,” in Das Egon Schiele Buch, ed. Fritz, Karpfen (Vienna, 1921), 52.Google Scholar

⁸⁴ Kallir, , Egon Schiele: The Complete Works, 190 n. 13.Google Scholar

⁸⁵ Letter from Schiele to Franz Hauer, Jan. 25,1914,Google Scholarin Nebehay, , Egon Schiele, 301, #633;Google Scholar translated in Kallir, , Egon Schiele: The Complete Works, 163.Google Scholar

⁸⁶ Kallir, , Egon Schiele: The Complete Works, 163.Google Scholar

⁸⁷ The ethnographic quality of these expeditions and their documentation in Schiele's art is a subject worthy of further study. Schiele's travels are reminiscent of Kandinsky's anthropological approach to his own country.Google ScholarSee Peg, Weiss, Kandinsky and Old Russia: The Artist as Ethnographer and Shaman (New Haven, 1995). I would like to thank Romy Golan for calling my attention to this reference.Google Scholar

⁸⁸ As far as I can tell, the only exceptions to this are four very early watercolors, made when Schiele was sixteen, that depict Venice and Dresden. They are apparently based on postcards, since Schiele never traveled to these cities, and date from well before Schiele's professional career began.Google Scholar

⁸⁹ Reinhold, Heller, “‘The City is Dark’: Conceptions of Urban Landscape and Life in Expressionist Painting and Architecture,” in Expressionism Reconsidered: Relationships and Affinities, ed. Pickar, Gertrud Bauer and Webb, Karl Eugene (Munich, 1979), 42–57.Google Scholar

⁹⁰ Letter from Egon Schiele to Anton Peschka, c. May 12, 1910, current whereabouts unknown; reprinted in Nebehay, Egon Schiele, 130, #95.Google Scholar

⁹¹ Egon, Schiele, “Skizze zu einem Selbstbildnis,” printed in Arthur Roessler, “Egon Schiele,” Bildende Künstler. Monatsschrift für Künstler und Kunstfreunde (Vienna, 1911), 104.Google Scholar

⁹² Leopold, Liegler, “Egon Schiele,” Die graphischen Küinste 39 (1916): 73.Google Scholar

⁹³ Mosse, , The Crisis of German Ideology, 24–25.Google Scholar

⁹⁴ Kallir, , Egon Schiele: The Complete Works, 99.Google Scholar

⁹⁵ “Auf dieser Erde schritt ich und spürte meine Glieder nicht, so leicht war mir.”Google Scholar Excerpt from Egon, Schiele, “Empfindung,” Die Aktion 5, no. 3/4 (01 16, 1915): 38.Google Scholar

⁹⁶ Letter from Schiele to Franz Hauer, 1911;Google Scholar cited and translated in Alessandra, Comini, Egon Schiele's Portraits (Berkeley, 1974), 93.Google Scholar

⁹⁷ Ibid., 94.

⁹⁸ My emphasis. Arthur, Roessler, “Zu Egon Schieles Städtebildern,” Oesterreichs Bau- und Werkkunst 2 (10 1925): 11.Google Scholar

⁹⁹ Nebehay has identified possible inconsistencies in Roessler's version of Schiele's prison diaries, for example. See Nebehay, , Egon Schiele, 200 #4. Kallir takes issue with the criticism of Roessler and seems to think that any changes made by Roessler to Schiele's statements are minor and relatively benign.Google ScholarSee Kallir, , Egon Schiele: The Complete Works, 127–28.Google Scholar

¹⁰⁰ Kurt, Rather, “Egon Schieles Weg und Ziel” (1919), in In Memoriam Egon Schiele, ed. Arthur, Roessler (Vienna, 1921), 46.Google Scholar

¹⁰¹ Otto, Benesch, “Egon Schiele,” catalog essay in Kollektiv-Austellung Egon Schiele, (Vienna, 1914), 7.Google Scholar

¹⁰² Ibid.

¹⁰³ I discuss the significance of this organic line to the medievalist effects of the landscapes in chapter 3 of my dissertation, “Egon Schiele's Landscapes.”Google Scholar

¹⁰⁴ On the expressionist return to nature, see Richard, Hamann and Jost, Hermand, Expressionismus (Berlin, 1975), 111–19;Google Scholar and Roland, März, “German Romanticism and the Expressionist Utopia,” in German Expressionism: Art and Society, ed. Stephanie, Barron and Wolf-Dieter, Dube (New York, 1997), 63–64.Google Scholar

¹⁰⁵ Roessler, , “Zu Egon Schieles Städtebildern,” 11.Google Scholar

¹⁰⁶ Kallir, , Egon Schiele: The Complete Works, 27.Google Scholar

¹⁰⁷ Ibid.

¹⁰⁸ Arthur, Roessler, “In memoriam Egon Schiele,” Deutsche Kunst und Dekoration 44, no. 11 (08 1919): 231.Google Scholar

¹⁰⁹ Nebehay, , Egon Schiele, 141, #155;Google Scholar translated in Kallir, , Egon Schiele: The Complete Works, 13.Google Scholar

¹¹⁰ Ernst, Bruckmüller, “The National Identity of the Austrians,” trans. Parsons, Nicholas T., in The National Question in Europe in Historical Context, ed. Mikuláš, Teich and Roy, Porter (Cambridge, 1993), 219.Google Scholar

¹¹¹ Arthur, Roessler, “Untitled” (1910), in In Memoriam Egon Schiele, ed. Roessler, 12.Google Scholar

¹¹² See letter from Schiele to Arthur Roessler, Dec. 24, 1912, Handschriftensammlung, Wiener Stadt- und Landesbibliothek, 180.671.Google Scholar

¹¹³ See letter from Schiele to Franz Hauer, Aug. 13, 1913, Egon-Schiele-Archiv, Max-Wagner-Sriftung, Graphische Sammlung, Albertina, Vienna, E.S.A. 108;Google Scholar and Kallir, , Egon Schiele: The Complete Works, 322.Google Scholar

¹¹⁴ “I propose the following definition of the nation: it is an imagined political community—and imagined as both inherently limited and sovereign.”Google ScholarBenedict, Anderson, Imagined Communities: Reflections on the Origin and Spread of Nationalism (London, 1991), 5–6.Google Scholar

¹¹⁵ Letter from Schiele to Leopold Liegler, Jan. 2, 1917, Egon-Schiele-Archiv, Max-Wagner-Stiftung, Graphische Sammlung Albertina, Vienna, E.S.A. 93.Google Scholar

¹¹⁶ Hugo von, Hofmannsthal, Reden und Aufsätze II (Frankfurt, 1979), 454;Google Scholarcited and translated in Rider, Jacques Le, “Hugo von Hofmannsthal and the Austrian Idea of Central Europe,” trans. Rosemary Morris, in The Habsburg Legacy, ed. Robertson and Timms, 121.Google Scholar

¹¹⁷ Hugo von, Hofmannsthal, “Die österreichische Idee,” Neue Zürcher Zeitung, Dec. 2, 1917;Google Scholarreprinted in Hofmannsthal, , Reden und Aufsätze II, 454.Google Scholar

¹¹⁸ Alois, Beltze and Paul, Siebertz, introduction to Donauland: Illustrierte Monatsschrift 1 (1917): 1–2.Google Scholar

¹¹⁹ Schiele did write of patriotism and the need to strengthen Austria, the Fatherland, in 1917. In this year, Schiele began making plans for the formation of the Kunsthalle, which was to be devoted to restoring Austrian culture and preserving its heritage. With the Kunsthalle project, Schiele hoped to define and strengthen the nation through cultural renewal, thus translating the task of imagining the Austrian community from a visual to an institutional enterprise. Schiele detailed his plans for the Kunsthalle and his incentives for founding it in a letter to Anton Peschka.Google Scholar However, since this letter has never been located and is known only through its inclusion in Briefe und Prosa von Egon Schiele, ed. Arthur, Roessler (Vienna, 1921),Google Scholarthe information it contains cannot be considered completely reliable. For these cautionary reasons, I have chosen not to include Schiele's remarks on Austria in the main text. In spite of the letter's unverified content, however, I cite it here as it may be of interest: “[E]very spiritual man has the duty to protect the well-being of Austrian culture from decline…. What we undertake here is not the result of a temporary mood, it is an ethical and at the same time a patriotic act…. Because we … want to see the strong energies sprung from our land work effectively and happily. We want the flight of talent from our country to stop so that all of those whom Austria has produced may create in Austria's honor. We stand at the turning point of history and, conscious of the uniqueness of this moment, we consider it our human duty to prove that we did not remain indifferent when it concerned the protection and salvation of the most precious thing in the world—the inherited cultural possession of centuries…. We do the apparently impossible with joy and enthusiasm because we are young and because it is for our Fatherland.”Google ScholarEgon, Schiele, letter to Anton Peschka, Mar. 2, 1917; as cited in Nebehay, Egon Schiele, 417–18, #1182.Google Scholar