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Published online by Cambridge University Press: 30 April 2013
In the nineteenth century, the imperial palace in Vienna had become the epicenter of political decision making in the Danube monarchy. The fact that the Hofburg served as the emperor's family home and at the same time as the unchallenged centerpiece of politics and administration lent its function a duality that was mirrored in the title of the town where the palace was located. Officially, Vienna was the Haupt- und Residenzstadt, that is, the empire's capital and the monarch's official residence. In this former role, Vienna was second to none. Vienna was the seat of offices and ministries, the meeting place of parliamentary deputies in the Reichsrat, and the place where the governors who represented the sovereign in the respective Crownlands had their headquarters in the Statthalterei. It was not until Budapest became the capital of the Kingdom of Hungary in the Austro-Hungarian Compromise of 1867 that Vienna had to share its rank with another city. In their role as the monarch's official residence, both Vienna's and the Hofburg's traditions went back to the Middle Ages. There had been no interruptions even when in the Baroque period the monarchs had built other residences elsewhere in what today is Vienna, among them the Favorita palace on the Wieden (today's Theresianum), the Favorita palace in the Augarten park, and Schönbrunn palace. At all times the Hofburg had been the place where the Habsburg family and the sovereign lived during the winter half-year, and furthermore, it remained the setting of the most eminent ceremonies that formed the rituals of the Habsburg sovereign (Corpus Christi procession, Anniversarium militare ceremonies in commemoration of the dead, and others). No other Habsburg palace would ever challenge the Hofburg's priority in terms of rank.
The scientific studies regarding the Vienna Hofburg between 1835 and 1918 were financed by the “Austrian Science Fund” (www.fwf.ac.at) in the course of two projects (P17815; project period: March 2005 until February 2008; P20810, project period: August 2008 until July 2011). The joint authorship of this project involved the following division of labor: The introductory and second sections were written by Werner Telesko, the first section by Richard Kurdiovsky, and the third section by Dagmar Sachsenhofer.
2 A project carried out by the Austrian Academy of Sciences over the last few years subjected this giant building complex to comprehensive study for the first time in its history. This project examined the Hofburg's history from the perspectives of architectural developments, exterior and interior design, sculptural decoration, gardens, the function of the monuments in the Hofburg area, ephemeral decorations, and the history of the Hofburg's reception. Particular attention was paid to defining and classifying more than 10,000 architectural drawings and plans relevant to the project period and to making them accessible in a special database: For the first time, researchers were able to analyze written and visual sources at one and the same time and to evaluate their informational content, which frequently complemented each other. These studies into the art history of the Hofburg will culminate in the publication of a five-volume series. The volume on the nineteenth century has already been published: Telesko, Werner ed., Die Wiener Hofburg 1835–1918. Der Ausbau der Residenz vom Vormärz bis zum Ende des “Kaiserforums” (Vienna, 2012)Google Scholar.
3 Lorenz, Hellmut, “[…] im alten Style glücklich wiederhergestellt […] Zur repräsentativen Rolle der Tradition in der Barockarchitektur Mitteleuropas,” Österreichische Zeitschrift für Kunst und Denkmalpflege 51 (1997): 475–83Google Scholar.
4 Telesko, Werner, “Kunst und Geschichtsforschung. Zum Anteil der Historiker an den malerischen und plastischen Ausstattungsprogrammen der Wiener Hofburg in der zweiten Hälfte des 19. Jahrhunderts,” in Die Wiener Hofburg und der europäische Residenzbau in Mitteleuropa im 19. Jahrhundert. Monarchische Repräsentation zwischen Ideal und Wirklichkeit, ed. Telesko, Werner, Kurdiovsky, Richard, and Nierhaus, Andreas, 143–65 (Vienna/Cologne/Weimar, 2010)Google Scholar.
5 Unowsky, Daniel, “Staging Habsburg Patriotism: Dynastic Loyalty and the 1898 Imperial Jubilee,” in Constructing Nationalities in East Central Europe, ed. Judson, Pieter M. and Rozenblit, Marsha L., 141–56 (New York/Oxford, 2005)Google Scholar.
6 Österreichisches Staatsarchiv (ÖStA), Haus-, Hof- und Staatsarchiv (HHStA), Obersthofmeisteramt (OMeA) r. (Rubrik, i.e., column) 21/B/4, 2979 ex 1853 (cost estimate dated 18 May 1853). The abbreviations shall subsequently be used for all quotations from archive sources. Also briefly mentioned in Lhotsky, Alphons, Die Baugeschichte der Museen und der Neuen Burg, part one (Vienna, 1941), 29, note 203Google Scholar.
7 On the administrative structure of the Viennese court, see: Schneider, Karin, “Hofgesellschaft und Hofstaat” in Die Habsburgermonarchie 1848–1918, Band 9: Soziale Strukturen, 2. Teilband: Von der Stände- zur Klassengesellschaft, ed. Rumpler, Helmut and Urbanitsch, Peter, 1327–48 (Vienna, 2010), esp. 1334–38Google Scholar; for a special focus on the steward's office, see: Ludwig Mann, “Die Geschichte der Burghauptmannschaft Wien” (PhD diss., University of Vienna, 1950).
8 OMeA r. 21/B/4, 2979 ex 1853 (cost estimate dated 18 May 1853): “Herstellung von 3 Toren im Leopoldinischen Trakt neben der Militärhauptwache.”
9 Kurdiovsky, Richard, “Der lange Weg zum Kaiserforum. Gottfried Sempers und Carl Hasenauers Idealplanungen zum Ausbau der Wiener Hofburg von 1867 bis 1871,” in Die Wiener Hofburg und der Residenzbau in Mitteleuropa im 19. Jahrhundert. Monarchische Repräsentation zwischen Ideal und Wirklichkeit, ed. Telesko, Werner, Kurdiovsky, Richard, and Nierhaus, Andreas, 87–113 (Vienna/Cologne/Weimar, 2010)Google Scholar.
10 The integration of the Louvre complex into the Parisian traffic system was clearly much less in the nineteenth century since the Avenue du Général Lemonnier was only opened up as an additional connection from north to south during the Third Republic; cf. Alaunier, Christiane, Histoire du Palais et du Musée du Louvre (Paris, 1947–1971)Google Scholar; Boulenger, Jacques, Les Tuileries sous le Second Empire (Paris, 1932), 60Google Scholar.
11 Green, H. J. M. and Thurley, Simon J., “Excavations on the West Side of Whitehall 1960–1962, Part 1: From the Building of the Tudor Palace to the Construction of the Modern Offices of State,” Transactions of the London and Middlesex Archaeological Society 38 (1987): 59–130Google Scholar; Thurley, Simon J., Whitehall Palace: An Architectural History of the Royal Apartments 1240–1690 (New Haven-London, 1999)Google Scholar.
12 OMeA r. 21/B/4, 3414 ex 1853 (letter dated 8 June 1853).
13 I am extremely grateful to Günther Buchinger for the indication that the City had been responsible for the ground floor areas of the already mentioned Widmertor, one of the city gates, since the Middle Ages, while the upper floors fell under sovereign jurisdiction. Schlager, Johann Ignaz, Wiener Skizzen aus dem Mittelalter, vol. 1 (Vienna, 1835), 166Google Scholar.
14 OMeA r. 21/5, 234 ex 1855 (Directorate of Fortress Engineering in Vienna to OMeA dated 9 January 1855).
15 HHStA, Burghauptmannschaft (BH), Allgemeine Reihe, 53 ex 1852 (document dated 27 January 1852); 73 ex 1852 (document dated 7 February 1852); and OMeA r. 21/13 ex 1852 (document dated 9 February 1852).
16 Wagner-Rieger, Renate, ed., Die Wiener Ringstraße. Bild einer Epoche. Die Erweiterung der Inneren Stadt Wien unter Kaiser Franz Joseph, vol. IIGoogle Scholar; Springer, Elisabeth, Geschichte und Kulturleben der Wiener Ringstraße (Wiesbaden, 1979), 148–156, 167–169Google Scholar.
17 Swiss Federal Institute of Technology Zurich (ETH), Institute for the History and Theory of Architecture (gta), Semper-Archiv, 20-K-1869-07-02 (Hasenauer to Semper, dated 2 July 1869).
18 Schwarz, Werner Michael, “Bewegungsspuren. Zur Kritik an der Stadtbefestigung im 18. Jahrhundert” Österreichische Zeitschrift für Kunst und Denkmalpflege 64, no. 1/2 (2010): 128–133Google Scholar.
19 OMeA r. 21/B/4, 3414 ex 1853 (document dated 8 June 1853): “[…] Kommunikazion [sic] zwischen dem inneren u[nd] äußeren Burgplatze […].”
20 OMeA r. 21/B/4, 2979 ex 1853 (document dated 18 May 1853).
21 OMeA r. 21/B/4, 5826 ex 1853 (document dated 6 October 1853): “[…] der ungemein starken Frequenz der Wagen u. Reiter […].” From 1808 onwards, a one-way traffic system had already been introduced at the Kärntnertor (literally Carinthian Gate).
22 HHStA, Planarchiv der Burghauptmannschaft (PAB), C-II-1, no. 781: undated and unsigned ground floor plan for the widening of the inner Hofburg gate.
23 HHStA, Verwaltung der Gebäude vor dem äußern Burgtor, box 1, envelope 1852 (Kundmachung der k.k. niederösterreichischen Statthalterei, dated 12 July 1852).
24 OMeA r. 21/B/4, 5826 ex 1853 (document dated 6 October 1853).
25 OMeA r. 21/B/4, 2979 ex 1853 (Intimat dated 20 May 1853): “[…] um die Passage, sowohl für die höchsten Herrschaften, als für das Publikum so wenig als möglich zu behindern.”
26 OMeA r. 21/B/4, 2979 ex 1853 (document dated 18 May 1853).
27 OMeA r. 89/7, 792 ex 1858 (reply of Kanzleidirektor Philipp Draexler of the OMeA to the Minister of the Interior Alexander Bach dated 22 January 1858).
28 Realis (actually Gerhard Dützele von Coeckelberghe), Die kaiserliche Burg in Wien. Ein Wegweiser für Fremde und Einheimische (Vienna, 1846), 162Google Scholar.
29 Bucher, Bruno and Weiss, Carl, Wanderungen durch Wien und Umgebung (Vienna, 1870), 73Google Scholar.
30 The art gallery had been accommodated in the Upper Belvedere since the late 1770s (Meijers, Debora E., Kunst als Natur. Die Habsburger Gemäldegalerie in Wien um 1780 (Vienna, 1995), esp. 29–50)Google Scholar.
31 Realis, Die kaiserliche Burg, 109, 111–12; Bucher and Weiss, Wanderungen, 74.
32 Realis, Die kaiserliche Burg, 46; Bucher and Weiss, Wanderungen, 75.
33 Realis, Die kaiserliche Burg, 85: “[…] die Appartements oder inneren Gemächer […] während der Abwesenheit der Allerhöchsten und Höchsten Herrschaften besehen werden können […].”
34 Bucher and Weiss, Wanderungen, 75: “Ceremoniensaal und die einstigen Wohnzimmer Maria Theresia's und Josephs II.”
35 Petermann, Reinhard E., Historische Spaziergänge in Wien. Die Wiener Burg (Vienna, 1925), 141 (point A.), 148Google Scholar.
36 Petermann, Historische Spaziergänge, 140.
37 OMeA r. 21/D/1, 726 ex 1854 (document dated 3 February 1854 and response of the OMeA dated 9 February 1854): “[…] in den Abendstunden nächst dem k. k. Volksgarten bei dem Aufgang gegen die Burgbastei […] jener liederlichen Weibspersonen […]” and “[…] liederliche Dirnen […].”
38 OMeA r. 21/B/4, o. Zl. ex 1853 (police announcement on the closing of the inner Hofburg gate dated 8 July 1853).
39 Interdiction of riding, pushing, and even carrying a bike across the Hofburg complex: OMeA r. 21/9, 3789, 5257 and 5645 ex 1901 (documents dated 24 April and 5 and 19 June 1901). Interdiction of honking: OMeA r. 21/11 ex 1910 and ex 1911. I am extremely grateful to Andreas Nierhaus for kindly providing this information.
40 Schneider, Hofgesellschaft und Hofstaat, 1327–29.
41 OMeA r. 89/17 ex 1858.
42 The design (about 1838?) goes back to Peter Nobile; see Bösel, Richard and Krasa, Selma, exhibition catalogue, Monumente. Wiener Denkmäler vom Klassizismus zur Secession (Vienna, 1994), 38–43, numbers 14–15Google Scholar.
43 OMeA r. 89/2, 720 ex 1860 (protocol of a meeting dated 30 January 1860).
44 OMeA r. 89/2, 811 ex 1860 (most humble account given by Carl von Liechtenstein Grand Master of the Household, on 9 February 1860, with the emperor's commentary of 10 February 1860).
45 OMeA r. 89/3, 5513 ex 1864 (copy of Hansen's application letter to the emperor, dated 10 October 1863); see Telesko, Kunst und Geschichtsforschung, 148–50. It is significant that in his proposal Hansen points to Munich and Berlin as the centers of reception of ancient art.
46 OMeA r. 89/3, 207 ex 1864.
47 Eitelberger von Edelberg, “Die Plastik Wiens in diesem Jahrhundert,” in idem, Kunst und Künstler Wiens der neueren Zeit (Gesammelte kunsthistorische Schriften vol. I) (Vienna, 1879), 104–57Google Scholar, here 116, still regretted the absence of monuments commemorating the battles of Wagram and Aspern (1809), adding: “es schien fast, als ob sich Oesterreich vor seiner eigenen Geschichte fürchtete.”
48 Cf. Stachel, Peter, Mythos Heldenplatz (Vienna, 2002), 75–77Google Scholar.
49 For Francis Joseph as the heir of Augustus, Charlemagne, and Charles V, see: Arneth, Joseph Calasanz, “Vortrag über Augustus, Karl den Großen, Karl V. und ihre Monumente in Österreich,” Almanach der kaiserlichen Akademie der Wissenschaften 4 (1854): 173–87Google Scholar.
50 See Mazohl, Brigitte and Schneider, Karin, “Translatio imperii? Reichsidee und Kaisermythos in der Habsburgermonarchie,” in Was vom Alten Reiche blieb. Deutungen, Institutionen und Bilder des frühneuzeitlichen Heiligen Römischen Reiches Deutscher Nation im 19. und 20. Jahrhundert, ed. Asche, Matthias, Nicklas, Thomas, and Stickler, Matthias, 101–28 (Munich, 2011)Google Scholar.
51 In summary: Telesko, Werner, Kulturraum Österreich. Die Identität der Regionen in der bildenden Kunst des 19. Jahrhunderts (Vienna/Cologne/Weimar, 2008), 127–142CrossRefGoogle Scholar.
52 Frodl-Schnemann, Marianne, Johann Peter Krafft 1780–1856. Monographie und Verzeichnis der Gemälde (Vienna/Munich, 1984), 30, 35, Nr. 46Google Scholar.
53 Telesko, Werner, Geschichtsraum Österreich. Die Habsburger und ihre Geschichte in der bildenden Kunst des 19. Jahrhunderts (Vienna/Cologne/Weimar, 2006), 410CrossRefGoogle Scholar.
54 In summary: Bösel and Krasa, Monumente, 103–7, nos. 63–65; Telesko, Kulturraum, 148–49. Sources: ÖStA, Kriegsarchiv (KA), Militärkanzlei Seiner Majestät (MKSM), Sonderreihe (SR; i.e., special series), Karton (K; i.e., box.) 50 (for the years 1860–1865). A summary of the planning history and statement of costs is provided in a history compiled by Josef von Heidt around 1873: “Verwaltungsgeschichte der kaiserlichen Hof-Lust- und Garten-Gebäude im XVII., XVIII., & XIX. Jahrhundert” (OMeA, SR 150, 273–75).
55 Stachel, Heldenplatz, 89–92; Grossegger, Elisabeth, “Dramen als immaterielle Denkmäler im öffentlichen [Theater]raum,” in Die Besetzung des öffentlichen Raumes. Politische Plätze, Denkmäler und Straßennamen im europäischen Vergleich, ed. Jaworski, Rudolf and Stachel, Peter, 293–309 (Berlin, 2007), at 299Google Scholar.
56 KA, MKSM, SR, K. 50, no. 7, which describes the monument to Prince Eugene (to be executed “nach der von dem Bildhauer Anton Fernkorn entworfenen Modellskizze”) as a “Pendant” to the statue of Archduke Carl, cf. Aurenhammer, Hans, Anton Dominik Fernkorn (publication of the Austrian Gallery in Vienna) (Vienna, 1959), 58Google Scholar.
57 A contract was subsequently concluded with the sculptor (on 13 November 1860), and the life-sized plaster model was completed on 12 June 1861. See in general: KA, MKSM, SR, K. 50, nos. 31–54. Under point 1, Fernkorn undertook to create the equestrian statue “mit Zugrundelegung der von Seiner Majestät bereits approbirten [sic!] Modellskizze in derselben kolossalen Dimension” (as the statue of Archduke Carl [W.T.]).
58 Heidt, ca. 1873 (OMeA, SR 150), 253–62; according to a document of the military chancellery dated 19 October 1860 (KA, MKSM, SR, K. 50, nos. 7–30), the “A.H. Familienfonds” paid for the costs.
59 KA, MKSM, SR, K. 50, nos. 60–67: Arneth was instructed to make suitable proposals on 10 November 1860. These were delivered on 15 November 1860.
60 Cf. Kristan, Markus, “Denkmäler der Gründerzeit in Wien,” in Steinernes Bewußtsein I. Die öffentliche Repräsentation staatlicher und nationaler Identität Österreichs in seinen Denkmälern, ed. Riesenfellner, Stefan, 77–165 (Vienna-Cologne-Weimar, 1998), at 86Google Scholar.
61 Joseph Weilen's song Prinz Eugen, der edle Ritter is mentioned among the proposals for songs commemorating Prince Eugene on the occasion of the unveiling ceremony that took place on 18 October 1865, cf. KA, MKSM, SR, K. 50, nos. 213–214.
62 The cost estimate dated 29 January 1862 (KA, MKSM, SR, K. 50, no. 91) contains various names of the prince's victories on the field of battle and the definitive inscriptions in addition to a sketch completed by van der Nüll.
63 According to Carl Meisl the monuments to Joseph II and Francis II (I) also embody the functions of the “Guardians of Zion” in regard to the Hofburg complex: “Es ruh't von Ihrer geist'gen Huth umschlossen, / und treu bewacht das Erbe Ihrer Sprossen.” Meisl, Carl, Das Monument weiland Seiner Majestät des höchstseligen Kaisers Franz des Ersten. Festgedicht. Nach der feierlichen Enthüllung desselben, on 16 June 1846 (Vienna, 1846), 6Google Scholar.
64 A characteristic report in the Wiener Zeitung of 21 June 1862, no. 141, 933, describes the unearthing of “mehrere[n] türkische[n] Gefäße[n]” (scil. dating back to the second Turkish siege of Vienna) during the excavation work for the monument to Prince Eugene.
65 KA, MKSM, SR, K. 47 (unnumbered).
66 “[…] das Ganze löst sich in eine Reihe von Porträtfiguren auf, […]. Alle diese Porträtfiguren vereinigen sich zu einem Gesammtbilde [sic!] der Zeit Maria Theresia's.” Eitelberger, “Die Plastik Wiens,” 149.
67 Arneth's memoir, quoted in: Wagner-Rieger, Die Wiener Ringstraße, vol. IX/1, Kapner, Gerhardt, Ringstraßendenkmäler. Zur Geschichte der Ringstraßendenkmäler (Wiesbaden, 1973), 20–21Google Scholar.
68 von Chatelain, Caesar, Patriotisches Gedenkblatt zur Enthüllungsfeier des Kaiserin Maria Theresia-Monumentes in Wien am 13. Mai 1888, ed. Allmayer, Eduard (Vienna, 1888), 3Google Scholar.
69 Ibid., 19–20. Two of the virtues refer to the empress's motto, Iustitia et Clementia.
70 Mazohl-Wallnig, Brigitte, Zeitenwende 1806. Das Heilige Römische Reich und die Geburt des modernen Europa (Vienna/Cologne/Weimar, 2005), 272Google Scholar.
71 Telesko, Werner, “Anton Dominik Fernkorns Wiener Erzherzog-Carl-Denkmal als nationale ‘Bildformel,’” Wiener Geschichtsblätter 62, no. 1 (2007): 9–28Google Scholar; Cole, Laurence, “Il sacro Romano Impero e la monarchia asburgica dopo il 1806: riflessioni su un'eredità contraddittoria,” in Gli imperi dopo l'Impero nell'Europa del XIX secolo, ed. Bellabarba, Marco, Mazohl, Brigitte, Stauber, Reinhard, and Verga, Marcello, 241–76 (Bologna, 2008)Google Scholar.
72 Duller, Eduard, Maria Theresia und ihre Zeit, vol. 1 (Wiesbaden, 1844), 13Google Scholar, believed that the Austrian Empire was established on the basis of Maria Theresa's achievements; Schwerdfeger, Josef, “Rede zum 200jährigen Jubiläum der pragmatischen Sanktion,” in Jahres-Bericht über das k. k. Akademische Gymnasium in Wien für das Schuljahr 1912/1913, 21–28Google Scholar, here 27, described Maria Theresa as “eigentlich schon die erste Kaiserin von Österreich.” Note that the final verse of the festive anthem used at the inauguration of the Viennese monument to Maria Theresa, composed by Joseph Weilen (and set to music by Eduard Kremser) contains a reference to the symbolism of the Empire: “An die Herrlichste der Frauen, / Die voll Muth und Gottvertrauen / Uns ein Reich, ein starkes, schuf.”
73 Fundamental: Ottillinger, Eva B. and Hanzl, Lieselotte, Kaiserliche Interieurs. Die Wohnkultur des Wiener Hofes im 19. Jahrhundert (Vienna, 1997)Google Scholar, although the text does not attach any major significance to the use of tapestries.
74 For a pioneering publication on the function of tapestries, see: Brassat, Wolfgang, Tapisserien und Politik. Funktionen, Kontexte und Rezeption eines repräsentativen Mediums (Berlin, 1992)Google Scholar. The work does not analyze their use in the nineteenth century, however. See also: Schlösser, Staatliche und Baden-Württemberg, Gärten und Baden-Württemberg, Landesmedienzentrum, eds., Tapisserien. Wandteppiche aus den staatlichen Schlössern Baden-Württembergs (Weinheim, 2002)Google Scholar.
75 von Birk, Ernst Ritter, “Inventar der im Besitze des allerhöchsten Kaiserhauses befindlichen Niederländer Tapeten und Gobelins,” in Jahrbuch der kunsthistorischen Sammlungen des allerhöchsten Kaiserhauses, ed. de Crenneville, Franz Graf Folliot, vol. 1, 213–48 (Vienna, 1883)Google Scholar and vol. 2, 167–215 (Vienna, 1884). The former imperial collection is part of today's Kunsthistorisches Museum.
76 Birk, “Inventar,” 213.
77 HHStA, Birk-Nachlass, XIX/6, 201 (Verzeichnis no. 172), “Inventarium der im k. k. Hof-Garde-de-meubles zu Schönbrunn befindlichen Niederländer-Spaliere,” 1862–1867; Archiv des Mobiliendepots, “Theil-Inventar über die zum beweglichen Fidei-Commiss-Vermögen des allerdurchlauchtigsten Erzhauses gehörigen von dem k. k. Obersthofmeisterstabe verwalteten vier Sammlungen. I. Sammlung kostbarer Niederländer Tapeten und Gobelins,” 1875.
78 Bernoulli, Johann, Sammlung kurzer Reisebeschreibungen und anderer zur Erweiterung der Länder- und Menschenkenntniß dienender Nachrichten, vol. 13 (Berlin, 1784), 12–13Google Scholar; von Sickingen, Franz Schweickhardt Ritter, Darstellung der k. k. Haupt- und Residenzstadt Wien, Dritte Abtheilung (Vienna, 1832), 31Google Scholar.
79 OMeA r. 21/B/4 ex 1852; BH Rechnungsakten (RA), K. 191 and K. 192 ex 1851/1852, various invoices.
80 Birk-Nachlass: “9. 19 Stück, Siege Carl V. von Lothringen […] 1851 Octob. aufgemacht, 14 Stücke in der Burg.” (today: KHM, T IX/1, 2, 4, 6–10, 12, 14, 15, 17–19). For the history and iconography, see: Bauer, Rotraud, exhibition catalogue, Historische Schlachten auf Tapisserien aus dem Besitz des Kunsthistorischen Museums Wien (Eisenstadt, 1976), 29–39Google Scholar.
81 BH RA, Krönung 1838, K. 272, “Verzeichnis des Hof Ceremoniel Meublements und verschiedenen Dekorirungs Effekten.” Only five items from this series were able to be sent to Prague two years previously when Ferdinand was crowned King of Bohemia because the remaining fourteen were still “in der Burg aufgemacht” (mounted in the Burg). BH RA, Krönung 1836, K. 271, “Verzeichniß deren […] nach Prag abgesendeten Effekten”.
82 “Theil-Inventar,” 1875; (today: KHM, T XXVI/1–3 and T XXVIII/2, 3, 4: They depict the coats of arms of the alliance between Lorraine and Orleans, as well as medallions with the intertwined initials L and E).
83 OMeA r. 21/B/4 ex 1852, cost sheet dated 8 April 1851: The walls and ceiling were painted simply and the canework seating lacked arm or back rests.
84 KHM, T XXIX/1 and 2 (subsequent entry in the “Theil-Inventar” 1875). The tapestries remained more or less in this arrangement at least until 1921. For further details on tapestries as symbols of sovereignty, see: Brassat, Tapisserien und Politik, 75–76.
85 KHM, T XXVI/2, 5, 7, 10, 11, 13 and T XXVII/1–7.
86 Cf. Petermann, Historische Spaziergänge, 149–50.
87 This apartment was named after Archduke Stephan Franz Victor, Hungarian Palatinus in 1847/1848. In the second half of the nineteenth century, it was used for housing guests. Although the archduke did not use it after 1850 at the latest, the name remained unchanged.
88 This apartment was at the disposal of field marshal Joseph Wenzel Radetzky from 1848 onward. Shortly afterwards rededicated as a guest apartment, its name remained unchanged until today.
89 BH RA, K. 192, 229 and 302 ex 1851/1852.
90 KHM, T XX/2, 6, 7.
91 KHM, T XXI/2, 4, 5.
92 Brassat, Tapisserien und Politik, 108. The author does not deal explicitly with the situation in Vienna, however.
93 KHM, T VI/1-8. Birk-Nachlass: “seit 1853 in der Burg aufgemacht, Stephansapp. 8 Stück.” The precious Nouvelles Indes-Serie (KHM, T XV/2, 3, 8) can be proven for the final room, at least after 1875. “Theil-Inventar,” 1875.
94 Birk, “Inventar,” 220.
95 Petermann, Historische Spaziergänge, 149.
96 Initially only in two, later in three rooms: “Vertumnus and Pomona” (KHM, T XX/1, 8); “Romulus and Remus” (KHM, T XXI/1, 6, 8; even later: T XXI/3, 7). “Theil-Inventar,” 1875. This is where the King of Serbia, the King and Queen of Romania (BH, Allgemeine Reihe, Varia ex 1887), and the Shah of Persia (BH, Allgemeine Reihe, Varia ex 1889) stayed in 1887, for example, as befitted their status.
97 BH RA, K. 226, Verzeichnis no. 109 ex 1878/1879.
98 Nora Fugger, Im Glanz der Kaiserzeit (Vienna/Munich, 21980), 188; cf. also: BH, Allgemeine Reihe, 84 ex 1885.
99 KHM, T XI/1–12.
100 KHM, T XVI/1–4; for details of origins and iconography, see: the exhibition catalogue, Wohnen im Schloss. Tapisserien, Möbel, Porzellan und Kleider aus drei Jahrhunderten (Eisenstadt, 1991), 49–54Google Scholar.
101 OMeA r. 21/B/10 ex 1880; BH, Allgemeine Reihe, 299 ex 1880.
102 Bernoulli, Sammlung kurzer Reisebeschreibungen, 9–16.
103 Triumph der Götter und Göttinnen (KHM, T LV/1, 2, 4, 5) in the salon, Boucher-Serie (KHM, T XIV/1–4) in the sitting room; cf. the watercolor by Johann Stephan Decker, 1826 (depicted in Ottillinger / Hanzl, Kaiserliche Interieurs, 105, fig. 54).
104 In this regard, there was one occasion when a proposal—submitted by Karl Fürst Liechtenstein, the Obersthofmeister—to cover Johann Peter Krafft's wall paintings in the audience antechamber with three large tapestries from the “Kriegsthaten Alexander des Großen” series remained unrealized. OMeA r. 21/B/2, 2506 ex 1858, cf. also Ottillinger / Hanzl, Kaiserliche Interieurs, 161.
105 Unpublished series of plans with 46 tables. HHStA, PAB, H-I-1, no. 703 to H-I-46, no. 748. Audience Hall: H-I-39, no. 741, table 39: The tapestries depicted here were able to be identified as the series T II (“Abraham”), T XIX (“Joshua”), and T XLV (throne canopy). Salons next to the dance hall: H-I-33, no. 735, table 33: KHM series, T LXV (“Apollo, Minerva, and the Muses”); H-I-36, no. 738, table 36: KHM series, T LXXVI (“Perseus and Andromeda”).
106 BH RA, K. 194 ex 1854, various invoices.
107 OMeA r. 134/8, 255 ex 1854, “Verzeichnis für Apartment I. M.,” dated 27 May 1854.
108 Zweig, Marianne, Zweites Rokoko. Innenräume und Hausrat in Wien um 1830–1860 (Vienna, 1924)Google Scholar; Bernadette Reinhold, “[…] wobey ich von dem Grundsatze ausgehe, den gegenwärtigen Styl beizubehalten […]. Zur Wohnkultur und imperialen Repräsentation in der Wiener Hofburg unter Kaiser Ferdinand I. (1835–1848),” in Telesko, Die Wiener Hofburg, 37–61.
109 Sachsenhofer, Dagmar, “Der ‘Ananasdamast’—textiles Symbol kaiserlichen Machtanspruchs,” Österreichische Zeitschrift für Kunst und Denkmalpflege 65, nos. 1/2 (2011): 101–20Google Scholar.
110 Ibid.
111 The Bilderzimmer (“galerie room”) of Archduchess Sophie, the mother of Emperor Francis Joseph, is well documented both in terms of interior pictures and documentary material (for the first time in Ottillinger/Hanzl, Kaiserliche Interieurs, 96–97).
112 Sachsenhofer, “Der ‘Ananasdamast,’” 119–20.
113 Unowsky, Daniel L., “Reasserting Empire: Habsburg Imperial Celebrations after the Revolutions of 1848–1849,” in Staging the Past. The Politics of Commemoration in Habsburg Central Europe, 1848 to the Present (Central European Studies), ed. Bucur, Maria and Wingfield, Nancy M., 13–45 (West Lafayette, 2001), at 13Google Scholar.
