22 August 2024: Due to technical disruption, we are experiencing some delays to publication. We are working to restore services and apologise for the inconvenience. For further updates please visit our website: https://www.cambridge.org/universitypress/about-us/news-and-blogs/cambridge-university-press-publishing-update-following-technical-disruption
We use cookies to distinguish you from other users and to provide you with a better experience on our websites. Close this message to accept cookies or find out how to manage your cookie settings.
Published online by Cambridge University Press: 16 February 2015
The Queen's visit to Oxford in 1566 has been viewed largely through the prism of John Nichols’ The Progresses of Queen Elizabeth. This article returns to the manuscript sources, all of which survive. All make the disputations central; all but one were written by Catholics who subsequently suffered for their faith: Thomas Neale, John Bereblock and Miles Windsor. The Queen's visit clearly represented for Catholics in Oxford the last chance to try to win her favour. This article explores the complex tensions that existed in early Elizabethan Oxford: between the Calvinists who dominated Christ Church and Magdalen, and those still committed to the ‘old religion’. It highlights the continuities with pre-Reformation and Marian Oxford, arguing that Sir Thomas Pope and Sir Thomas White had engaged, with the Owens of Godstow, in a coherent programme to preserve as many of the monastic houses as they could. An exploration of the background of the three main witnesses reveals the presence of a determined Catholic resistance to the Earl of Leicester and his Vice-Chancellor, and the beginnings of alternative centres of learning in an ‘underground’ university of halls, taverns and farms that soon included many of the leading scholars: Thomas Neale, George Etheridge, Edmund Rainolds and John Case. It was while moving along this network that Edmund Campion was captured.
1 Bodley MS Wood F. 29a, fols 190v–191; printed in Clark, Andrew, ed., Anthony Wood's Survey of the Antiquities of the City of Oxford , vol. 2: Churches and Religious Houses (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1890), OHS XVII, pp. 444–45.Google Scholar
2 Bodley MS Wood F. 29a, fols. 186–7; Wood, City of Oxford, vol. 2, pp. 431–32.
3 Dobson, R. B., ‘The Religious Orders 1370–1540’, in HUO, vol. 2: Late Medieval Oxford, eds Catto, J. I. and Evans, Ralph (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1992), p. 541.Google Scholar
4 Evidence for the dissolution, destruction and transfer of these lands and buildings, going from south-west to north-east, can be found in Wood's detailed investigations, in Bodley MS Wood F. 29a: Black Friars, fols 143v and 178v; Grey Friars, fol. 169r–v; Oseney, fols. 217r–219v; Rewley, fol. 227r; Gloucester College, fol. 265r; White Friars, fols. 186r-7r; St Bernard's, fol. 259v; Durham, 270v; Austin Friars, fols 198v and 200r. This manuscript is the original of Wood, City of Oxford, vol. 2, pp. 189–472. George Owen, M.D., physician to Henry VIII, Edward VI and Mary, and guide of George Etheridge, had obtained, between 1540 and 1549, the monastic properties of Godstow, Rewley, Durham College, the chantry of St Mary Magdalen, New Hall and Alban Hall, and part of the estate of Oseney. He passed Rewley to Christ Church, New Hall and Alban Hall to Merton, and Durham College to Sir Pope, Thomas (Wood, City of Oxford, vol. 2, p. 274,Google Scholar note 2). See Stevenson, W. H. and Salter, H. E., The Early History of St John's College, Oxford (Oxford: University Press, 1939), for White Friars and Gloucester Hall, pp. 123–132;Google Scholar ODNB ‘George Owen’, by Sidney Lee, rev. Patrick Wallis.
5 Bodley MS F. 29a, fols 251r–252v; Wood, City of Oxford, vol. 2, pp. 241–244.
6 Hegarty, Andrew, A Biographical Register of St John's College, Oxford (Oxford: Boydell Press, 2011), OHS, n.s. vol. XLIII, pp. 16, 51, 143.Google Scholar
7 Fuggles, J. F., ‘A History of the Library of S. John's College, Oxford from the Foundation of the College to 1660’ (Dissertation for Oxford University, 1975), pp. 20–22;Google Scholar Stevenson and Salter, Early History of St John's, pp. 135–36; Kilroy, Gerard, Edmund Campion: Memory and Transcription (Burlington VT and Aldershot: Ashgate, 2005), pp. 42–43.Google Scholar
8 Gabriel Dunne, the son of a grocer, studied at St Bernard's College, supplicated for the BTh, having studied logic, philosophy, and theology for twelve years, a course of instruction that he may have begun at Stratford. He died on 5 December 1558, and bequeathed thirty-eight works in forty-five volumes to St John's, including works of classical literature and theology, Stevenson and Salter, Early History of St John's, p. 122; ODNB, ‘Gabriel Dunne’, by Nicholas Orme.
9 Stevenson and Salter, Early History of St John's, pp. 133–36.
10 The price was £1566 13s 4d, Stevenson and Salter, Early History of St John's, pp. 193–194.
11 John Bereblock, ‘Commentarii sive Ephemerae actiones rerum illustrium Oxonii gestarum in adventu Serenissimae Principis Elizabethae’, Bodley MS A. 63, fol. 2r–v (my translation).
12 Bodley MS A. 63, fols 2v–3r.
13 Williams, Penry, ‘Elizabethan Oxford: State, Church and University’, in HUO, vol. 3, The Collegiate University, ed. McConica, James (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1986), p. 397.Google Scholar
14 Nichols, John, The Progresses and Public Processions of Queen Elizabeth, 2 vols (London: John Nichols, 1788),Google Scholar vol. 1, ‘The Queen at Oxford, 1566’ (paginated discretely as pp. 1–110).
15 Nichols, ‘The Queen at Oxford, 1566’, pp. 8–34.
16 Nichols, ‘The Queen at Oxford, 1566’, pp. 101–106. The long poem includes Jesus College, not founded as a college till 1571.
17 Nichols, ‘The Queen at Oxford, 1566’, pp. 3–4. For Kingsmill's welcoming speech, see below.
18 Nichols, ‘The Queen at Oxford, 1566’, p. 4.
19 For Sampson's radical views, see Dent, C. M., Protestant Reformers in Elizabethan Oxford (Oxford: University Press, 1983), pp. 29–39.Google Scholar
20 CCC MS 257, fol. 107v; Bodley MS Twyne 17, p. 160: the Queen stayed in her ‘chamber’ while Dr Overton of Christ Church and Mr Harris of New College gave their sermons to the Court.
21 The phrase comes from the letter of Archbishop Parker to All Souls College on 26 March 1567, asking them to deface the plate to avoid ‘all suspicion of superstition’.
22 Dent, Protestant Reformers, pp. 20–39.
23 CCC MS 257, fol. 105v; Bodley MS Twyne 17, pp. 157–58.
24 Hearne, Thomas, Historia Vitae et Regni Ricardi II. Angliae Regis … Joannis Berebloci Commentarii (Oxford: Sheldonian Theatre, 1729).Google Scholar Bereblock's ‘Commentarii Sive Ephemerae Actiones’ are on pp. 251–296. Plummer, Charles, Elizabethan Oxford (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1887),Google Scholar reprinted Hearne's version, but collated it with Bodley MS Add. A. 63, which is, in fact, an autograph manuscript.
25 Thomas Hearne, ed., Henry Dodwelli De Parma Equestri Woodwardiana Dissertatio. Accedit Thomas Neli Dialogus inter Reginam Elizabetham et Robertum Dudleium (Oxford: Sheldonian Theatre, 1713). The Dialogus occupies pp. 117–150, and includes excellent copies of the drawings, but in the disordered order of Bodley MS 13.
26 Windsor, Miles, Academiarum Quae Aliquando Fuere Et Hodie Sunt In Europa, Catalogus& enumeratio brevis (London: Bishop, G. and Newberie, R., 1590),Google Scholar STC 25841. CCC MS 280, fols 18–23, contains proof sheets of a later edition, Europaei orbis academiae celebriores et aliquando florentes, (Oxford: Joseph Barnes, 1592),Google Scholar STC, 25841a.5, together with Miles Windsor's annotations. There are further manuscript leaves (fols 24 to 27), which show Miles Windsor still tabulating the universities of Europe and the schools of England. Windsor had expanded the broadside by Pius, Thomas, Academiarum totius Europae, seu orbis christiani catalogus (London: Thomas Vautrollier, 1586)Google Scholar STC 10568, a copy of which is included in CCC MS 280. There is another table of numbers in all the colleges in Cambridge and Oxford, ‘as it was delivered to Prince Henry at his request by Dr Shingleton, then Vichechanc. of Oxford Ao. 1611. 20 Augusti’, and ‘Another more exact account of the whole number of schollers and students in the university of Oxon taken in Ao. 1612. in the Long Vacation’, in Bodley MS Twyne 21, pp. 511–515. The totals are 2420 and 2839 respectively. Miles Windsor continued to construct tables for a long time.
27 Nichols, Progresses, ‘The Queen at Oxford, 1566’, pp. 61 and 106, notes.
28 Nichols, Progresses, ‘The Queen at Oxford, 1566’, p. 61. The order in Nichols is not that in the ‘Epitome’, which is the clearly intended order of the original ‘Dialogus’. This is also the order that Louise Durning reconstructs from the manuscript in her recent edition of Bodley MS 13, Queen Elizabeth's Book of Oxford (Oxford: Bodleian Library, 2006), pp. 35–36.Google Scholar There are no illustrations, of course, in the copy of the ‘Dialogus’, in Bodley MS Twyne 21, pp. 779–791.
29 For details see ‘Manuscript Sources’, I. i–ii.
30 Bodleian MS Tanner 50, fol. 10v, quoted by Morrissey, Mary, Politics and the Paul's Cross Sermons 1558–1642 (Oxford: University Press, 2011), p. 170.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
31 Thomas Baker copied into BL MS Harley 7033, fols 142r–149v, Robinson's ‘Of the Actes done at Oxford’, followed by Robinson's version of Richard Stephens's ‘Abridgement’, apparently from Folger MS V.a.176, fols 167r–172r, because the copy in Twyne (not in Twyne's hand) does not include the whole of the ‘Epitome’, finishing at ‘Schola theologica’, omitting all the halls and student numbers. Richard Stephens matriculated in 1567 at Corpus, and became a fellow in 1569.
32 Robinson's account of the Oxford visit is in Folger MS V.a.176, fols 154r–166v, whereas his account of the Cambridge royal visit runs from fols 1–152.
33 Records of Early English Drama: Oxford, ed. John, R. Elliott Jr.,, and Alan, H. Nelson, Alexandra, F. Johnston and Wyatt, Diana, 2 vols (London: British Library and University of Toronto Press, 2004), I. 113–145 Google Scholar (records), II. 696–98 (notes); 979–83 (translation).
34 ODNB, ‘John Bereblock’, by Geoffrey Tyack.
35 Nichols, Progresses, vol. 1, ‘Entertainments at Cambridge’, p. 1.
36 Bodley MS 13, fols iiv–ivv, 3v–21r, is apparently the original gift book, with Neale's autograph copy of the ‘Dialogus’ in Latin and Hebrew verse, and Bereblock's ‘delineations’ of the colleges.
37 Hegarty, Biographical Register, pp. 528–29.
38 Commentarii Rabbi Davidis Kimhi in Haggaeum, Zachariam & Malachiam Prophetas (Paris, 1557);Google Scholar see Wood, Anthony, Athenae Oxonienses, 2 vols ed. Bliss, Philip (London: Rivington et al., 1813),Google Scholar I.576–78.
39 BL MS Royal 2 D. xxi: Rabbi Davidis Kimhi commentarii super Hoseam, Joelem, Amos, Abdiam, Jonam, Micheam, Nahum, Habacuc & Sophonian; Latine redditi per Thomas Nelum, Hebraicae Linguae Professorem Oxonii; et R. Elizabethae inscripti. The text is in Neale's own hand, in black ink, with Biblical quotations in red.
40 Stevenson and Salter, Early History of St John's College, p. 422: a letter of Sir Thomas White of 12 December 1566.
41 Hegarty, Biographical Register, p. 529. See Wood, Athenae Oxonienses, I.576–77, fn. 9.
42 Plummer, Elizabethan England, p. xviii.
43 Bodley MS 13, fols 17v–18r.
44 Hegarty, Biographical Register, p. 16.
45 VCH, Oxford, vol. 12, Wootton Hundred (South) including Woodstock, ed. Crossley, Alan (Oxford: University Press, 1990):Google Scholar ‘Cassington’, Janet Cooper (pp. 36–54), p. 41.
46 Bodl. MS Wood, E. 1, fols 160r-160v.
47 VCH, Oxford, vol. 12, (1990), p. 41. For the division of the property, see p. 46.
48 Bodley MS Wood E. 1, fol. 160r-v. P.R.O., C 142/331, no. 104; C 142/548, no. 47.
49 Fowler, Thomas, The History of Corpus Christi College (Oxford: Oxford Historical Society, 1893), pp. 110–111;Google Scholar Dent, Protestant Reformers, p. 43. John, R. Elliott Jr.,, ‘Queen Elizabeth at Oxford: New Light on the Royal Plays of 1566’, in English Literary Renaissance, vol. 18 (1988), 218–229 Google Scholar (p. 228).
50 Godfrey Anstruther, O.P., Seminary Priests, vol. 1 Elizabethan (Durham: St Edmund's College, [1968]), p. 287.Google Scholar
51 Foster, Joseph, Alumni Oxonienses (Oxford: Parker, 1891), vol. 3, p. 1247;Google Scholar VHC, vol. 3, The University of Oxford, ed. Salter, H. E. and Mary, D. Lobel (Oxford: University Press, 1954), p. 223.Google Scholar
52 York Minster MS XVI.L.6, pp. 248–50. The marginal gloss, Duo Raynoldi fratres, is in the hand of Thomas Combe, not Tobie Matthew, as stated in Clements Markham, R., ed., A Tracton the Succession to the Crown (A.D. 1602), by Sir John Harington, Kt. (London: J. B. Nichols, 1880), pp. 111–114.Google Scholar
53 Kilroy, Gerard, ed., The Epigrams of Sir John Harington (Burlington VT and Farnham: Ashgate, 2009), pp. 100–101.Google Scholar
54 SPD 1581–1590, 12/157/68 [undated], cited by Alan Davidson, ‘Roman Catholicism in Oxfordshire from the Late Elizabethan Period to the Civil War (c. 1580– c. 1640)’, a Ph. D. thesis presented to the University of Bristol in 1970, p. 191.
55 See my ‘Sir Thomas Tresham: his Emblem’, in Emblematica, 17, July 2009, 149–79.
56 This text is taken from the plaque itself (my translation). Wood copied the text in Bodley MS Wood E. 1, fol. 85r; Nichols, ‘The Queen at Oxford, 1566’, p. 61. Juvenal uses iuvo with ‘nudumhospitio tectoque’, Saturae, 3.211, and Ovid with ‘aliquem portuque locoque’, Heroides, 2.55.
57 Hegarty, Biographical Register, pp. 12–13.
58 Stevenson and Salter, The Early History of St. John's College, p. 143. I have used samples of his calligraphy in the statutes as the standard of his hand.
59 Bodley MS 13, fols 12v–13v; see Durning, Queen Elizabeth's Book, p. 15. Exeter is given forty lines and its founder, Sir William Petre, presented as a model for others.
60 Durning, Queen Elizabeth's Book, pp. 30–32, makes a powerful case for the book as a coherent series of emblems, from the tree of Hebrew on the ‘frontispiece’ to the last line in the dialogue.
61 ODNB, ‘John Bereblock’, by Geoffrey Tyack.
62 BL MS Add. 48029 (Yelverton MS 33) fol. 123v, printed in CRS, vol. 53, p. 195. The spy, who mistakes many Christian names, calls him William, but identifies him clearly as having been Proctor some eight years earlier. This makes it unlikely that he is the Bereblock who obtains permission to be ordained as a priest in Bologna in 1575, Hegarty, Biographical Register, p. 13.
63 Archivum Romanum Societatis Iesu, ‘Fondo Iesuitico 651’, no. 606.
64 Bodley MS Wood F. 29a, fol. 234v; printed Wood, City of Oxford, vol. 2, p. 160; Foster, Alumni Oxonienses, vol. 4, p. 1660.
65 John, R. Elliott Jr.,, ‘Queen Elizabeth at Oxford: New Light on the Royal Plays of 1566’, in English Literary Renaissance, 18.2 (1988), 218–229 Google Scholar (p. 223). Elliott's ‘Appendix’, p. 228, provides the best biography, but even he begins, ‘Little is known of Miles's life.’
66 CCC MS 257, fol. 109v.
67 Wood, Athenae Oxonienses, II.358; Elliott, ‘Queen Elizabeth at Oxford’, p. 228.
68 CCC MS 257, fol. 118r; Elliott, ‘Queen Elizabeth at Oxford’, p. 223.
69 Dent, Protestant Reformers, p. 43. See Dom, Bede Camm, Forgotten Shrines (London: MacDonald & Evans, 1910),Google Scholar ‘An Oxford Martyr’, pp. 149–82, for a vivid account of the Napier (Napper) family, the struggle at Corpus and the martyrdom.
70 Wood, Athenae Oxonienses, II. 358–59; cited by Elliott, ‘Queen Elizabeth at Oxford’, p. 228.
71 Bodley MS Wood F. 29a, fol. 190v; Wood, City of Oxford, vol. 2, pp. 442–3; Athenae Oxonienses, II.359.
72 CCC MS 280, fols 169r to 186v. The poems have been copied out in a beautiful, neat hand, and represent a remarkable record of an ephemeral event. The first leaf (fol. 169v) notes Greek verses by George Etheridge, and lists distinguished fellows of the college from Reginald Pole and John Shepreve to Richard Edwards and John Clement. Both sides of fol. 170 contain a welcoming speech to the college (presumably never given). The last leaf, fol. 188, is in Windsor's own hand. Thomas Twyne went on to complete Thomas Phaer's translation of the Aeneid, The whole.xii. bookes of the Aeneidos. The residue supplied, and the whole newly setforth, by Twyne, T. (London: How, W. f. Veale, A., 1573),Google Scholar STC 24801. CCC has the only copy in Oxford.
73 CCC MS 257, fol. 109 (fair copy) fol. 120 (draft); ‘A Brief Rehearsall’, Bodley MS Twyne 21, p. 795; Folger MS V.a.176, fol. 168v and BL Harley MS 7033, fol. 151v. Robinson notes simply verses, and gives two samples, one of which is an account of the Oxford Marian martyrs, fol. 146v.
74 CCC MS 257, fol. 113v.
75 CCC MS 280, fol. 171r. The poems of John Rainolds, in Greek, Latin and Hebrew, are on fols. 180r–181v. His Latin poem has been considerably corrected.
76 See above, note 26, for bibliographic information. Joseph Barnes, father of John Barnes, published nine of John Case's books, including ‘the first book to come from Barnes's press’, Speculum moraliium quaestionum in 1585 (STC 4759), Barker, Nicholas, The Oxford University Press and the Spread of Learning 1478–1978 (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1978), p. 7.Google Scholar Barnes, it seems, used the Convocation's bequest of £100 to publish the works of two men (John Case and Miles Windsor) officially outside the university, and both, in Wood's words of Case, ‘Popishly affected’.
77 Bodley MS. Twyne 17, pp. 157–167. The manuscript has been paginated.
78 See Wood, Fasti Oxonienses, I.91–94. In 1532, the year William Petre became a Doctor of Civil Law and William Tresham a Doctor of Theology, a long line of monks and friars incepted as Bachelors of Divinity.
79 Elliott, ‘Queen Elizabeth at Oxford’, p. 229.
80 Wood says that Edmund Rainolds taught at Gloucester Hall, Bodley MS Wood E. 1, fol. 160r. There also were three of Lord Windsor's brothers, Miles Windsor's cousins, being taught by Richard Norris, who, after his ordination in Laon in 1579, taught the children of Richard Owen of Godstow in his Holborn house, Alan Davidson, ‘Roman Catholicism in Oxfordshire from the Late Elizabethan Period to the Civil War (c.1580–c.1640)’, a thesis presented for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy at the University of Bristol (1970), p. 644 and p. 408. Norris met Campion in Wing, Buckinghamshire, at the house of Robert Dormer, SPD 12/168/25.ii. See also, Godfrey Anstruther, O.P., The Seminary Priests, vol. 1, Elizabethan (Ware: St Edmund's College, [1968]), p. 254.Google Scholar Edmund Rainolds’ connection with Gloucester Hall is confirmed by the fact that it was he who carried the letter of resignation as Principal from Christopher Bagshaw in April 1581 to the Vice-Chancellor, Victoria History of the County of Oxford, vol. 3, The University of Oxford, ed. Salter, H. E. and Mary, D. Lobel (Oxford: University Press, 1954), p. 299.Google Scholar The close links between the county and the university, and between all these families in Corpus, Gloucester Hall and St John's, are striking.
81 [Richard] Owen is listed among the ‘professed enemies’ in the recusant returns of 1577, CRS, vol. 22 (1921), ed. Patrick Ryan, p. 98. See also CRS, vol. 13 (1913), p. 102, for a list of 1574. There is a surviving oral tradition that priests hid in Reynolds Farm and that nuns lived there.
82 BL MS Harley 7033, fol. 286r–v.
83 CCC MS 257, fol. 105v.
84 CCC MS 257, fol. 107v.
85 CCC MS 257, fol. 118r.
86 For Campion's text, see Bodley MS Rawl. D. 272, fols 11r–12r; for the Queen's comment, see CCC MS 257, fol. 109r; Bodley MS Twyne 17, p. 162. Wood recounts the joke, in Nichols, Progresses, ‘The Queen at Oxford, 1566’, p. 77. Nichols describes Edmund Campion, in a footnote, as ‘a florid preacher’, ‘The Queen at Oxford, 1566’, p. 83.
87 Stow, John, ‘Historical Memoranda’, in Three Fifteenth-Century Chronicles, ed Gairdner, James (London: Camden Society, 1880), p. 137.Google Scholar
88 Bodleian MS Rawl. D. 272, fol. 11r; another copy exists in Folger MS V.a.173, fol. 29v.
89 We know that the Privy Council had to remind the authorities in Christ Church to pay Neale at the start of the reign; it is perfectly possible, given Neale's migration to Hart Hall, that they continued to starve him, and Hebrew, of the oxygen of funding.
90 Bodley MS 13, fol. iiv; see Durning, Queen Elizabeth's Book, p. 30. There may also be a local reference hidden here, since part of Grey Friars, famous for its collection of Hebrew books, was called ‘paradise’, Wood, Bodley MS Wood F. 29a, fols 165 and 169. In the statutes of Queen's College, the spiraculum of theology is ‘likened to the tree of life planted in the paradise-garden of the church militant’, Greenslade, S. L., ‘The Faculty of Theology’, HUO, vol. 3, p. 295.Google Scholar
91 See Dent, Protestant Reformers, ‘The Elizabethan Settlement’, pp. 17–46. Oxford differs from the general picture given by MacCaffrey, Wallace, Elizabeth I (London: Edward Arnold, 1993), p. 110,Google Scholar ‘The residual Catholicism of the countryside appeared dormant, slowly decaying towards final extinction as the older generation died off.’ See also, Brigden, Susan, New Worlds, Lost Worlds': The Rule of the Tudors, 1485– 1603 (London: Viking, 2000), p. 237:Google Scholar ‘For a decade the Catholics had been quiescent, and had posed no danger. There had been no persecution, few tests of faith’.
92 Dent, Protestant Reformers, pp. 40–43. Sir Thomas White had cleverly transferred the rights of visitation to Sir William Cordell.
93 Williams, Penry, ‘State, Church and University 1558–1603’, HUO, vol. 3, p. 423.Google Scholar
94 Oxford University Archives, Calendar in Congregation and Convocation, 1564–82, fols 39v–69v.
95 [Persons, Robert], Leicester's Commonwealth, ed. Peck, D. C., (Ohio: University Press, 1985), p. 116.Google Scholar For others who argue that Persons is the author of Leicester's Commonwealth, see my ‘Advertising the Reader: Sir John Harington's “Directions in the Margent”, in English Literary Renaissance, vol. 41.1 (2011), 64–109 CrossRefGoogle Scholar (p. 95, fn. 113). Alan H. Nelson supports the argument for Persons as the author in a forthcoming article; he argues that, because Charles Arundel is the author of ‘An addycion’, he could not be the author of Leicester's Commonwealth itself, where the style is radically different.
96 Dent, Protestant Reformers, p. 20.
97 Dent, Protestant Reformers, p. 21.
98 Cross, Claire, ‘Oxford and the Tudor State 1509–1558’, HUO, vol. 3, p. 130.Google Scholar
99 Wood, Anthony, Fasti Oxonienses, ed. Bliss, P., (London: Rivington, 1815), I.160.Google Scholar
100 Williams, Penry, ‘State, Church and University 1558–1603’, HUO, vol. 3, p. 416.Google Scholar
101 Dent, Protestant Reformers, p. 38.
102 CCC MS 257, fol. 117r; Bodley MS Twyne 17, p. 158. Twyne's copy has minor variants: ‘Mr Dr Umfrey, me thinkes this gowne & habit becometh you very well, & I mervayle that you are so straight laced in this poynt; but I come not now to chyde, & then gave him her hande to kisse.’ Bishop Robinson omitted the comment in his transcription of ‘A brief rehearsall’ in Folger MS V.a.176. Dent quotes a much less witty version reported by Peck, F., Desiderata Curiosa (London, 1779), p. 276 Google Scholar: ‘That loose gown becomes you well. I wonder your notions are so narrow.’
103 Bodleian MS Rawlinson D. 837, fol. 22r; Nichols, Progresses, ‘The Queen at Oxford, 1566’, p. 15.
104 CCC MS 257, fol. 106v. This is followed, in the draft, 117v, by an indecipherable sentence heavily deleted, presumably because Windsor thought it was too subversive.
105 Stow, ‘Memoranda’, p. 139.
106 Stow, ‘Memoranda’, p. 140.
107 BL Lansdowne MS 8, fol. 144; cited by Williams, Penry, ‘State, Church and University 1558–1603’, HUO, vol. 3, p. 416.Google Scholar
108 Folger MS V.a.176, fols 173r–174r, the ‘Epitome Chronographica Collegiorum Oxon.’ See appendix for transcription of the only version that provides the numbers in each college.
109 Nichols, Progresses, ‘The Queen at Oxford, 1566’, pp. 8–34.
110 Duncan, G. B., ‘Public Lectures and Professorial Chairs’, HUO, vol. 3, pp. 345–347.Google Scholar
111 McConica, James, ‘Rise of the Undergraduate College’, HUO, vol. 3, pp. 55–56.Google Scholar
112 Collinson, Patrick, The Elizabethan Puritan Movement (London: Jonathan Cape, 1967), p. 129.Google Scholar
113 REED, Oxford, I.125 (my translation of the Spanish).
114 Foxe, John, The Unabridged Actes and Monuments Online (1570), p. 1629;Google Scholar Cross, Claire, ‘Oxford and the Tudor State 1509–1558’, HUO, vol. 3, p. 143.Google Scholar
115 Southern, A. C., Elizabethan Recusant Prose (London: [1950]), pp. 62–75,Google Scholar sets out the extent of the controversy in print. For a sense that the argument was both ‘in print and in the pulpit’ of Paul's Cross, see Hunt, Arnold, ‘Preaching the Elizabethan Settlement’, in The Oxford Handbook of the Early Modern Sermon, eds McCullough, Peter, Adlington, Hugh, Rhatigan, Emma (Oxford: University Press, 2011), pp. 374–376.Google Scholar
116 Thomas Harding had been the second Regius Professor of Hebrew from 1544 to 1547: Duncan, G. D., ‘Public Lectures and Professorial Chairs’, HUO, vol. 3, p. 357.Google Scholar
117 CCC MS 257, fol. 106v; Bodley MS Twyne 17, p.158.
118 ODNB, ‘Laurence Humfrey’, by Thomas S. Freeman.
119 CCC MS 257, fol. 108v.
120 CCC MS 257, fol. 119v; REED, Oxford: I.131–32.
121 For Cecil, Leicester and the Spanish Ambassador, who attended disputations in Merton on Wednesday morning, there must have been something like seventeen hours of disputations, as they spent the whole of Wednesday listening to them: ABSI Collectanea A. I-IV, 1–2, fol. 149[bis]; CCC MS 257, fol. 109v.
122 ‘Loci insolentia’, has been added in a marginal gloss to all three manuscripts: in Bodleian MS Rawl. D. 1071, fol. 19, the hand appears similar to that of the transcription of the poems in CCC MS 280. A similar hand has added this marginal gloss in Bodley MS Add. A. 63, fol. 7v, even though trimming has obliterated all but the last three letters of the gloss. It looks as if, on this occasion, the Queen responded to the wishes of the Masters of Arts, where the Vice-Chancellor, Dr Kendall, was acting for the Christ Church and Magdalen grouping. Whoever used the phrase (was it the Queen herself?) knew Cicero, since ‘insolentia loci’ comes from his Deiot. 2.5. For Windsor's version, see CCC MS 257, fol. 108r; Bodley MS Twyne 17, p. 160.
123 Richard Stephens matriculated at Corpus in 1567, and became a fellow in 1569. Miles Windsor has added Etheridge and Edwards to a list of distinguished fellows of Corpus that starts with Reginald Pole, CCC MS 280, fol. 169v.
124 CCC MS 257, fol. 111v; Bodley MS Twyne 17, p.164. Etheridge's gift and this conversation are omitted from all other accounts and abridgements. Twyne has misinterpreted Windsor's phrase to mean coming out of St Mary's, not coming out of Christ Church for the afternoon disputations.
125 Wood, Athenae Oxonienses, I. 547. Wood makes clear that Abbot John Hooknorton restored George Hall at the same time as he built the ten new schools in 1440, fol. 218. George Hall is listed as in the High Street in John Rous's list (transcribed by Windsor in CCC MS 280, fol. 50v) opposite the centre of the university, Catte Street. An engraving of about 1750 shows the medieval building survived, HUO, vol. 2, Late Medieval Oxford, Plate XVII, opposite p. 405.
126 Wood, Athenae Oxonienses, I.546–47.
127 Edrych, George, In libros aliquot Pauli aeginetae, hypomnemata quaedam seu observationes medicamentorum, quae haec aetate in usu sunt per Georgium Edrychum medicum pro iuvenum studijs ad praxim medicam, collecta (1588),Google Scholar sig. Aiv, cited by Lewis, Gillian, ‘The Faculty of Medicine’, HUO, vol. 3, p. 239.Google Scholar Wood, Athenae Oxonienses, I.547.
128 G., D. Duncan, ‘Public Lectures and Professorial Chairs’, HUO, vol. 3, p. 355;Google Scholar Lewis, Gillian, ‘The Faculty of Medicine’, HUO, vol. 3, pp. 238–39.Google Scholar
129 Wood, Athenae Oxonienses, I.546–47.
130 CRS, 22, ‘Early Recusants’, ed. Ryan, Patrick (London: CRS, 1921), p. 97.Google Scholar
131 Wood, Athenae Oxonienses, I. 547. For Belson see Kelly, Christine, Blessed Thomas Belson: His Life and Times 1563–1589 (Gerrards Cross: Colin Smythe, 1987), p. 54.Google Scholar
132 CRS, vol. 22 (1921), ed. Patrick Ryan, p. 97.
133 ODNB, ‘John Harpesfield’, by William Wizeman.
134 Southern, A. C., Elizabethan Recusant Prose, 1559–1582 (London: Sands, [1950]), pp. 62–75,Google Scholar gives a full list of sixty-four works in ‘The Great Controversy’, and presents Jewel and Harding as the ‘two leaders’, with Dorman, Harding, Rastell, Stapleton, Nowell and Calfhill as supporting cast.
135 Edgar Samuel, in his ODNB article, ‘Richard Bruerne’, does not question the charge of homosexuality.
136 ODNB, ‘Richard Bruerne’, by Edgar Samuel.
137 Wood, Athenae Oxonienses, I. 685–688. Wood's account is confirmed by several letters from Lord Cobham to Sir Francis Walsingham, which indicate a steady traffic of recusants and priests to and from Case's house in Oxford to Rheims, Paris and Rome: CSP Foreign: 1581–82, Cobham to Walsingham, Feb. 8 1582, p. 485, no. 541, and, Feb. 19 1582, p. 492, no. 550. H. E. Salter makes no mention of Case's Catholicism in his chapter on St John's College, in, Victoria History of the County of Oxford, vol. 3, The University of Oxford (Oxford: University Press for IHR, 1954), p. 254.Google ScholarPubMed
138 Wood, Athenae Oxonienses, I. 386–89.
139 Wood, Fasti Oxonienses, I.160.
140 The evidence for the interference of the Earl of Leicester may be found in the Oxford University Archives, Calendar of the Register of Congregation and Convocation (1564–82), housed in the Tower of the Bodleian Library. The picture in Leicester's Commonwealth of Leicester as an overweening tyrant is no exaggeration.
141 McConica, James, ‘The Catholic Experience in Tudor Oxford’, in The Reckoned Expense, 2nd edn, ed. Thomas McCoog, S.J. (Rome: Institutum Historicum Societatis Iesu, 2007), pp. 58–59.Google Scholar
142 Dent, Protestant Reformers, pp. 40–41.
143 Dent, Protestant Reformers, pp. 40–41.
144 Loach, Jennifer, ‘Reformation Controversies’, in HUO, vol. 3, p. 386.Google Scholar
145 Camm, Bede, Forgotten Shrines (London: Macdonald & Evans, 1910) pp. 154–55;Google Scholar Dent, Protestant Reformers, pp. 42–43.
146 Nichols, The Progresses, ‘The Queen at Oxford, 1566’, pp. 107–108.
147 Williams, Penry, ‘State, Church and University 1558–1603’, HUO, vol. 3, pp. 407–408.Google Scholar Five more were to follow after this date.
148 Duffy, Eamon, Fires of Faith: Catholic England under Mary Tudor (New Haven: Yale University Press, 2009), p. 201.Google Scholar
149 Williams, Penry, ‘From the Reformation to the Era of Reform 1530–1850’, in Buxton, John and Williams, Penry, New College Oxford 1370–1979 (Oxford: New College, 1979), p. 49.Google Scholar
150 ‘Epitome Chronographica Collegiorum [Academiae] Oxoniensis’, in Folger MS V.a. 176, fol. 173r– 174r. New College has only climbed back into third position behind Christ Church and Magdalen by 1612, when its numbers are listed as 140 in Bodley MS Twyne 21, p. 514.
151 Duncan, G. D., ‘Public Lectures and Professorial Chairs’, p. 337:Google Scholar ‘The university writing to Wolsey refers to him as tuum Clementem’.
152 The workes of Sir T. More … written by him in the Englysh tonge, ed. Rastell, W. (London: Cawood, J., Waly, J., a. Tottell, R., 1557),Google Scholar STC 18076. Rastell died in 1565, More's works continued to be printed in Louvain by John Fowler, Jean Bogard and Pierre Zangre, between 1565 and 1568. Margaret Clement had also taken food to the Carthusians chained in the Tower, Patrick Wallis, ODNB.
153 I have established that these are in Bereblock's hand by comparing them with the Statutes of St John's, kindly supplied by Dr Michael Riordan, Archivist of St John's College, Oxford.
154 The paper of Bodley MS Add. A. 63 has the watermark of a pot surmounted by a quadrifolium that most closely resembles Briquet 12769. It has lost its title page, but has an elaborated capital on the first leaf of the text (one of twenty). There are three preliminary and three end papers. Bodley MS Rawl. D. 1071 has twenty-four pages of text, a title page in another hand, and three ruled end papers at the front, and one at the end. The whole has been wrapped in a vellum medieval manuscript. Hearne has written on the first leaf: ‘Suum cuique. Tho. Hearne Aug. 29. MDCCXXVII [1727]. Ex dono V. amiciss. Thomae Ward, de Warwick, armigeri. I have printed this MS. at the end of Vita Ricardi II.’ This suggests that Bereblock was hiring scribes to make copies of his ‘Commentarii’, and adding the title-page himself.
155 Bristow took part in the Natural Philosophy disputation with Campion, CCC MS 257, fol. 109r. He was one of the actors in Edwards’ play, CCC MS 257, fol. 107r. Petre offered him a safe haven at Exeter, but apparently withdrew his support after his humiliation of Humfrey. Bristow left Oxford in 1569 to join Dr Allen in Louvain and Rheims, ODNB, ‘Richard Bristow’ by Peter Harris. See Wood, Athenae Oxonienses, I.482–84.
156 Wood, Anthony, Athenae Oxonienses, I.483.Google Scholar
157 Bristow, Richard, A Briefe Treatise of diverse plaine and sure wayes to finde out the truthe of this doubtful and dangerous time of Heresie: conteyning sundry worthy Motives unto the Catholike faith (Antwerp: John Fowler, 1574), STC 3799,Google Scholar A&R 146. This was widely known as Bristow's ‘Motives’. These forty-eight articles (originally Allen's ‘Articles') of sound theology also contain some inflammatory material on the papal power of deposition and excommunication, in motives 6, 15 and 40. In motive 45, he denounces Wycliffe, and Humfrey for praising him. See Harris, ODNB, ‘Richard Bristow’.
158 Bodley MS Add. A. 63, p. 23; Plummer, Elizabethan Oxford, p. 130.
159 Nichols, Progresses of Queen Elizabeth, vol. 1, ‘Entertainments at Cambridge, 1564’, p. 15.
160 Folger MS V.a.109, fol. 10r–v; Plummer, Elizabethan Oxford, p. 131.
161 ABSI Collectanea, A. I–1V, 1–2, fol. 149r, the ‘Notae Breves pro scribenda vita P. Campiani’ of Robert Persons, S.J: his handwritten notes for the unfinished section of his life of Campion, copied a century later by Fr. Christopher Grene, S.J. Miles Windsor mentions the morning disputations in Merton, but does not mention Campion's participation. He only notes that ‘This daye beinge Wensdaye in the morninge, were disputations in the first question of Naturall philosophie, & the second morall not disputed on Tuesdaye before the Embassador in Merton College. The opponents were the same that were in St Maries’, CCC MS 257, fol. 110r.
162 While Campion's clothing is frequently described, no physical description of him survives.
163 Wood, Anthony, Fasti Oxonienses, I.164.Google Scholar
164 Bodley MS Rawl. D. 272, fol. 11r (where the scribe has had problems with the complex structure of the sentence); Folger MS V.a.173, fol. 29v.
165 CCC MS 257, fol. 109; Bodley MS Twyne 17, p. 162.
166 Bodley MS Rawl. D. 272, fol. 11r; Folger MS V.a.173, fol. 29v.
167 Bodley MS A. 63, fol. 14r; Folger MS V.a.109, fol. 15r; Plummer, Elizabethan Oxford, pp. 139–140 (my translation; the tense changes are in the original).
168 Bodley MS 13, fols iiv–ivv, 3v–21r.
169 This book has survived in the Royal Collection at the British Library, BL MS Royal 2 D. xxi (see note 39, above). The tree emblem is on fol. 1. There are 302 quarto leaves in this manuscript, with the commentaries in black ink, and the biblical quotations in red.
170 CCC MS 257, fol. 108r, Bodley MS Twyne 17, p. 161.
171 The manuscript was given to the Bodleian Library by John More, on 28 July 1630.
172 The pejorative estimate is by Geoffrey Tyack in his ODNB article on ‘John Bereblock’.
173 Folger MS V.a.176, fols 173r–74r (the only copy to include the numbers in each college); Bodl. MS Twyne 21, pp. 789–82. There is another rather poor copy in CCC MS 266, fol. 14v (instead of ‘Scholae instauratae sub Maria regina’, he has ‘Scholae extinctae sub Maria regina’).
174 Folger MS V.a.176, fols 173r–174r; Bodley MS Twyne, 21, pp. 779–89.
175 See above, note 26.
176 Heal, Felicity, Of Prelates and Princes: A Study of the Economic and Social Position of the Tudor Episcopate (Cambridge: University Press, 1980), p. 96.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
177 Heal, Of Prelates and Princes, p. 247, citing Professor Berlatsky.
178 Dent, Protestant Reformers, p. 48.
179 The Epigrams of Sir John Harington, p. 175.
180 CCC MS 257, fol. 106v; Bodley MS Twyne 17, p. 159.
181 ODNB articles on ‘Thomas Godwin’, by Nigel Scotland, ‘James Calfhill’, by Brett Usher, ‘William Overton’ by Rosemary O'Day, ‘John Piers’ by Claire Cross.
182 ODNB article on ‘Herbert Westfaling’, by Martin E. Speight.
183 ODNB articles on ‘Arthur Yeldard’, by Clare Hopkins, and on ‘Edward Cradocke’, by Robert M. Schuler.
184 Harding, Thomas, A rejoindre to M. Jewels Replie (Antwerp: John Fowler, 1566),Google Scholar STC 12760, A&R 377. John Jewel's own copy of his, A Defence of the Apologie of the Churche of Englande, Conteininge an Answeare to a certaine Booke lately set foorthe by M. Hardinge, and Entituled, A Confutation of &c (London: Henry Wykes, 27 October 1567),Google Scholar STC 14600, is extant, at Magdalen College, Oxford (Shelfmark o.17.8), heavily annotated with Jewel's answer to Harding's reply to this ‘Answeare’: A detection of sundrie foule errours, uttered by M. Jewel (Louvain: John Fowler, 1568), STC 12763, A&R 376. The annotations eventually became Jewel's reply, Whereunto is also newly added an answeare unto an other booke (London: H. Wykes, 1570) STC 14601. The intensity of the marginal responses is an indication of the depth of emotion that is being suppressed in this disputation.
185 Jennifer Loach, ‘Reformation Controversies’, in HUO, vol. 3, p. 386.
186 Bodl. MS Tanner 50, fol. 38v; cited in Hunt, ‘Preaching the Elizabethan Settlement’, p. 375.
187 Harding, Thomas, An Answere to Maister Juelles Challenge (Antwerp: Fowler, 1565),Google Scholar sig. 17r.
188 Bombino, Vita et Martyrium, p. 267.
189 Fen, John and Gibbon, John, eds, Concertatio Ecclesiae Catholicae in Anglia Adversus Calvinopapistas et Puritanos (Trier: Bock, 1588), fol. 66v.Google Scholar
190 Persons, Robert, ‘Life and Martyrdom of Father Edmond Campion’, ed. Pollen, J. H., Letters and Notices, 11 (1876), 219–242;Google Scholar (1877) 308–39; 12 (1878), 1–68. Persons is precise about why Campion was reluctant, pp. 333–34 (I have emended Pollen's transcription of Grene's copy of Persons). ‘Meddling’ is what they were expressly forbidden to do by the Jesuit General and Councillors, p. 332.
191 Bombino, Paolo, Vita et Martyrium Edmundi Campiani (Mantua: Osannas, 1620), p. 5 Google Scholar: ‘Certum illud est, in haereticorum castris non totum haesisse, dum ab illis esse visus est, Campianum: ambigentem potius, & utrinque nutantem, vitam in maerore, consilia in ancipiti habuisse. Is fluctuantis aestus animi male diu pressus, qua ratione tandem eruperit, operae pretium est cognoscere.’ [Certain it is that Campion did not wholly cling to the camp of the heretics, even when they thought he did. Rather he was hesitating between the two and veering from one to the other, and had his life in sorrow and his opinions divided. Since he was so long oppressed by the stormy fluctuations of his mind, it is worth knowing by what means he eventually broke out.]
192 Dent, Protestant Reformers, p. 23.
193 Wood, Fasti Oxonienses, I.187–195.
194 Dent, Protestant Reformers, p. 48.
195 Dent, Protestant Reformers, p. 65.
196 Dent, Protestant Reformers, p. 67.
197 Dent, Protestant Reformers, p. 65.
198 The. holie. bible. conteynyng the olde testament and the newe (London: R. Jugge, [1568]),Google Scholar STC 2099, Folger copy 3. This beautiful book is described by Peter Blayney, W. M. in Elizabeth I: Then and Now (Washington DC: Folger Shakespeare Library, 2003), p. 43.Google Scholar
199 Bodley MS Tanner 329, fol. 5r to 5v. I have translated (in parenthesis) a sentence from Bombino, Vita et Martyrium, p. 7, omitted by the translator, who may not have believed the extent of the generous offer.
200 ABSI Collectanea A. 1–IV, 1–2. fol. 157v (Persons quoting Thomas Cottam).
201 For Persons as author, see above, note 95.
202 Bodley MS Top. Oxon. c. 73, fol. 45r. These are ‘Notes to Athenae Oxonienses’ by Peter Whalley; this letter is copied from Baker's MSS XXXVIII.74.
203 Oxford University Archives, Calendar and Register of Congregation and Convocation 1564–82, fol. 63r.
204 Oxford University Archives, Calendar and Register of Congregation and Convocation 1564–82, fol. 63r.
205 Grocers Company Records, Guildhall Library MS 11.588, fol. 188r.
206 Acts of the Privy Council, vol. 13, (London: Eyre and Spottiswoode, 1896), p. 144 Google Scholar (Item 467).
207 Rationes Decem Qvibus Fretus Certamen Adversariis Obtulit in causa Fidei, Edmundus Campianus ([Stonor Park, Henley-on-Thames, Greenstreet House Press, 1581.]),Google Scholar STC 4536.5, A&R 192, sig. [¶] 2r; Harington quotes this phrase effortlessly in the treatise he sent to Tobie Matthew, York Minster Library MS XVI.L.6, p. 239, printed as A Tract on the Succession to the Crown (A. D. 1602), ed. Clements R. Markham (London: for Roxburghe Club, J. B. Nichols, 1880) p. 106. Francis Harington graduated BA at Corpus Christi College, on 7 November 1581, so it is possible that he was in Oxford when Campion came back in July 1581.
208 Haigh, Christopher, Elizabeth I, 2nd edn (London: Pearson Education, 1998), p. 37.Google Scholar
209 Duffy, Fires of Faith, p. 22.
210 The two books the Privy Council feared most were Sander, Nicholas, De Visibili Monarchia Ecclesiae, Libri Octo (Louvain: John Fowler, 1571),Google Scholar A&R 1013. For Bristow's ‘Motives’, see above, note 157.
211 These are the two books cited in, A particular declaration or testimony, of the undutifull and traiterous affection borne against her Majestie by Edmond Campion Jesuite, and other condemned Priestes, witnessed by their own confessions: in reproof of those slanderous bookes & libels delivered out to the contrary by such as are malitiously affected towards her Majestie and the state (London: C. Barker, 1582), STC 4536, p. 7,Google Scholar as the texts on which Campion was interrogated (under torture) on 1 August 1581, as to what he thought of these strong endorsements of papal power.
212 BL MS Harley 6265, fol. 22r.
213 ODNB, ‘William Allen’, by Eamon Duffy.
214 Coram Rege Rolls, K. B. 27/1279, Crown side, rot. 2 (the actual indictment); BL Lansdowne MS 33, fol. 157v (this appears to be the second draft). Allen heads the list every time. For Allen's centrality in the prosecution's case, see BL MS Harley 6265, fol. 17r; ‘beyond the seas’, fol. 14v.
215 CCC MS 257, fol. 109r; Bodley MS 17, fol. 169r. Also posted was a map of Oxford, which Wood linked to one owned by St John's: see Durning, Queen Elizabeth's Book, p. 27, and note 48, p. 124.
216 Peck, Leicester's Commonwealth, p. 115.
217 Evidence for this twilight world can be found in a combination of the State Papers, James, McConica's, ‘The Catholic Experience in Tudor Oxford’, in The Reckoned Expense, 2nd edn, ed. Thomas McCoog, S.J. (Rome: Institutum Historicum, 2007), 43–73,Google Scholar and ‘Alan Davidson, ‘Roman Catholicism in Oxfordshire from the Late Elizabethan Period to the Civil War (c. 1580–c. 1640)’, a thesis presented for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy at the University of Bristol (1970).
218 Three threatening letters in the Berington Collection, Worcester Record Office, 705:24/29 (1–3) reveal a long lawsuit that reached the Star Chamber over Lowches Farm, Long Wittenham; I am extremely grateful to Michael Hodgetts for passing me his edited transcription of the letter quoted, 29 (1), W. Weste to Henry Russell, 25 April 1584. This is not included in the recent edition of Little Malvern Letters: I. 1482–1737, ed. Aileen M. Hodgson and Michael Hodgetts (Woodbridge: Boydell Press for Catholic Record Society, 2011). Hodgetts does include another letter by West to Henry Russell, No. 41, pp. 51–55, and describes Russell's role in protecting Campion, pp. xiv–xvi. On Monday 10 July 1581, Campion left Stonor Park, and arrived at Lyford Grange on Wednesday 12 July, so it seems likely he stayed Monday and Tuesday night at Lowches Farm, mid-way from Stonor to Lyford. This would help explain how the information about his presence spread so quickly, and enabled large numbers of ‘university men’, to look for him at Lyford Grange. It is clear that the Farm, and possibly many other St. John's properties, were routinely being used for sheltering priests, including Campion. Campion seems to have been in the Thames Valley in the summer of 1580, as Hodgetts suggests (‘Campion in the Thames Valley, 1580’, in Recusant History, 30 (2010) 26–46), since he said Mass at the house of Francis and Anne Morris, ‘the mansion house of Great Coxwell’, on 30 July 1580 (King's Bench 9/654/58), and in Ashbury Manor, the home of Alice Wicks, on 8 August 1580 (King's Bench 9/654/57). Godfrey Anstruther, O.P., Vaux of Harrowden: A Recusant Family (Newport: R.H. Johns, 1953),Google Scholar also discusses this phase of the mission, p. 115. In addition, West's letter of 23 August 1585, Little Malvern Letters, p. 53, accuses Russell of being ‘Campion's companion both before and after the proclamation for the apprehension of the traitor Campion’. The proclamation of ‘Ordering Return of Seminarians, Arrest of Jesuits’, SPD/152/3, dated Westminster, 10 January 1581, was made on 24 January 1581. It is not surprising that Campion returned there the following year.
219 Bodley MS Tanner 329, fol. 58r–v; a contemporary translation of Bombino, Paolo, Vita et Martyrium Edmundi Campiani (Mantua: Osannas, 1620), p. 155.Google Scholar The location of the public inn remains uncertain, but the Trout at Godstow, formerly the hostel of Godstow Priory, lies on the route north, and then belonged to the Owen family.
220 Bodley MS Ashmole 1537, fols 38r and 39r (The English is on the recto only).
221 Bodley MS Tanner 329, fol. 59r–59v; Bombino, Vita et Martyrium, p. 156. The phrase, ‘a knotte of speciall friendes’ is not in the Latin original, suggesting that the translator knew the scene personally. Thomas Neale, George Etheridge, John Case, Edmund and Jerome Rainolds, Miles Windsor, Henry Russell, Francis Willis and Justinian Stubbes could all have been among them.
222 Wood, Bodley MS Wood F 29a, fol. 169r–v. I have deliberately ended with Wood's elegiac passage on the destruction of Grey Friars, Oxford, because so much of Wood's antiquarian material came from Miles Windsor and Brian Twyne.
223 Alfred de Vigny, ‘Le Cor’, Poèmes Antiques Et Modernes (1820).
