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Re-Evaluating John Lingard's History of England
Published online by Cambridge University Press: 16 September 2015
Extract
It has become customary to regard John Lingard as the last, and perhaps finest, of the cisalpine historians, a case powerfully developed in the pages of Joseph Chinnici's The English Catholic Enlightenment, and elsewhere. One of the last generation of students to be trained at the English College, Douai, Lingard would here have been introduced to the Gallican writings of Claude Fleury and his contemporaries which gave shape to English cisalpinism. The first edition of his History of England (1819–1830) was written at least partially with the intention of paving the way for Catholic emancipation which the cisalpine Catholics had so long struggled to achieve. At the same time, this work succeeded in offering a far more forthright challenge to the Protestant reading of English history, fashioned so cogently in the early decades of the eighteenth century, than Lingard's cisalpine forebears would have been prepared to make: Lingard was moving on and is better understood as belonging to a period of transition for the Catholic community in England. Revisions in later editions bring Lingard's intentions even more to the fore. Never quite at ease with figures such as John Milner and Nicholas Wiseman, his onetime pupil and future Cardinal, and certainly not accepting their strident ultramontanism, Lingard is closer to them in his historical studies than sometimes he, or they, realised.
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1 Chinnici's, Joseph The English Catholic Enlightenment: John Lingard and the Cisalpine Movement 17801850, Patmos Press, Shepherdstown, 1980;Google Scholar Hilton, J. A., ed., A Catholic of the Enlightenment: Essays on Lingard's Work and Times, North West Catholic History Society, Wigan, 1999.Google Scholar
2 See Williams, M. E., St. Alban's College, Valladolid: Four Centuries of English Catholic Presence in Spain, Hurst, London, 1986,Google Scholar chapter 6; Herrero, Carlos Quiros and colleagues, ‘An Unpublished History of Early Britain from St. Alban's College in Valladolid: Philip Perry's Sketch of the Ancient British History’, Recusant History, vol. 27, no. 3 (May 2005), pp. 359–371.Google Scholar
3 Both as it happens Anglican converts. On Cressy see Lunn, David, The English Benedictines, Burns Oates, 1980,Google Scholar passim, but esp. pp. 131–133; for his involvement with the circle which grew up around Lucius Carey at Great Tew see the delightful essay by Trevor-Roper, Hugh, ‘The Great Tew Circle’, Catholics, Anglicans and Puritans, Fontana, 1989, pp. 166–230.Google Scholar On Weldon, see Geoffrey Scott, Gothic Rage Undone, Downside, 1992, passim.
4 See Vidmar, John, English Catholic Historians and the Reformation, Sussex Academic Press, 2005, pp. 75–87.Google Scholar
5 Quotation cited by Duffy in, ‘Doctor Douglass and Mister Berington—An Eighteenth Century Retraction’, Downside Review, vol. 88, no. 292, July 1970, p. 260.Google Scholar
6 See Colley, Linda, Britons Forging the Nation, Yale, 1992.Google Scholar
7 John Lingard to John Kirk, December 18th 1819, AAW, A 68, Lingard Transcript 197. He was saying the same thing to Butler: ‘For that is my great object. I wish to impress on the minds of protestants that I am no party writer. It is thus principally that I can hope to be of benefit to the catholic cause’ (John Lingard to Charles Butler, May 22nd 1823, Cambridge University Library Add. Ms. 9418/1B/112; see also John Lingard to Richard Thompson, May 7th 1819, Liverpool Archdiocesan Archives, Orrell Papers, first series, 22). Though finding both of great value, I would wish to distance myself from the contention that Lingard's work was not influenced by apologetic intent, a point argued in the recent studies of Jones, Edwin (John Lingard and the Pursuit of Historical Truth, Sussex Academic Press, 2001)Google Scholar and John Vidmar (English Catholic Historians and the English Reformation, 1585–1954).
8 John Lingard to Joseph Mawman, November 23rd 1820, UCA, Lingard Transcript 458. This is an opinion he repeats later in the introduction to volume six of the History where he claims ‘not to have read a hundred pages of Hume in the last eight years’ (History of England, vol. 6 (1825), p. vii).
9 [Allen, John], Edinburgh Review, 42 (1825), p. 27.Google Scholar
10 The History of England from the Invasion of Julius Caesar to the Revolution of 1688. With notes…exhibiting the most important differences between this author and Dr Lingard, Philadelphia, 1856, 2 vols.
11 John Lingard to Robert Gradwell, June 3rd or 4th 1819, VEC 66, 8, 6, Lingard Transcript 101.
12 See the sketches of these bodies in Knowles, M. D., Great Historical Enterprises, Nelson, 1962.Google Scholar It is one of the great strengths of Chinnici's The English Catholic Enlightenment that he brings this connection to the fore. Lingard was involved with purchasing a copy of the Bollandists’ Acta Sanctorum, 1643ff for Ushaw, but this did not arrive at the College until 1814. The College also possesses the Acta Sanctorum Ordinis S. Benedicti, 1668ff initiated by Luc D'Archery but brought to fruition by Mabillon; Mabillon's De Re Diplomatica, 1681 with its Supplementum, 1704; and the Annales Ordinis S. Benedicti started towards the end of Mabillon's life in 1703 and completed after his death, in true Maurist fashion by his devoted students. These were not all available in Lingard's time although some volumes might have been: Ushaw's copies of vols. 2–4 of the Annales Ordinis S. Benedicti and supplement to Mabillon's De Re Diplomatica bear Dicconson's signature. Bishop Edward Dicconson's (died 1752) library was probably included within the library of the northern district by the time this was gained for Crook Hall by Thomas Eyre, its first President (see, MacGregor, Alistair, The Library of Bishop Edward Dicconson, Ushaw College Library, 2002;Google Scholar Rhodes, J. T., Ushaw College Library, Ushaw, 1994).Google Scholar Interestingly, Ushaw's second copy of the Annales bears John Gage Rokewode's bookplate: Rokewode (1786–1842), a Catholic antiquarian who also studied law in the Chambers of Charles Butler, corresponded with Lingard.
13 The Antiquities of the Anglo-Saxon Church, vol. 1, p. vi.
14 Gibbon, Edward, The History of the Decline and Fall of the Roman Empire, edited by Womersley, David, Penguin, Harmondsworth, 3 vols., 1995,Google Scholar ‘Preface’ to vol. 4, Womersley, vol. 2, p. 60. Lingard had certainly been reading Gibbon in 1800: a notebook relating to his studies of Gibbon is preserved among his papers in the archives at Ushaw. Gibbon's influence was something already identified in a review of The Antiquities of the Anglo-Saxon Church which appeared in The Quarterly Review, March 1812, pp. 92–107: ‘ever since the appearance of Mr. Gibbon's great work, it has become a kind of fashion to decline the path of argumentation, and to make history an insidious channel for the conveyance of controverted principles’ (p. 92). The reviewer, while acknowledging Lingard's ability, sees The Antiquities as controversy under the guise of history, and writes in defence of the Protestant cause, taking issue with Lingard on matters of Eucharistic Presence, celibacy and the monastic life.
15 History of England, vol. 1 (1819), Advertisement, p. iii.
16 History of England, vol. 1 (1819), p. 390.
17 History of England, vol. 5 (1823), note T, pp. 646–650.
18 For example, History of England, vol. 1 (1819), p. 218, note 76; p. 224, note 88.
19 See History of England, vol. 1 (1819), p. 316, note 74; p. 336, note 110.
20 History of England, vol. 1 (1819), p. 231, note 36. See also p. 217, note 16. For a brief sketch of the historiography of the relations between King John and the Papacy see Jones, Edwin, The English Nation, Sutton Publishing, Stroud, 1998, pp. 131–138.Google Scholar For the received view see Hume, David, History of England, vol. 2, William Allason, London, 1818, pp. 232–234.Google Scholar
21 History of England, vol. 2 (1819), p. 236.
22 Mitchell, Rosemary, ‘Every Picture tells a Catholic Story’, in Lingard Remembered, p. 135.Google Scholar
23 Lingard, John, Remarks on a late Pamphlet entitled ‘The Grounds on which the Church of England Separated from the Church of Rome, Reconsidered, by Shute, Bishop of Durham’, Booker, London, 1809, p. 10–11.Google Scholar
24 History of England, vol. 4 (1820), pp. 2–7;Google Scholar see Jones, Edwin, ‘John Lingard and the Simancas Archives’ in Lingard Remembered, pp. 105–124.Google Scholar For the suggestion that Henry's delayed marriage followed on Henry's scruples see David Hume, History of England, vol. 4, William Allason, London, 1818, pp. 199–200; this was still a position maintained by Tytler, P. F., Life of Henry VIII, Oliver & Boyd, Edinburgh, 1837, p. 22 Google Scholar and Froude, J. A., History of England, Parker, Son & Bourn, London, 1862, vol. 1, pp. 121–125.Google Scholar Lingard not only accepts that Catherine's marriage to Arthur was not consummated but argues that Henry acknowledged the fact (History of England, vol. 4 (1820), p. 7, note 11).
25 History of England, vol. 4 (1820), pp. 120, note 7. Camden, William, Annates Regnante Elizabeth, p. 2,Google Scholar London, 1615, (curiously Lingard misattributes the work to Sir Henry Spelman; Lingard's copy of Camden's work is now in the Ushaw Library) suggests she remains in France with the Duchess of Alencon who left France in September 1525; Lingard's new dating allows him to suggest that Henry's passion for Anne began much earlier than was usually accepted (History of England, vol. 4 (1820), p. 121, note 11). The whole question is carefully discussed in Drabble, J. E., The Historians of the English Reformation 1780–1850, PhD thesis, unpublished, New York University, 1975, pp. 134–149, 154–165.Google Scholar Lingard's position is supported by modern scholarship (see Scarisbrick, J. J., Henry VIII, Methuen Paperbacks, London, 1976, pp. 199–200,Google Scholar 403; Haigh, Christopher, English Reformations, Clarendon Press, Oxford, 1993, p. 115).Google Scholar
26 [Hart Milman, Henry], The Quarterly Review, vol. 33, December 1825, pp. 12–13.Google Scholar Initially Lingard was under the impression that this piece had been written by Robert Southey (John Lingard to Joseph Mawman, January 3rd, 1826, UCA, Lingard Transcript 500) but later reports ‘he is said to be Milman, but whoever he was, it is plain to me that he was aided by Mr. Turner’ (John Lingard to Joseph Mawman, October 1st 1826, UCA, Lingard Transcript 507). Lingard includes a reply to Milman in his A Vindication of certain passages in the fourth and fifth volumes of the History of England, Mawman, London, 1826, pp. 100–112.
27 Reginaldi Poli Cardinalis Britanni pro ecclesiaticae unitatis defensionem libri quatuor, Romae Apud Antonium Bladum, c. 1536 (for a translation see Pole, Reginald, Pole's Defence of the Unity of the Church, translation and introduction, Dwyer, Joseph G., Newman Press, Westminster, Maryland, 1965).Google Scholar Lingard had come across the work in the Ushaw Library, but this seems to have been mislaid and he wrote in search of a copy both to Gradwell in Rome (John Lingard to Robert Gradwell, October 28th 1819, VEC 66:8, 7, Lingard Transcript 102) and Poynter in London (John Lingard to William Poynter, July 15th 1919, AAW Poynter Papers A 68, Lingard Transcript 228).
28 Apologia Reginaldi Poli ad Carolum V. Caesarem super quatuor libris a se scriptis De Unitate Ecclesiae, in Queruli, Epistolarum Reginadi Poli, Brixae, 6 vols., 1744–1757, vol. 1, pp. 66–171; for a commentary see, Mayer, Thomas F., Reginald Pole: Prince and Prophet, Cambridge University Press, 2000, pp. 95–102.Google Scholar
29 History of England, vol. 4 (1820), pp. 118–119, 133, 244. Lingard argues that the real grounds for the later divorce of Henry from Anne pronounced by Cranmer was ‘Henry's previous cohabitation with Mary Boleyn’ (p. 244). Jasper Ridley agrees with this (see Ridley, Jasper, Thomas Cranmer, Clarendon Press, Oxford, 1962, pp. 107–109).Google Scholar
30 Du Bellay's letters were available to Lingard in Le Grand, Joachim, L ‘Histoire du divorce de Henry VIII, Roy d'Anglelerre, et de Catherine d'Arragon, 3 vols., Paris 1688. 17 Google Scholar letters, generally undated, from Henry to Anne obtained by Campeggio survive in the Vatican but were available in The Harleian Miscellany, a new edition edited by Thomas Parks having been published in 1808ff (see vol. 3, London, 1809, pp. 47–62). In 1823 The Pamphleteer published a further edition of the letters with an historical introduction and detailed notes (The Pamphleteer, vol. 21, pp. 325–348; vol. 22, pp. 113–153).
31 History of England, vol. 4 (1820), pp. 483–486.
32 History of England, vol. 4 (1820), p. 196.
33 History of England, vol. 4 (1820), pp. 246, note F, pp. 487–488.
34 Drabble, p. 165. The queen was defended by Henry Brougham who dined with Lingard in Hornby while in attendance on the northern circuit of the bar (for Queen Caroline's trial see Stewart, Robert, Henry Brougham, Bodley Head, London, 1986, pp. 149–159).Google Scholar
35 John Lingard to Joseph Mawman, November 15th 1819, UCA, Lingard Transcript 445. Hale and Bonney highlights the rivalry between Edmund Keen's characterisation of the king at Drury Lane and William Macready's at Covent Garden (see Hale and Bonney, p. 159).
36 The significance of Cromwell was taken up by Elton, G. R. (see, for example, The Tudor Revolution in Government, Cambridge, 1953).CrossRefGoogle Scholar
37 History of England, vol. 4 (1820), pp. 358–359.Google Scholar
38 History of England, vol. 4 (1820), p. 363.Google Scholar See pp. 361–367.
39 History of England, vol. 4 (1820), pp. 304–305.Google Scholar
40 History of England, vol. 4 (1820), p. 367.Google Scholar
41 History of England, vol. 4 (1820), p. 47.Google Scholar
42 History of England, vol. 4 (1820), p. 50.Google Scholar
43 History of England, vol. 4 (1820), pp. 162–164.Google Scholar
44 History of England, vol. 4 (1820), p. 165.Google Scholar
45 Drabble, p. 166. See pp. 98–117, 166–203.
46 History of England, vol. 4 (1820), p. 193. Jasper Ridley puts this whole episode in context in making clear that Lingard was wrong in arguing that the protestation was clandestine: it was a public act reflecting not Cranmer's scruples but most probably made because the king insisted on it. Ridley tries hard to reduce the significance of the oath: ‘it must remain a matter of argument as to whether Cranmer's action was more reprehensible than that of all his Papist predecessors who swore both the consecration oath and the oath for the temporalities, or the action of Gardiner, who violated his consecration oath to the Pope, and of the Kings and others who obtained a dispensation from the Pope to break their oaths whenever it was politically expedient to do so (Thomas Cranmer, pp. 55–58).
47 History of England, vol. 4 (1820), p. 242. Ridley argues that Cranmer's refusal to denounce Annesuggests a certain courage, yet his letter to the king should not be interpreted as an attempt to save Anne (or himself), but to save the Reformation (Thomas Cranmer, pp. 100–105).
48 History of England, vol. 4 (1820), pp. 289–290.Google Scholar
49 History of England, vol. 4 (1820), pp. 439–443.Google Scholar
50 History of England, vol. 4 (1820), pp. 462–464.Google Scholar
51 History of England, vol. 4 (1820), p. 442–443.Google Scholar Foxe had also argued this (see Ridley, Jasper, Thomas Cranmer, pp. 291–293).Google Scholar
52 O'Day, Rosemary, ‘John Lingard: Historians and Contemporary Politics 1780–1850’, in Lingard Remembered, p. 91.Google Scholar
53 See Ridley, Jasper, Thomas Cranmer, pp. 333–334.Google Scholar
54 John Todd, Henry, A Defence of the True and Catholick Doctrine of the Sacrament of the Body and Blood of our Saviour Christ …By the Most Reverend Thomas Cranmer, Lord Archbishop of Canterbury. To which is prefixed an introduction, historical and critical… in vindication of the character of the author, and therewith of the Reformation in England, against some of the allegations… recently made by the Reverend Doctor Lingard, the Reverend Doctor Milner and Charles Butler, Esq (London, 1825);Google Scholar A Vindication of the Most Reverend Thomas Cranmer, Lord Archbishop of Canterbury, and therewith of the Reformation in England, against some of the Allegations which have been recently made by the Rev Dr John Lingard, The Rev Dr John Milner and Charles Butler, Esq., Baldwin, Cradock & Joy, London, 1826 (this second edition has additional notes responding to Lingard's and Butler's remarks on the first edition). Lingard responded in A Vindication of certain passages in the fourth and fifth volumes of the History of England, Mawman, London, 1826, pp. 71–99.Google Scholar Todd answered Lingard's Vindication in A Reply to Dr Lingard's Vindication of his History of England as far as respects Archbishop Cranmer, Rivington, London, 1827.
55 See O'Day, Rosemary, ‘John Lingard: Historians and Contemporary Politics, 1780–1850’, in Lingard Remembered, pp. 97–98.Google Scholar
56 John Lingard to John Kirk, November 25th 1820, AAW, Poynter Papers, A 68, Lingard Transcript 200. Cleopatra E IV contains a collection of letters and papers relating to the dissolution of the monasteries. See also John Talbot to John Kirk, 21st February 1820 and November 16th 1820, AAW, Poynter Papers, A 68; [John Talbot] to [John Kirk], November 28th 1820, UCA, Lingard Transcript 1595. Reflecting to Kirk on the correspondence, Lingard reveals an element of frustration with his critics: ‘when one haslaboured earnestly for the sole service of religion (I am not conscious to myself of any other object whatever) it is a mortification to find a brother pronouncing that the work will never prove of any service. Yet I had no cause to complain. When a book is published, every reader has a right to form and express his opinion of it, its plan and its execution—Laugh at me for these limitations— “it, its plan, its execution” —In writing them I meant to abstain from saying anything in justification of the critics in Andrews, whose infallibility reaches even to the motives of the writer (John Lingard to John Kirk, December 10th 1820, A AW, A 68, Lingard Transcript 202).
57 Lingard had considered writing a study of the Norman Church but began to think better of it after uncovering in volume three of Wilkins's Concilia a most disedifying scandal at St. Albans: ‘The charge was that the nunnery within the walls or precincts of the Abbey, into which the Abbot, and his principal officers had free ingress but no others, was in reality a nest of prostitutes taken there from among the country girls to gratify his lust and that of his confrères. All the depositions in proof of the charge were entered in the Archbishop's register, and are printed in the volume. The Abbot might probably have refuted them: but nothing is said of any answer, nor of the result. When I read these depositions, I said to myself, If I proceed lauding the monastic orders and clergy of these ages, I shall provoke some one to publish all this to the world. It would horrify every well meaning catholic’ (John Lingard to John Walker, October 23rd 1849, UCA, Lingard Transcript 1141). Here, in his evaluation of the monasteries Lingard shows himself much closer to Berington than to Milner (see Rosemary O'Day, ‘John Lingard: Historians and Contemporary Politics, 1780–1850’, in Lingard Remembered, p. 94).
58 John Lingard to John Gage, 1822, Cambridge University Library, Hengrave Deposit, 21/1.
59 Ambassades de Messieurs Noailles en Angleterre, ed. M. l'Abbé de Vertot, 5 vols., Leyden, 1763. These were amongst the books sent to Lingard as a gift from the Duke of Norfolk's library.
60 Griffet, Henri, Nouveaux éclaircissements sur l'histoire de Marie, reine d'Angleterre… addresses à M.David Hume …, Amsterdam, 1766.Google Scholar
61 Langan, J.M. to Lingard, John, July 23rd 1822, UCA, Lingard Transcript 1511.Google Scholar
62 David Loades regards Renard's letters as ‘neurotic and self-important’ and argues that he abused his position as ambassador by forcing Mary's hand and exacerbated the ill-feeling between Gardiner and Paget (see Loades, David, Mary Tudor, Blackwell, Oxford, 1992, pp. 214–215).Google Scholar
63 History of England, vol. 5 (1823), p. 15. Lingard points out that a transcript of Giovanni Michiele's later account of England, read to the Venetian senate in May 1557, is also to be found in the Lansdowne collection of manuscripts.
64 History of England, vol. 5 (1823), p. 54.
65 History of England, vol. 5 (1823), p. 25.
66 History of England, vol. 5 (1823), pp. 56–57.
67 History of England, vol. 5 (1823), pp. 24, 35, 40–41.
68 History of England, vol. 5 (1823), pp. 58–60.
69 History of England, vol. 5 (1823), pp. 68–69.
70 See Milner, John, History of Winchester, Robbins, London, 1798, vol. 1, pp. 355ff.Google Scholar History of England, vol. 5 (1823), p. 134.
71 History of England, vol. 5 (1823), p. 134.
72 History of England, vol. 5 (1823), pp. 115–116, 134–138.
73 History of England, vol. 5 (1823), pp. 82–88. Lingard highlights a sermon preached before the Court in February 1555 by Alphonso di Castro, a Spanish Friar and confessor to Philip, who spoke out forcefully against the proceedings against the Protestant heretics. As Lingard makes clear, it is hard to assess the significance of this event: ‘men were at a loss to account for this discourse, whether it were the spontaneous effort of the friar, or had been suggested to him by the policy of Philip, or by the humanity of the Cardinal, or by the repugnancy of the bishops. It made, however, a deep impression: the execution of the prisoners was suspended: the question was again debated in the council: and five weeks elapsed before the advocates of severity could obtain permission to rekindle the fires of Smithfield’ (History of England, vol. 5 (1823), p. 86).
74 History of England, vol. 5 (1823), p. 100.
75 Dickens, A. G., The English Reformation, Collins, London, 1967, p. 364.Google Scholar
76 History of England, vol. 5 (1823), pp. 98–102, 109–115.
77 Lingard, John to Mawman, Joseph, May 10th 1823, UCA, Lingard Transcript 470.Google Scholar
78 John Lingard to Joseph Mawman, Spring 1823, UCA, Lingard Transcript 469.
79 History of England, vol. 5 (1823), p. 306.
80 History of England, vol. 5 (1823), p. 266.
81 As Edwin Jones makes clear William Cecil's The Execution of Justice in England for maintenance of public and Christian peace against certeine stirrers of sedition, 1583, provided the grand narrative underlying subsequent account of the period (Jones, John Lingard and the Pursuit of Historical Truth, pp. 191–194).
82 See Ullmann, Walter, A Short History of the Papacy in the Middle Ages, Methuen, London, 1974, p. 159–162.Google Scholar A denial of the Pope's deposing power was a fundamental tenet of the cisalpine cause.
83 History of England, vol. 5 (1823), pp. 299–301.
84 History of England, vol. 5 (1823), pp. 652–654.
85 History of England, vol. 5 (1823), p. 488.
86 History of England, vol. 5 (1823), pp. 494–495.
87 Lingard, John to Gradwell, Robert, October 17th 1822, VEC, 66, 9, 17,Google Scholar Lingard Transcript 115. For Allen, William see, Williams, Michael E., ‘William Allen: the Sixteenth Century Spanish Connection’, Recusant History, vol. 22, 2 (1994), pp. 123–140;Google Scholar Duffy, Eamon, ‘William, Cardinal Allen 1532–1594’, Recusant History, vol. 22, 3 (1995), pp. 265–290.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
88 John Lingard to Robert Gradwell, December 30th 1822, VEC 66, 9, 18, transcript missing.
89 History of England, vol. 5 (1823), note BB, pp. 660–663.
90 History of England, vol. 5 (1823), note BB, p. 663.
91 History of England, vol. 5 (1823), p. 612.
92 This is one of the few points where Lingard allows himself to rely on hearsay evidence. Alexander Cameron had told him that he in turn had been told of correspondence in Simancas about Robert Dudley from Elizabeth's ‘Camerara Mayor’ which would ‘show the virgin queen in her true colours’, exhibiting a shocking picture of Elizabeth's lewdness, total want of principle, & readiness to comit [sic] every crime (Alexander Cameron to Thomas Sherburne, January 10th 1823, UCA, Lingard Transcript 1551). These letters have never turned up (see Jones, Edwin, ‘John Lingard and the Simancas Archives’, in Lingard Remembered, p. 122).Google Scholar
93 History of England, vol. 5 (1823), p. 625.
94 For Milner's position see Letters to a Prebendary, Eusebius Andrews, London, eighth edition, no date, p. 70.
95 History of England, vol. 5 (1823), p. 625.
96 Berington, Joseph, Memoirs of Gregorio Panzani, London, 1793, pp. 4–6.Google Scholar
97 Butler, Charles, Historical Memoirs of the English Catholics, Murray, John, London, 1819, vol. 1, p. 188;Google Scholar Milner, John, Letters to a Prebendary, Eusebius Andrews, London, eighth edition, no date, p. 110.Google Scholar
98 See History of England, vol. 5 (1823), pp. 313–319, 367–387, 513–523, 604–609. In his private correspondence Lingard was far less guarded arguing to John Edward Price that the dissembling of such as Campion and Persons during interrogation ‘furnished a very plausible pretext for the first murderous laws against us’ (John Lingard to John Edward Price, January 10th 1847, AEPSJ, Lingard Transcript 840).
99 John Kirk to William Poynter, May 31st 1823, WAA, A 68, Lingard Transcript 213.
100 For Cobbett see, Sambrook, James, William Cobbett, Routledge & Kegan Paul, London, 1973, pp. 136ff;Google Scholar William Cobbett to John Milner, December 8th 1824, in Scantlebury, Robert E., Hampshire Registers I, Winchester, CRS, vol. 42 (1949), pp. 138–140.Google Scholar
101 See Drabble; O'Day, Rosemary, ‘John Lingard: Historians and Contemporary Politics 1780–1850’, in Lingard Remembered, pp. 82–104.Google Scholar
102 Mitchell, Rosemary, ‘Every Picture Tells a Catholic Story’, in Lingard Remembered, p. 132.Google Scholar