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Richard Smith, Richelieu and the French Marriage. The Political Context of Smith's Appointment as Bishop for England in 1624.

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  16 September 2015

Extract

During the year 1623, as a result of the diplomatic negotiations between England and Spain for the marriage of Prince Charles to the Infanta Maria, Catholics in England enjoyed, for the first time for many years, comparative freedom from the operation of the penal laws. In this period of relative tranquility, Pope Gregory XV, yielding to insistent demands by the leaders of the English secular clergy, decided to restore to the Church in England a measure of local episcopal rule. In doing so he broke away from the policy of his immediate predecessors. After the suppression of the English Catholic hierarchy by Queen Elizabeth at the beginning of her reign, successive popes had taken the English Catholics under their immediate protection and had rejected various appeals for the restoration of local bishops. But the restoration did not, in the event, produce the results for which the papacy hoped. William Bishop who was appointed bishop in 1623, died after rather less than a year in office. His successor, Richard Smith, appointed by Urban VIII in 1624, became involved in disputes with the Jesuit and Benedictine clergy on the mission and, after six years of strife, withdrew to France in 1631 and resigned his charge. Rome then reverted to her earlier policy. Though Smith later sought papal permission to return to England, it was refused. After his death at Paris in 1655, the English secular clergy petitioned Rome for another bishop, but without success. The Church in England was to remain without a bishop for another thirty years.

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Copyright
Copyright © Catholic Record Society 1964

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References

1. The divisions of opinion in England and on the Continent, concerning the Pope's jurisdiction over local churches, come out clearly in the controversies of 1629-31 which I shall be discussing in detail in a later article.

1a. “Episcopi, in nostrum aut successorum nostrorum defunctorum locum subrogandi, nominationi et electioni adsint et faciant, atque ita a se nominatum et electum Summo Pontifici, pro tempore existenti, condigna humilitate ac reverentia praesentent, apostolico calculo approbandum.” From William Bishop's patent instituting the Chapter; quoted by W. B. Turnbull in a note to Sergeant's, J. An Account of the Chapter, 1853, p.64,Google Scholar from the original in the Old Brotherhood Archives. The copy of the patent printed by Tierney (“Instrumentum Capituli Cleri Anglicani,” TD.iv.App. pp.cclxxx-cclxxxii) omits this passage.

2. For Bishop's actions and the reasons for them, cf. his letter to Rant of 25 September 1623 (printed in TD.iv.App.pp.cclxxxii-cclxxxiv); “Brevia-rium rerum gestarum P.M..R. Dni. Gulielmi Bishopi …” (DD.3, 5 May 1624, printed in CRS.x.pp.224-228, translation pp.401-405.); cf. also Albizzi's statement, supra p. 163.

3. The full list is given in “Instrumentum Capituli Cleri Anglicani,” dated 10 September 1623 (printed in TD.iv.App.pp.cclxxx-cclxxxii).

4. “… ut quicquid potestati nostrae in hac parte merito deesse potuerit, id summi pastoris suffragio ex potestatis suae plenitudine suppleatur.” (“Instrumentum Capituli,” printed in TD.iv.App.p.cclxxxi). Some reflection of Rome's firm attitude in this matter may perhaps be seen in the decision, taken three years later (27 June 1626) by the Sacred Congregation of the Council, that local bishops had no authority to erect even collegiate chapters without papal permission, (cf. Codicis Iuris Canonici Pontes, vol. 5, 1951, p.246, no.2468).

5. The basis of the Chapter's claim, at a later period, to exercise valid canonical authority, was that the Pope had recognized its de facto existence and had allowed it to function as if it had been validly instituted.

6. “Interiit enim simul cum Rmo Episcopo Chalcedonensi ordinario nostro omnis gubernandi potestas cum nemo inter nos sit qui legitime, nondum confirmato Capitulo, auctoritatum ullam sibi assumere possit, multo minus arrogare velit.” (WAA.xviii.no. 11.pp. 175-6).

7. For his letter to Ludo visi and Propaganda, cf. Hughes p. 329 and the reference to AP there given. Rant's copies of the letters to Propaganda, Barberini and Urban VIII are WAA.xvii, nos. 126, 125, 127, respectively.

8. “Magnam expectamus in successore obtinendo oppugnationem Romae ab iis qui alieno semper animo erant eius electioni, et Hierarchie cleri Anglicani”; “Petimus … Dominationem vestram … episcoporum a nobis nominandorum ordinationem quam primum promovere.” (WAA. xvii, no.125).

8a. Comparison with other records shows that this list consistently understates their ages, sometimes by as much as five years or even more.

9. Rant's copies. Colleton to Urban VIII, 3/13 June (WA.xviii.no.il); 26 July/5 Aug. 1624 (not found but acknowleged by Millini on 21 September 1624—ibid.no.61); 1/11 September 1624 (ibid. no.54); 21/31 October 1624 (ibid.no.77); 22 November/1 December 1624 (ibid.no.62). Colleton to Ludovisi, 1/11 September 1624 (ibid.no.5l); to Millini, 21/31 October 1624 (ibid.no.76); to Bandini, 26 July/5 Aug. 1624 (not found but acknowledged by Millini on 21 September 1624—ibid.no.61); to Ingoli 3/13 June 1624 (ibid.no.12) and 1/11 September 1624 (ibid. no.52).

10. WAA.xviii.nos.13, 41.

11. WAA.xvii.no.140.

12. “Il clero d'Inghilterra ha destinato un descendente di Thomaso Moro a Roma con la propositione di 6 sogetti per nuovo vescovo che sono per lo più gli Archidiaconi creati dal Calcedonense …11 Moro e in Fiandra e andarrà a Roma dopo i caldi.” PRO.31/9. 90 (From VA. NF.422.ff.222-3).

13. Correspondence du Nonce Giovanni-Francesco Guidi di Bagno, ed. B. de Meester. pt.1. 1938 p.498.no.l042. (Analecta Vaticano-Bélgica, ser.2. no. 5).

14. He wrote to Muskett from Rome on that date, cf. Muskett's acknowledgment dated 23 September (WAA.xviii.no. 65).

15. Printed in TD.v.p.106, note.

16. cf. General to Blount, 13 January 1624 (GASJ.AEG.i.2.f.190v); same to same, 21 September 1624 (ibid.f.204v); same to same, 21 December 1624 (ibid.f.209v.).

17. ECR. Scritture 56. no.5, beginning, “Accepistis ut opinor iamdudum de Rmi. Calcedonensis morte nuntium …” There is no signature. It is endorsed: “Exemplar litterarum ex Anglia etc. 6 Maii 1624 stilo veteri. De conditionibus in creando episcopo requisitis.”

18. Farrar to More, 5 October 1624 (WAB.xxvii, unnumbered).

19. cf. Spada to Barberini, 18 July 1624 (VL.BL.6094.f.105v), and Barberini to Spada, 2 July 1624 (VL.BL.6212.f.42v).

20. WAA.xviii.nos.1-10.

21. Smith to More, 20 August 1624. (WAB.xxvi, unnumbered). Smith proceeds to state that he has heard unfavorable reports about Johnson's character.

22. The little evidence available about Johnson is summarised in an unpublished article by the late T. B. Trappes-Lomax entitled “The Dormer Homes.” It is hoped to publish this article in another issue of Recusant History.

23. For the evidence on William Smith, cf. LR.no.58 (CRS.xxxvii.p.16), RS. (CRS.liv.pp.112, 114), A&R.779. TD.iv.App.p.cclxx.

24. A note by the present writer on Oliver Almond, summarising the evidence about him, is to appear in another issue of Recusant History.

25. For the evidence on the secular priest John Roberts (to be distinguished from John Roberts O.S.B., the martyr) cf.Venn.iii.p.465; LR.no.146 (CRS.xxxvii.p.46); CRS.xiv,p.14; DD3.p.74; Cal.SPD.Eliz. 1591-4, pp.261-2.

26. Cf.Pastor,xxvii,p.105 note. The document cited by Pastor, giving the composition of the General Congregation of the Holy Office, relates to 1622-3, but the same cardinals were in office in 1624.

27. A contemporary resumé of the speech is printed in TD.v.App.pp.ccxli-ccxlv.

28. “… resque de novo episcopo creando iterum sub Urbano VIII. in deliberationem vocata cum esset, diu ancipitem, ob incommoda secuta, exitum habuit.” [Margin: “Mortuo Episcopo Calcedonensi S. Sedes nolebat amplius dare episcopum in Anglia.”] “Agitabatur tunc temporis tractatio matrimonii inter Carolum postea Regem Angliae & Infantem Mariam postea Imperatricem. & Rex Jacobus, spe obtinendae dispensationis a Pontifice, executionem legum penalium ita suspenderat, ut Catholici specie quadam libertatis conscientiae fruerentur. Inter cardinales in deliberationem a Gregorio XV vocatos, dispar sententia fuit. Qui rerum Anglicarum erant magis periti, uti inter caeteros Mellinus Vice Protector, nane malaciam majoris tempestatis praesagam arbitrati, nihil immutandum autumabant. At Bandinus litteris Regis Jacobi ad fovendum dispensationi illectus, cum gratia, & auctoritate plurimum apud Gregorium XV, ejusque nepotem Cardinalem Ludovisium valeret, contrarium evicit. Concessus ergo fuit episcopus, & … ad id muneris nominatus fuit Guillelmus Bissopus … Hie quamvis esset titulo Chalcedonensis Episcopus, re ipsa vero pro Anglia solum delegatus, & quidem ad beneplacitum, & cum reservatione iuris Nuntii Apostolici in Gallia, tamquam Ordinarii, quae omnia potestatem delegatam indicant, assumpto tamen statim sibi Ordinarii nomine, atque auctoritate plusquam patriarchali, & ne consulto quidem Romano Pontifice, Decanum cum Capitùlo pro toto regno Angliae creavit, scripsitque post factum ad Congregationem de Propaganda Fide pro approbatione, mirati sunt cardinales rei novitatem sacris canonibus tarn contrariam, a consuetudine Ecclesiae tarn alienam, cujus nullum esset in tota antiquitate vestigium, Sedis Apostolicae praerogativis injuriosum, idemque Decanum, & Capitu-lum absque ulla ecclesia, & cathedrali, aut collegiata, aut parochiali, pro integro regno absque ullo peculiari districtu rapte, & patriarchatus instar constitutum, adeoque rem minime probandam existimarunt Quinimo Cardinalis Bandinus in paucis episcopi fautor ea de re saepius quaeri auditus est; Cobellutius vero etiam aperte in praesentia multorum idem D. Ranto Episcopi Agenti tamquam quid chimericum, ac aerium exprobavit …” “Verum cum iam abrupto prioris matrimonii cum Infante Hispanica tractatu, itum esset ad Gallos, Rexque Christianissimus amplissimas pro liberiate religionis Catholicae in Anglia ad dispensationem obtinendam Pontifici conditiones promitteret, ipseque, & Cardinalis Richelejus pro novo episcopo vehementer urgerent, cessit tandem Urbanus, & Doctorem Richardum Smitheum ipsius Richelii familiarem cum iisdem facultatibus Guillelmi Bishopi episcopum constituit …” (BL. M. pp.5-7. See supra: Principal archival sources— Holy Office Documents).

29. On this, see especially J. Bossy, “English Catholics and the French Marriage, 1577-81.” RH.v.no.1, Jan. 1959, pp.2-16.

30. “Le désir et espérance que nous avons conceuë de l'alliance de nostre prince avec Madame vostre soeur nous convie a demander protection pour ceux qui seront a jamais très fidèles et très loyaux a son service.” “Or estant arrivé au bout de ma vieillesse, et prévenu d'une infirmité dangereuse, j'offre aux sacres pieds de vostre Majesté cette nostre requeste.” The letter is dated: “A Londres ce dixiesme avril 1624. He is presumably using old style. He died on 13 April, o.s. (PR0.31/4.i. ff.33v-37r).

31. “Il sera bon aussi que vous me mandiez qui vous jugeriez propre a estre estably successeur de l'Evesque mourant pour le mesnager a Rome, et cela est bien de consequence.” (PRO.31/4.i.f.49v.).

32 “J'ay consulté plusieurs prestres et autres bons Catholiques touchant un evesque en la personne duquel ayant eu à considérer le service de Dieu et celuy de sa Majesté je n'en trouve pas un ou ces deux qualitez d'homme de bien et de bon Francois resident plus puissamment qu'en la personne de Monsieur Smit, lequel a esté autrefoix proposé a sa Sainteté pour cet effet et duquel Monsieur le Cardinal de Richelieu vous pourra mieux esclaircir que personne comme celuy qui a esté depuis longtemps et est encore son domestique.” (PRO.31/4.i.f. 49v.).

33. “Ce que vous adjoustez … fortiffie mon opinion que ceux avec lesquels vous traictez ne pouvant estre secourus des autres qu'en les voyant bien engages avec nous, leur propre interest les fera donner dans le nostre, qui maintenant est bien a faire establir de pardela un evesque affectionné a la France, ce qui m'obligera des aujourhuy de voir Monsr le Cardinal de Richelieu de conférer avey luy de celuy que vous désignez et d'en escrire a Monsieur de Bethune afin qu'a Rome il tasche a l'obtenir.” (PRO.31/4.i.f.120r-v).

34. For the statements in this paragraph, cf. especially: Foster iv.p. 1378; LR.(CRS.xxxvii.p.59): RV.(CRS.xxx.pp.23-4); DD3.(CRS.x.pp.42, 47); A. C Southern's edition. 1954, of the 1627 English translation of Smith's Latin life of Viscountess Montague. Most published accounts of his life contain inaccuracies, especially as to dates. The evidence for his date of birth is conflicting. L.R. states that when he entered the English College in November, 1586, he had begun his eighteenth year; this would put his date of birth at 1569. But the Chapter's list of Episcopabiles drawn up in April, 1624, states that he was then fifty-three, which would make his date of birth 1570.

35. Letters of Thomas Fitzherbert, 1608-10. ed. L. Hicks. (CRS.xli.) See especially Hicks's introduction and notes.

36. A & R.771.

37. Cf. “Regulations for the Establishment at Arras College, April 28, 1612.” (Printed in TD.iv.App.pp.ccIxix-cclxx).

38. The three English books cited are A & R. 113, 231, 233 respectively.

39. Deloche, M., La Maison du Cardinal de Richelieu. Document inédit. 1912, p. 537.Google Scholar

40. Smith to More, 15 October 1612, from Paris, debating whether to go to Poitou ( WAA.xi.no.181.); Smith to More, 3 Marrfh 1613, from Poitou (WAA. xii.no.30 ).

41. “Je reçus toutes vos lettres, et me plains que vous étant mis à la controverse, vous ne m'en mandiez rien, et ayant amené deux Anglais pour vous y servir, vous ne m'en ayez ni parlé ni écrit.” Quoted in L. Lacroix, Richelieu à Lucon. Sa jeunesse—son épiscopat, 1890, p.185.

42. Smith to More, 2 July 1613, from Paris (WAA.xii.no.125); also 9 September 1613, from Paris (WAA.xii.no.161).

43. “Il était venu en France quelque temps, auparavant pour y faire profession de la religion avec plus de sûreté, et pour s'en instruire à fond; il s'appliqua même à étudier les controverses pour combattre les hérétiques en son pays, quand il y retournerait, et il s'était tellement exercé dans cette étude qu'il y devint assez habile; ce qui engagea labbé Duplessis, depuis cardinal de Richelieu, à le prendre dans sa maison dans le temps qu'il étudiait en Sorbonne avec lui les controverses, afin de servir l'Eglise par cette science à l'imitation du cardinal du Perron qui séleva à la pourpre par cette voie et devint si utile à religion. Comme cette abbé avait de l'esprit et encore plus de l'ambition, il prit la résolution d'étudier l'histoire ecclésiastique avec les controverses sous Richard Smith, qui lui ouvrit le chemin dans l'une et dans l'autre science qu'il savait également bien, et lui en découvrit les principes. Mais l'abbô rebuté du peu de talent qu'il avait de retenir ce qu'il apprenait, et de son peu de mémoire, renonça à cette étude, et se retrancha à la seule scolastique que son docteur anglais lui apprit, et dont il se fit un ami après l'avoir eu assez longtemps pour précepteur.” (Rapin, R., Histoire du Jansénisme depuis son origine jusqu'en 1644 … Revu et publié par l'abbé Domenech. Paris, n.d. pp.213-4).Google Scholar

44. cf.. Hughes, p.332.

45. WAA.xvi.no.163.

46. He returned to Paris temporarily from Douai in May 1624 (DD3.p.223).

47. WAB.xxvi. unnumbered.

48. WAB.xxvi. unnumbered.

49. Accounts will be found in Gardiner, v.pp.249 et seq.; Pastor, xxix, pp. 287 et seq.; J. Goll, Die französische Heirath. Frankreich und England 1624 und 1625, Prag, 1876.

50. WAB.xxvi. unnumbered.

51. WAB.xxvi. unnumbered.

52. WAA.xviii. no.31.

53. cf. Faculties granted to the archpriest Harrison, 1615 (printed in TD.v. App.pp.clxxxi-clxxxiii).

54. For Spada's career, cf. Pastor, vols. 28, 29, 30, 31, passim.

55. “Chelisone Presidente di Duaco è sempre stato attorno per i Collegii e non mai in Inghilterra, però non è molto prattico di quelle cose, è dotto e per un tempo è stato moderato ma poi si è messo ne la fattione contro Giesuiti. Colletone è stato uno de li appellanti, si trova in Inghilterra ma troppo vecchio.” (PRO.31/9.90. from VA.NF.422.f.236).

56. Ibid.f.237.

57. “II Co: Tigliers dice che il Chelisone è stato dodeci anni per i Collegi, e che però è molto sospetto e molto infido al Re Inglese et a gli heretici quali hanno per massima irrefragabile che i Collegiali siano li peggio affetti a lo scisma Anglicano in universale et al Re in particolare di ciascuno altro e che portino un carattere indelibile di Spagnoleria ond’ segue che soggetto cosi qualificato farebbe troppo bersaglio o almeno ocurerebbe troppa diligenza e troppa guerra contro i suoi progressi senza che questi è huomo di 54 ani di dottrina di esperienza e di una applicazione non ordinarie se non quanto segni odio particolare ai Padri Giesuiti e loro devoti.

Quanto al Colletone Io condanna di soverchia vechiaia presuponendolo settuagenario e di soverchia innotescenza come quello che per diverse cariche et impieghi e molto più per esser stato per alcun’ tempo prig-gione e conosciuto da amici e nemici assai communamente, ond si vede che l'età lo rende inhabile a le fatiche e l'esser troppo noto lo rende improprio a quei latitamenti che in tempo di persegutione o luoghi di sospetto sono non poche volte necessari; del resto huomo di molta veneratione appo tutti e chi in diffetto d'Arciprete ha amministrato quella carica molto lodevolmente.

Il Binetto huomo di 55 anni, attivo, ardente, qualità molto buona se non l'essercitasse contra i Giesuiti e che ha ottima commodità da ritirarsi ne l'occasione governando egli si può dire a bacchetta la casa di Madame d'Armur signora [ ] catolica e papalissima [?] e in casa di cui come casa di Milord non ha authorità la giustitia medesima e pero è sicuro di sorprese subite ricerche.

Riccardo Smitheo di cinquanta anni et oltre, di dottrina equale e forse superiore a ciascuno de 3 precedenti, discreto, prudente, e non molto ostentato in Inghilterra, di aversione moderata contro i Padri Giesuiti e che finalmente a giuditio del Co: di Tigliers è il più idoneo o il meno improprio d'ogni altro al bisogno di quella carica e di quel regno.” (VA.NF.401.f.l78). I am indebted to Rev. Charles Burns, Scriptor at the Vatican Archives, for finding this document for me, and to Dr. D. E. Rhodes of the British Museum, and Professor Uberto Limentani of Cambridge, for helping me to transcribe it.

57a. Both Colleton and Kellison were at least five years older than Rant stated to the Pope (see p.154).

58 cf. Dodd.iii.p.90 Also ABA.c.60. The book was The Right and Jurisdiction of the Prelate, and the Prince, 1617, reprinted in 1621 (A & R 427-8).

59. “L'origine de l'odio di Smitheo contro Giesuiti un libro di Smitheo in Bellum in lingua Inglese che dice non esser articolo di fede che il Papa possa deporre il re … F. Personio mandò il libro al S. Officio …” (PR0.31/9.90. from VA.NF.422.L246).

60. “Non ometterò di dire che si come il medesimo Conte asserisce che li 4 sopranominati sono ass [olutamente] de migliori soggetti che altri hoggi de il clero Anglicano, cosi ne la medesima classe communé con [sensu] Cuthberto Ionsono e Guglielmo Smitheo primi in ordine ne l'antedetto foglio segnato B. opponendo solamente al Ionsono il non esser’ stato molto tempo in Londra e consequentamente poter nessun de’ quello prattico che forsi si riceverebbe; gli altri doi Almando e Roberto non sono di tempo …” (VA.NF.401.f.178).

61. The Jesuit No viriate, S. Andrea de Quirinale, in Rome.

62. “Terminarci questa mia relatione se un poco di cognitione che tengo di la persona di Ricardo Smitheo non m'incitasse a un poco d'appendice, et è che quest'huomo è stato molti anni appresso il Card, di Riceliu e doppo essersi alcuni mesi sono trasferito in Inghilterra e nuovamente tornato in Francia con occasione de la venuta del Marchese di Carlil Ambassadore straordinario del Re de la gran Brettagna, et è pur’ stato ricevuto in casa del Cardinale. Egli si dice essere precipuamente venuto per suggerir a S.M. quel poco egli potrà in servizio de la causa cattolica nel predetto trattato maritale fra il prencipe di Galles e Madame sorella del Re Christianissimo. Mi ha similmente detto d'haver’ altre volte servito d'aiuto al’ Cardinale nele compilationi di alcune materie di controversie nele quali vien riputato cosi versato come dimostrano due libri che egli ha stampati e che ultimamente mi ha presentati: l'uno col titulo de Auctore et essentia protestantium ecclesiae et religionis, l'altro Collatio doctrinae Catholicorum ac protestantium cum expressis sacrae scripturae verbis. Ne i discorsi che ho tenuto alcune volte con esso lui mi è parso di trovarlo huomo molto sensato, prudente, e zelante ne però distante e quanto ai Padri Giesuiti io trovo ch'egli ne ha concetto di persone molto più tendenti al profitto de la loro Compagnia in particolare che del Cattolicismo Anglicano in universale senon quanto potessero ridurlo a militare sotto la loro assoluta authorità. Dice essere stato alunno del Collegio Inglese di Roma per molti anni e haver provato che è una difficil cosa a un buono spirito educato in quel collegio [non] presentarsi dal novitiato di S. Andrea e di qui inferisce egli che si divertano gli alunni Inglesi da quel fine al quale è ordinato il collegio loro che è di tornare in Inghilterra a battaglia e non mansue farsi ne le religioni dove in tanto si allevano per mandargli in Inghilterra in quanto non si scorge di potergli impiegare altrove con maggior profitto di esse religiosi e questo è quanto riscontro in esse, Al commando di cotesta sacra congregazione significatomi da la humanita di V. S. a la quale humilissimamente m'inchino. XV. Agosto 1624.” (VA.NF.401.f. 178).

63. The original letter is at WAB.xxvi. unnumbered. A paraphrase in French by Rant of parts of it is to be found at WAA.xviii.no. 46 and 47.

64. cf.Smith to More, 12 September 1624, “The man who calumniated me to the Nuntio as I wrote in my last, is as I heare nowe Tobie Mathews” (WAB.xxvi. unnumbered).

65. WAB.xxvi. unnumbered.

66. On 1 August Smith wrote to Rant that Colleton had written on behalf of the English clergy to the King of France and the Queen Mother begging to have Tillières restored to office, and that he himself had done what he could in the matter, but that there was little likelihood of success. (WAA.xviii.no.35).

67. WAB.xxvi.unnumbered.

68. On the state of contemporary theological opinion as to the necessity of the dispensation, cf. Houssaye pp.511, 512, and the references there given, cf. also note 94 infra.

69. cf. Houssaye, ch.12.

70. WAB.xxvi.unnumbered.

71. WAA.xviii.no.57.

72. WAA.xviii.no.47. Ibid. no. 46 is another copy with variations.

73. Cf. especially Muskett to More, 27 October 1624 (WAB.xlvii, no.156) in which he urges More to impress upon the Pope “how distastfully it is taken of the clergy here that [owing to the opposition raised by the Jesuits] they may not freely make choice of ther owne head.” It seems clear that they had no notion that Rant himself had had a hand in obstructing their free choice.

73a. WAB.xlvii.no.89.

74. WAB.xxvi.unnumbered.

75. Cf. Cassian Reel, “Father Constantine, OFM Cap.” (BS.ii.no.1.1953.p.30),

76. WAB.xxvi.unnumbered.

77. VL.BL.6094.ff.l84v-185r.

78. “On demande depuis longtemps au Pape le titre d'évesque pour un Anglois, Richard Smith. J'ai descouvert que l'opposition venoit des Jésuites, qui allèguent qu'il ne les ayme point; mais, en effet, c'est qu'ils ne veulent point en cette place d'homme vigoureux.” (Avenel, vii.pp.554-5, note 1).

79. WAB.xxvi.unnumbered.

80. WAB.xxvi.unnumbered.

81. Cf. Houssaye, ch.10, 11.

82. “Je vous dois dire aussi que Béthune a puissamment opéré en votre considération en l'affaire de Smith, et aussi le cardinal de la Valette. Et il en était fort besoin. Car ceux que vous connaissez font et ont fait d'étranges efforts et inventions à rencontre. A lavérité cela est bien étrange, et à mon avis mériterait châtiment. L'affaire est en très bon état, mais non encore entièrement résolue. Si Dieu l'accomplit, il doit un grand remerciement à Béthune et la Valette.” (Dagens, ii. p.506).

83. A few years later he abandoned ail pretence at living the life of an ecclesiastic and took to a military career. When, in 1635, Richelieu entered the Thirty Year's War on the side of the Protestant powers, he made La Valette a Lieutenant General of the French forces. A detailed account of his career is given by de Noailles, Episodes de la Guerre de Trente Ans. Le Cardinal de la Valette, Lieutenant Général des Armées du Roi, Paris 1906.

84. WAB.xxvi.unnumbered.

85. “L'affaire de Monsieur Smith est en bon état par la diligence et la conduite de Monseigneur l'ambassadeur; mais elle n'est encore conclue, partie par les longueurs ordinaires en cette cour, partie par l'industrie de ses adversaires qui proposent de temps en temps des papiers à l'inquisition à rencontre de lui pour allonger et obscurcir l'affaire. Monseigneur le cardinal de la Valette a pris tous ces papiers, et s'en est chargé pour diligenter et finir cette résolution; car entre les mains d'un cardinal italien, la vue de tous ces papiers serait longue. Il vous y sert avec soin et affection et m'a dit: tout cela être inutile et une partie fausse. Mais comme tout ce qui concerne le Saint-Office est grandement secret, il n'en peut rien dire, sinon qu'il espère bientôt conduire l'affaire à votre contentement. Je dis hier à Sa Sainteté que vous en répondiez, et ce que je connaissais par moi-même de son mérite, et l'importance qu'il y eut là un évêque connu, estimé et appuyé de ceux du conseil du Roi pour être aidé en leurs besoins et protégé de l'autorité royale. Ce qu'il approuva fort, et me commanda de dire les raisons et considérations qu'il trouvait très bonnes à Monseigneur le cardinal Bandini, et qu'il dépêchât cette affaire. C'est le doyen du Saint-Office, et bien affectionné et à la France et au marriage d'Angleterre et encore au clergé d'Angleterre.” (Dagens. ii.p.509).

86. “J'ai esté très-aise de cognoistre, par vostre lettre du 7 octobre, que l'affaire de M. Schmith soit en Testât que vous me mandez, et que, pour la faciliter davantage, Mr. le cardinal de la Valette ayt voulu se charger de voir les papiers qui concernent cette affaire. Ne doutant point que les considérations que vous me tesmoignés avoir représentées sur ce sujet à Sa Sainteté ne soient assez fortes pour surmonter les calomnies que l'on y apporte, pour tascher d'empescher l'effect. Je ne vous prie point de continuer à y contribuer vostre soing, sachant que vous n'y obmettrés rien de tout ce que vous estimerés y estre nécessaire pour faire que l'on en ayt le contentement qu'on désire, puisque, outre le bien que vous savés qui en peut revenir à l'église, c'est chose que j'affectionne particulièrement.” (Avenel, vii.pp.553-4).

87. “J'espère que le premier courrier vous portera la nouvelle de la dispense obtenue en l'affaire d'Angleterre, et celui-ci vous portera la résolution de l'affaire de Monsieur Smith, que le Pape en la congrégation du Saint-Office a voulu être nommé à l'évêché de cette désolée province. Cette nouvelle est inconnue en cette cour, et Sa Sainteté a commandé à tous les cardinaux du Saint-Office de la tenir secrète sous peine d'exécration. Et nous n'avons liberté de le dire à personne, mais seulement de la faire savoir au Roi et à vous Monseigneur. Vous jugerez par là quelles sont les difficultés en affaires plus grandes, puis-qu'en celle-ci, qui ne semblait pas en devoir rencontrer aucune, il a fallu procéder ainsi. Le soin et la peine que Monseigneur l'Ambassadeur y a prise, est tout extraordinaire et mérite à mon avis un remerciement particulier. Monsiegneur le cardinal de la Valette s'y est employé fort efficacement en votre considération, et la déclaration qu'il a faite en pleine congrégation comme il répondait de Monsieur Smith, a été de grand poids pour anéantir l'effet des informations qu'on a produites et à broyer l'affaire. C'est un préjugé de l'affaire principale, car tous ceux qui ont été pour l'évêque seront pour icelle; et sa Sainteté s'y est très bien conduite, et a parlé fortement à rencontre des difficultés qu'on y a voulu former. Mais comme toutes affaires sont longues en cette cour et en la résolution et en l'expédition, vous ne pourrez avoir les bulles par le courrier.” (Dagens, ii.pp.518-9).

88. Eubel.iv.p.147.

89. WAB.xlvii.no.21.

90. Ibid.no.12. The former Catholic priest Griffin Floyd, who had apostatised, was probably acting as a spy for the English government.

91. The minute of the decision is given by Brady, p.74.

92. Eubel.iv.p.147.

93. WAB.xlvii.no.15.

94. Houssaye, pp.529, 30.

95. cf. Bérulle to Richelieu from Rome, 6 January, and from Turin, 26 January, 1625. (Dagens. iii.pp.1-2, 6-7).

96. cf. Gardiner, v.p.307.

97. WAB.xlvii.no.15.

98. Ibid.no.17. The priest John Cecil, a former Appellant, was a man of notoriously unstable character, whose word Smith was on other occasions loath to trust. On 24 October, for instance, Smith wrote to Rant: “I am told for certaine that the Nonce of France hath written in my behalf which wil countermand what D. Cecil as he confesseth hath written against me, though at the same time he told me to my face that he thought me fit for that place, but this is like the rest of his proceedings, and yet he complaineth that we acquainte him not with our affairs.” (WAB.xxvii unnumbered).

99. cf. Andrea Nicoletti's MS. life of Urban VIII, quoted in TD.v.p. 159, notes 1, 2. Nicoletti's work is at VL.BL.4730-39. For an account of it, see Pastor xxix. pp.548-90. For La Rochefoucauld, cf. La, Rochefoucauld cf. Le Cardinal Francois de la Rochefoucauld, Paris, 1926.Google Scholar

100. “Doctores fere omnes ubique, hie vero plane omnes censent illam non esse necessariam in foro conscientiae. Placuit tamen denuo ad Revmum patrem nostrum recurrere.” Dagens iii.p.28. Dagens supplies a note: “Le Père Bertin [superior of the French Oratory in Rome], peutêtre à la demande de Bérulle, a rassemblé un grand nombre de textes de casuistes sur cette question, dans une lettre du 28 janvier 1625.” cf. also note 62a supra.

101. WAB.xlvii.no.20.

102. An account of Ascot House is given by T. B. Trappes-Lomax in “The Dormer Homes.” See note 22 above.

103. cf. Instrument of the Publication of Smith's Briefs, 6 May, 1625. WAA. xix.no.29.

104. WAA.xviii.no.61.

105. Original in AP.Anglia.347.ffl.35-6 (cf. Hughes p.329); contemporary copy, WAA.xviii.no.83.

106. WAB.xlvii. no. 156.

107. Ibid no. 158.

108. Ibid, no. 121. He uses the Pseudonym Richard Sara.

109. Ibid. no 13.

110. Ibid. no. 156.