¹ For the adulation see Montaña, J. Fernández, Felipe II el Prudente rey de Esfaña en relació con Artes y Artistas con Ciencias y Sabios (Madrid, 1912)Google Scholar; for the blame see Piñero, J. M. López, Ciencia y Técnica en la Sociedad Española de las Siglos XVI y XVII (Barcelona, 1979), pp. 140–148Google Scholar, where the ‘ideological repression’ of Philip's reign is presented as one of a complicated set of conditions hindering scientific development in late-16th- and 17th century Spain.

² Recopilación de las Leyes (Alcalá, 1598) lib i, titulo vii, ley xxiiii, fol. 30.Google Scholar

³ Letters of 9 Oct. 1558 and 20 Jan. 1559 published in Arteaga, E. Esperabé, Historia Pragmática é interna de la Universidad de Salamanca, vol 1 (Salamanca, 1914) pp. 491–3.Google Scholar

^3a Reusch, H., Die Indices Librorum Prohibitorum des Sechzehnten Jahrhunderts (Tübingen, 1886) pp. 209–242Google Scholar. Later in the reign (1583–4) further Spanish indices of prohibited and expurgated books were issued by Gaspar de Quiroga, archbishop of Toledo and Inquisitor General. Several scientific works were added to those already prohibited by Valdés: Reinhold's edition of Peurbach's Theoricae novae planetarum; J-C. Scaliger's commentary on Theophrastus' De cousis plantarum; and several passages from Paracelsus were to be struck out. For the details see M. and Reig, J. L. Peset, ‘El aislamiento cientifico español a través de los indices del inquisidor Gaspar de Quiroga de 1583 y 1584,’ Anthologica Annua (Rome), 16 (1968), 25–41Google Scholar; also de Bujanda, J. M., ‘La Censure litteraire en Espagne au XVIe Siècle’, Canadian J. of History, 7 (1972), 1–15.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

⁴ Cartes de los Antiguos Reinos de León y de Castilla, publicadas por la Real Academia de la Historia, vol. 5, (Madrid, 1903) pp. 865–868.Google Scholar

⁵ Philip, II to Juana, , 21 06 1559Google Scholar, quoted in Álvarez, M. Fernández, Politica mundial de Carlos V y Felipe II (Madrid, 1966) p. 237.Google Scholar

⁶ Philip, II to the Duke of Alva, 12 04 1568Google Scholar, Colección de Documentas inéditos para la Historia de España, 112 vols. (Madrid 1842–1895), vol. 37, p. 205Google Scholar. What relish Philip showed when his governor-general of the Netherlands decided on a rigorous control of books! The same to the same, 15 May 1569, ibid, vol 38 p. 94.

⁷ Pìñero, J. M. López, Ciencia y Técnica en la Sociedad Española de los Siglos XVI y XVII (Barcelona, 1979), pp. 126–7Google Scholar. This work has much statistical information and a very useful bibliography.

⁸ Ortiz, A Domínguez, ‘Reflexiones sobre “las Dos Españas”’, Cuadernos Hispanoamericanos, 80 (1969), 48–49.Google Scholar

⁹ Piñero, J. M. López, La Disección y el Saber Anatomico en la España de la Primera Mitad del Siglo XVI' Cuadernos de Historia de la Medicina Española 13 (1974), 51–1110.Google Scholar

¹⁰ Álvarez, M. Fernández, Copérnico y su Huella en la Salamanca del Barocco (Salamanca, 1974).Google Scholar

¹¹ Piñero, J. M. López, ‘Paracelsus and his Work in 16th and 17th century Spain,’ Clio Medica 8 (1973), 125–126.Google Scholar

¹² Matricule de l'Université de Médecine de Montpellier (1503–1599), ed. Gouron, M., (Geneva, 1957)Google Scholar. The matricule for Louvain has recently been published up to 1569 (ed. A. Schillings), but unfortunately I have not been able to see this work.

¹³ Antolín, P. Guillermo, ‘La Libreria de Felipe II (datos para su reconstitutión)’, La Ciudad de Dios 116 (1919), 42 f.Google Scholar

¹⁴ Ibid., 116 (1919), 287f., 117 (1919), 207f.

¹⁵ Actas de las Cortes de Castilla, (Madrid, 1862–1918), vol. 1, p. 294.Google Scholar

¹⁶ Philip II to the rector and faculty of the university of Salamanca, 1 July 1566; Arteaga, Esperabé, op. cit., vol. 1, p. 518.Google Scholar

¹⁷ Actas de las Cartes (Cortes of 1586–8), vol. 9, pp. 472–3.Google Scholar

¹⁸ Granjel, Luis S., Cirurgia Española del Renacimiento (Salamanca, 1968) p. 14.Google Scholar

¹⁹ Philip's letters to these universities are published in Muñoyerro, L. A., La Facultad de Medicina en la Universidad de Alcalá de Henares (Madrid, 1945), pp. 31–33Google Scholar; Alcocer, M. y Martínez, , Historia de la Universidad de Valladolid, vol. 7 (Valladolid, 1931), pp. 459–463.Google Scholar

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²¹ Actas de las Cartes (12 05 1563), vol. 1, p. 115.Google Scholar

²² Ibid., vol. 1, pp. 286–8 and 316–7. Physicians wrote their presciptions in Latin, a practise which Charles V had tried to change; Muñoz, M., Recopilación de las Leyes, Pragmaticas reales, decretos y acuerdos del Real Protomedicato (Valencia, 1751), p. 160Google Scholar. The continued demand for Latin was directed not only towards the reading of prescriptions but also to scientific literature.

²³ If we accept the complaints made by procuradores, this regulation was not being adhered to: universities and protomédicos were not insisting on the full period of two years; Actas de las Cartes (Certes of 1576), additional vol. 5, pp. 580–582.Google Scholar

²⁴ Recopilación de las Leyes (Alcalá, 1598), lib. iii, titulo xvi, ley vii.Google Scholar

²⁵ de Valles, F., Tratado de las Aguas, destiladas, pesos y medidas de que los Boticarios deven usar, par nueva ordenança, y mandato de su Majestad y su Real Consejo (Madrid, 1592), pp. 1–3.Google Scholar

²⁶ de Amezúa, A. Gónzales, introduction to the reprinted edition of de los Rios, Gregorio, Agricultura de Jardines (Madrid, 1951), p. xxix.Google Scholar

²⁷ D'Ardois, G. Somolinos, Vida y Obra de Francisco Hernández (Mexico, 1960), p. 279.Google Scholar

²⁸ For this correspondence between Pedro de Hoyo and Philip see Marín, F. Rodríguez, Felipe y la Alquimia (Madrid, 1927)Google Scholar. The description of the ‘philosophical tower’ and other alchemical apparatus in the Escorial is from an eyewitness account given with diagrams by Jean L'Hermite of Antwerp; Le Passetemps de Jean Lhermite, ed. Ouverleaux, E. et Petit, J. (Antwerp, 1896), vol. 2, pp. 72–74.Google Scholar

^28a Piñero, López, Ciencia y Técnica, pp. 220–221.Google Scholar

²⁹ For this letter on mechanics see de Arcaute, A. Ruiz, Juan de Herrera, architecte de Felipe II (Madrid, 1936), pp. 36–8Google Scholar. The cranes—more than 30 were in operation at the site—are illustrated in Almech, F. Iñiguez, ‘Los Ingenios de Juan de Herrera’, El Escorial 1563–1963 (Madrid, 1963), vol. 2, p. 198f.Google Scholar

³⁰ Picatoste, F. y Rodríguez, , Apuntes para una Biblioteca cienlifica española del siglo XVI (Madrid, 1891), p. 146Google Scholar. This is still our principal source for Philip's Academy.

³¹ Ibid. According to Cabrera, his secretary and biographer, Philip also had ambitions to make Castilian a world language; de Cordova, Luis Cabrera, Filipe segundo rey de España (Madrid, 1619), p. 3.Google Scholar

³² Herrera, to de Salazar, Cristóbal, 1 01 1584Google Scholar, published in Picatoste, y Rodríguez, , Apuntes, p. 148.Google Scholar

³³ de Ondériz, P. Ambrosio, La Perspectiva y Especularia de Euclides. Traduzidas en Vulgar Castellano (Madrid, 1584–1585).Google Scholar

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³⁵ Picatoste, y Rodríguez, , Apuntes, p. 149.Google Scholar

³⁶ This can be followed in Actas de las Cartes, vol. 9, pp. 245, 250, 312–13, 340Google Scholar; vol. 10, p. 367; vol. 11 pp. 60–63, 132, 227.

³⁷ Document dated 4 Aug 1607, published in Llaguno, E. y Amirola, and Ceán-Bermúdez, J. A.Noticias de los Arquitectos y Arquitectura de España desde su Restauration 4 vols. (Madrid, 1829), vol. 3, pp. 291–3.Google Scholar

³⁸ In addition to those mentioned the following Italian engineers entered Philip II's service: Giovanni-Baptista Calvi, brought from Milan by Charles V, continued in Philip II's reign to erect fortifications in the peninsula at Cadiz, in Catalonia, and in the Balearic Islands; Francesco Paciotto designed the citadel of Antwerp, advised on fortresses in Naples and Tunis, and fortified Coruña; Fabio Borsoto came to Spain in 1585 to construct the port of Malaga, and later worked at Gibraltar and Denia; Giovanni Siltoni of Milan and Ambrosio Mariano both carried out irrigation work for Philip in Castile; Constantino Evangelista supervised the construction of the fort at Melilla in 1576; Gerolamo de Marchi built towers for coastal defence at Barcelona in 1598; Francesco de Marchi carried out engineering work and wrote a treatise on siege warfare and fortification for Philip, who ordered it to be kept secret; Giorgio Setara came from Milan in 1565 to work on the citadel at Perpignan; Gerolamo de Soto constructed fortifications within the peninsula; Tiburzio Spanochi of Siena designed forts in the kingdom of Naples and then came to Spain where he fortified Pamplona, repaired castles in Aragon, installed defences in the ports of Guipúzcoa, planned fortifications for Cartagena in the Indies, and assisted in Philip's military conquest of Portugal. A team of Italian engineers participated in the Portuguese expedition, including Ascanio Vitozzi, Ugo da Cesana, Pietro Velasco and Filippo Terzi. For details of the work of some of these and illustrations of their plans see Maggiorotti, L. A., Architetti e Archtitetture Militari, vol. 3: Gli architetti militari italiani nella Spagna, nel Portogallo e nello loro colonie (Rome, 1939)Google Scholar and Llaguno y Amirola (op. cit.).

³⁹ Reti, L., ‘The Codex of Juanelo Turriano’, Technology and Culture 8 (1967) 53–66.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

⁴⁰ For further references on this see Braudel, F., La Méditerranée et le Monde Méditerranéen à L'Epoque de Philippe II, 2nd edition, (Paris, 1966), vol. 2, p. 182.Google Scholar

⁴¹ The family tree is given in Iñiguez, D. Angulo, Bautista Antonelli. Las Fortificaciones Americanas del Siglo XVI (Madrid, 1942) p. 4.Google Scholar

⁴² B.M. Add. MSS. 18,789 f. 161 (no date) illustrates his instructions for this mission.

⁴³ For a vivid account of the busy building activity here see Suarez, Diego, Historia del Maestro último que fué de Montesa y de su hermano Don Felipe de Borja (Madrid, 1889) p. 148Google Scholar; source quoted by Braudel, , op.cit.Google Scholar

⁴⁴ Llaguno, y Amirola, , vol. 3, p. 10.Google Scholar

⁴⁵ Antonelli, G.-B. to Philip, II, 22 05 1581Google Scholar, Tomar, reproduced in Llaguno, y Amirola, , vol. 3, pp. 198–207.Google Scholar

⁴⁶ Ibid., vol. 3, pp. 193–4; 207–210.

⁴⁷ Ibid., vol. 3, pp. 215–219.

⁴⁸ Actas de las Cartes de Castilla (1583–1584), vol. 7, pp. 281–9Google Scholar; 305–313; 331–46; 353–9; 384–6; 400–414.

⁴⁹ When the Portuguese rebellion broke oui in 1640 there were further attempts to make the Tagus navigable. Again the engineers appointed were Italian: Luigi Carducci of Urbino, assisted by Giulio Martelli. The project was not carried out.

⁵⁰ Philip, II to the Duke of Alva, 14 04 1581Google Scholar: Colección de Documentos inéditos para la Historia de España, vol. 34 p. 240.Google Scholar

⁵¹ Philip, II to Antonelli, Baptista, 15 02 1586Google Scholar, in Llaguno, y Amirola, , vol. 3, p. 244Google Scholar; Philip, II to de Tejeda, Juan, 14 12 1588Google Scholar, reproduced in Wright, I. A., Historia Documentada de San Cristóbal de la Habana en el Siglo XVI basada en los documentos originales existentes en el Archivo General de Indias en Sevilla (Havana, 1927), vol. 2, p. 144Google Scholar. Masons and stonecutters; forgers and smelters of iron and other metals were also sent out, ibid., p. 146.

⁵² Colección de Documentos inéditos para la Historia de España, vol. 13, pp. 549–552Google Scholar. Antonelli's work seems to have deterred attacks; but in 1683 San Juan de Ulúa was captured by buccaneers from Tortuga.

⁵³ Correspondence in Wright, I. A. (op. cit.) 2, 231–2.Google Scholar

⁵⁴ Llaguno, y Amirola, , vol. 3, p. 255 and p. 260Google Scholar. While in Havana Baptista Antonelli also provided a water supply for the city; Wright, I. A. (op. cit.), 2, 194.Google Scholar

⁵⁵ Schäffer, E., El Consejo Real y Supremo de las Indias (Seville 1935–1947), vol. 2, p. 406Google Scholar. The Consejo considered several inventions for recovering sunken treasure and for removing water from ships—further evidence of the hazards of the voyage to the Indies: Indice general de las Papeles del Consejo de Indias ed. de Altoaguirre, A. y Duvale, and Bonilla, A. y Martín, San, vol. 14 (Madrid, 1923), pp. 134, 137, 142, 147Google Scholar. Ores were also sent to the Consejo for assay in the peninsula, ibid., vol. 14, pp. 284, 292–3.

⁵⁶ ‘Códice de Leyes y Ordenanzas nuevamente hechas por su Magestad para la Governacion de las Indias’, Colección de Documentos Inéditos relativos al descubrimiento, conquista, y colonización de las antiguas posesiones españoles de America y Oceanía ed. Pacheco, J. et al. , vol. 16 (Madrid 1871), pp. 457–459.Google Scholar

⁵⁷ ‘Instrucción y Memoria de las Relaciones que se han de hacer para la descripción de las Yndias que su Majestad mandad hazer para el buen gobierno y ennoblecimiento de ellas’, Colección de Documentos, ed. Pacheco, (op. cit. n. 56), vol. 18 (Madrid, 1874) pp. 240–250.Google Scholar

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⁵⁹ Indice general de las Papeles del Consejo de Indias, (op. cit.), vol. 14, p. 288.Google Scholar

⁶⁰ For full details of Hernández's life, his travels in New Spain and the editions of his works see D'Ardois, G. Somolinos, Vida y Obra de Francisco Hernández, (Mexico, 1960).Google Scholar

⁶¹ Document dated 11 Jan. 1570, Madrid; from the Archive de Indias, reproduced by Medina, José Toribio, Biblioteca Hispanoamericana (1493–1810), (Chile, 1900), vol. 2, pp. 293–4.Google Scholar

⁶² Francisco Hernández to Philip II (no date); Colección de Documentos inéditos para la Historia de España, vol. 1 (Madrid, 1842), p. 364.Google Scholar

⁶³ Same to the same, April 1572, Mexico City; Miura, L. Benítez, ‘El Dr. Francisco Hernández: 1514–1578 (Cartas Inéditas)’, Anuario de Estudios Américanos 7 (1950), 398.Google Scholar

⁶⁴ Same to the same, 1 Dec. 1574; Medina, Toribio (op. cit.) vol. 2, p. 282.Google Scholar

⁶⁵ Same to the same, March 1573, Miura, Benítez (op. cit.) p. 400.Google Scholar

⁶⁶ Same to the same, March 1574; Medina, Toribio (op. cit.), vol. 2, pp. 279–80.Google Scholar

⁶⁷ When Philip had received no results after four years he asked the Viceroy to order Hernández to send them with the next fleet; quoted by Miura, Benítez (op. cit.) p. 367.Google Scholar

⁶⁸ Hernández, to Philip, II, 1 12 1574Google Scholar, Mexico City; Medina, Toribio (op. cit.) vol. 2, p. 282.Google Scholar

⁶⁹ Same to the same, 24 March 1576; Miura, Benítez (op. cit.), p. 372.Google Scholar

⁷⁰ D'Ardois, Somolinos (op. cit.), p. 239.Google Scholar

⁷¹ Medina, Toribio (op. cit.) vol. 2, p. 292.Google Scholar

⁷² D'Ardois, Somolinos (op. cit.), p. 279.Google Scholar

⁷³ The 1959 Mexican edition of Hernández's work was based on the 1790 edition, and it incorporated observations on animals and minerals from the seventeenth-century Rome edition.

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