Hostname: page-component-7479d7b7d-fwgfc Total loading time: 0 Render date: 2024-07-08T22:50:23.074Z Has data issue: false hasContentIssue false

Predicting Policy Change in the House: A Longitudinal Analysis

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  27 January 2009

Extract

If one were asked to describe the process of policy change in the United States in one word, that word would surely be ‘incremental’. Students of the Congressional process can point to a number of factors which account for delay in changes of policy; it is only recently that they have begun to examine the occasional departures from Congressional intractability in matter of public policy. This paper seeks to further our understanding of how internal legislative conditions can produce or inhibit policy change. While the first scholars to call attention to this phenomenon noted that policy changes followed critical realignments, others have made a more general case for the ability of Congress to pass important legislation, arguing that Congressional potential for policy change depends largely upon the interactive effects of both majority and minority size and unity. Policy changes have been enacted by those Congresses with large and/or cohesive majorities and small and/or disorganized minorities. These conditions often follow realigning elections, but occur at other times as well.

Type
Notes and Comments
Copyright
Copyright © Cambridge University Press 1982

Access options

Get access to the full version of this content by using one of the access options below. (Log in options will check for institutional or personal access. Content may require purchase if you do not have access.)

References

1 Burham, Walter Dean, Critical Elections and the Mainsprings of American Politics (New York: W. W. Norton, 1971), p. 10Google Scholar; Brady, David W., ‘Critical Elections, Congressional Parties and Clusters of Policy Changes’, British Journal of Political Science, VIII (1978), 7999.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

2 Hurley, Patricia A., Brady, David W. and Cooper, J., ‘Measuring Legislative Potential for Policy Change’, Legislative Studies Quarterly, II (1977), 385–98CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Hurley, Patricia A., ‘Assessing the Potential for Significant Output in the House of Representatives’, Western Political Quarterly, XXXII (1979), 4558.Google Scholar

3 Ginsberg, Benjamin, ‘Elections and Public Policy’, American Political Science Review, LXX (1976), 41–9.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

4 Hurley, , Brady, and Cooper, , ‘Measuring Legislative Potential for Policy Change’, pp. 385–7Google Scholar; Hurley, , ‘Assessing the Potential for Significant Output in the House of Representatives’, pp. 46–7.Google Scholar

5 Brady, , ‘Critical Elections, Congressional Parties and Clusters of Policy Changes’, pp. 8692.Google Scholar

6 Brady, David W., ‘Elections, Congress, and Public Policy Changes: 1886–1960’, in Campbell, Bruce A. and Trilling, Richard J., eds, Realignment in American Politics (Austin: University of Texas Press, 1980), 176201, p. 200.Google Scholar

7 Polsby, Nelson W., ‘The Institutionalization of the U.S. House of Representatives’, American Political Science Review, LXII (1968), 144–68.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

8 Brady, , ‘Elections, Congress, and Public Policy Changes: 1886–1960’, p. 182.Google Scholar

9 One might argue that looking at turnover on those committees which would be handling legislation in the seven policy areas proposed by Ginsberg would be preferable to using turnover on the top three House Committees. However, such a procedure would present difficulties. Firstly, without having the specific bills that eventually became the statutes coded by Ginsberg, it is impossible to know which committees would be handling them. Secondly, the Legislative Reorganization Act of 1946 altered the number of committees, so it would be difficult to look at total committee turnover over time. Since every bill needs a rule before it comes to the floor, and Appropriations and Ways and Means are responsible for funding programmes as well as generating revenues for this purpose, it seems satisfactory to use only these three committees as an indicator.

10 Hurley, , ‘Assessing the Potential for Significant Output in the House of Representatives’, pp. 4753.Google Scholar

11 Ginsberg, , ‘Elections and Public Policy’, p. 42.Google Scholar

12 Neuman, W. Lawrence and Hicks, Alexander, ‘Public Policy, Party Platforms, and Critical Elections: A Reexamination’, American Political Science Review, LXXI (1977), 277–80.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

13 Brady, David W., Congressional Voting in a Partisan Era (Lawrence: University of Kansas Press, 1973)Google Scholar; Healy, David, U.S. Expansionism (Madison: University of Wisconsin Press, 1970)Google Scholar; Morgan, H. Wayne, ed., The Gilded Age, 2nd edn (Syracuse: Syracuse University Press, 1970)Google Scholar; Stanwood, Edward, American Tariff Controversies in the Nineteenth Century, Vol. II (New York: Russell and Russell, 1967).Google Scholar

14 Adjusted R 2 is a more conservative estimate of the explained variance, and is designed to adjust for the number of independent variables and the size of the sample. Furthermore, the Durbin-Watson statistic indicates that this particular regression analysis is subject to a high degree of auto-correlation. In order to eliminate this problem all the variables were subjected to a Cochrane-Orcutt transformation and the regression was re-done using ordinary least squares procedures. While this successfully removes the auto-correlation, the resulting beta weights are not significantly different from zero; nor does the multiple R indicate any more explained variance. Thus the interpretation suggested above is confirmed.

15 The Durbin-Watson test for auto-correlation for this regression falls into the inconclusive range. The Durbin-Watson statistic was therefore used to obtain an estimate of rho in the fashion suggested by Wonnacott, Ronald J. and Wonnacott, Thomas H., Econometrics (New York: John Wiley, 1970), p. 143Google Scholar. The resulting coefficient was 0·267. Although it is not necessary to introduce data transformation in small samples when rho is less than 0·3, little is lost by such methods. Consequently, the analysis was re-done using the Cochran-Orcutt transformation. No substantial change in the interpretation results. The beta weighs for the LPPC index and committee turnover are 0·68 and 0·26 respectively, and the significant levels remain unchanged. The explained variance decreases slightly, but is still 62 per cent.

16 Cooper, Joseph, Brady, David W. and Hurley, Patricia A., ‘The Electoral Basis of Party Voting: Patterns and Trends in the U.S. House of Representatives,’ in Maisel, Louis and Cooper, J., eds, The Impact of the Electoral Process (Beverly Hills: Sage, 1977), 133–65, pp. 137–41.Google Scholar

17 Abram, Michael and Cooper, Joseph, ‘The Rise of Seniority in the House of Representatives,’ Polity, I (1968), 5285.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

18 Brady, , ‘Critical Elections, Congressional Parties and Clusters of Policy Changes’, p. 80.Google Scholar

19 This interpretation was empirically confirmed by adding a variable for majority party status to the regression analysis. This variable fails to raise the level of explained variance for either period.

20 Manley, John F., ‘The Conservative Coalition in Congress’, in Dodd, Lawrence C. and Oppenheimer, Bruce I., eds, Congress Reconsidered (New York: Praeger, 1977), pp. 7595.Google Scholar

21 Ginsberg, , ‘Elections and Public Policy’, p. 49.Google Scholar

22 Hurley, , ‘Assessing the Potential for Significant Output in the House of Representatives’, pp. 57–8.Google Scholar