Hostname: page-component-77c89778f8-7drxs Total loading time: 0 Render date: 2024-07-16T16:52:46.677Z Has data issue: false hasContentIssue false

Abū Turāb

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  24 December 2009

Extract

Of the various appellations by which ‘Alī b. Abī Ṭālib is known, none has evoked more interest and controversy than that of ‘Abū (al-)Turāb’. This by-name is attested in early sources, both Muslim and non-Muslim; an example for the latter is the letter allegedly sent by the Byzantine Emperor Leo III (717–40) to ‘Umar b. ‘Abd al-’Azīz (99–101/717–20), in which ‘Abū Turāb’ appears twice.

Type
Notes and Communications
Copyright
Copyright © School of Oriental and African Studies 1978

Access options

Get access to the full version of this content by using one of the access options below. (Log in options will check for institutional or personal access. Content may require purchase if you do not have access.)

References

1 Jeffery, A. (tr.), ‘Ghevond's text of the correspondence between 'Umar II and Leo III’, Harvard Theological Review, XXXVII, 4, 1944, 292, 298.Google Scholar On the problem of the genuineness of this correspondence see ibid., 330–2. For a reference to Abū Turāb in a Syriac text consult Brock, S., ‘An early Syriac Life of Maximus the Confessor’, Analecta Bollandiana, XCI, 3–4, 1973, 329.Google Scholar

2 ZDMG, LII, 1898, 1633, at pp. 2930.Google Scholar

3 See e.g. de Goeje, M. J., in ZDMO, XXXVIII, 1884, 388Google Scholar (referred to by Goldziher, I., Muh. Stud., II, Halle, 1890, p. 121Google Scholar, n. 5 = Muslim studies, ed. Stern, S. M., II, London, 1971, p. 117, n. 9)Google Scholar; de Meynard, C. Barbier, Surnoms et sobriquets dans la littérature arabe, Paris, 1907, 1819Google Scholar; Lammens, H., Études sur le règne du Calife Omaiyade Mo'āwia 1er, Paris, etc., 1908, 184–5Google Scholar; idem, Fāṭima et les filles de Mahomet, Rome, 1912, 58–9, 141Google Scholar; L. Veccia Vaglieri, ‘’Alī b. Abī Ṭālib’, in EI, second ed., I. The ingenious solution propounded by P. Crone and M. A. Cook (Hagarism, Cambridge, 1977, p. 177, n. 60Google Scholar) can only be accepted if their general thesis concerning the ‘Alid imāmate as a Samaritan calque is adopted. For a minority view consult Sarasin, W., Das Bild Alis bei den Historikern der Sunna, Basel, 1907, 34–5 (and see below, n. 6).Google Scholar

4 For which see Fleischer, H. L., Kleinere Schriften, I, Leipzig, 1885, 112.Google Scholar

5 Manẓūr, Ibn, Lisān al-'arab, Beirut, 19551956, I, 228Google Scholar, s.v. trb; al-Athīr, Ibn, al-Nihāya fī gharīb al-ḥadīth, Cairo, 1311'1893–4, I, 111–12Google Scholar, s.v. trb. Note also that some verbs formed from the root trb exhibit opposite meanings, e.g. tariba, ‘to be poor ‘, atraba, ‘to become rich’. There is disagreement among the grammarians as to whether this pair belongs to the aḍdād. See Muḥammad b. al-Qāsim al-Anbārī, Kitāb al-aḍdād, ed. Muḥammad Abā ‘l-Faḍl Ibrāhīm, Kuwait, 1379/1960, 380; Cohen, D., in Arabica, VIII, 1, 1961, 9.Google Scholar For further uses of turāb see Goldziher, I., ZDMG, XLIII, 1888, 587–90Google Scholar, and cf. idem, Muh. Stud., II, 354–5Google Scholar = Muslim Studies, II, 320–1.Google Scholar

6 Sarasin's interesting suggestion (loc. cit.) is that turāb derives from the Syriac tarba ‘corpulence’, and that ‘Abū Turāb’ was originally meant as an apt reference to one of ‘Alī's well-known physical attributes, with no pejorative overtones intended. Shī’ī tradition has it that ‘Alī's large belly resulted from the great amount of knowledge deposited there. See Ibn Bābawayhi, ’Ilal al-sharā'i’, Najaf, 1385/1966, 159, cit. al-Majlisi, Biḥār al-anwār [= Biḥār], [Persia], 1305/1887–8-1315/1897–8, IX, 12.

7 Hishām, Ibn, Sīra, ed. Wüstenfeld, F., Göttingen, 18581859, 422Google Scholar; al-Ṭabarī, , Tārīkh, ed. de Goeje, M. J. and others, Leiden, 18791901, I, 1271–2Google Scholar; al-Nasā’ī, Khaṣā’iṣ amīr al-mu'minīn, Najaf, 1369/1949, 57, whence Muḥsin al-Amīn, A'yān al-shī'a, III, 1Google Scholar, Damascus, 1366/1947, 13; ‘Alī b. Burhān al-Dīn al-Ḥalabī, al-Sīra al-ḥalabiyya, II, Cairo, 1382/1962, 135.Google Scholar On the custom of the Prophet to give names in connexion with particular events see Kister, M. J., ‘Call yourselves by graceful names’, in Lectures in memory of Professor Martin M. Plessner, Jerusalem, 1975, 18.Google Scholar

8 Shahrāshūb, Ibn, Manāqib āl Abī Ṭālīb, ed. by a committee of Najaf scholars, Najaf, 1376/1956, II, 305.Google Scholar And see Muḥsin al-Amīn, loc. cit.

9 Bābawayhi, Ibn, op. cit., 157Google Scholar, cit. Ibn Shahrāshūb, loc. cit.; Biḥār, IX, 11.Google Scholar

10 Al-Bukhārī, , Ṣaḥīḥ, ed. Krehl, M. L., Leiden, 18621908, I, 122, II, 435, IV, 159Google Scholar; Muslim, Ṣaḥīḥ, Cairo, 1375/1955, IV, 1874Google Scholar; al-Ṭabarī, , op. cit., I, 1272–3Google Scholar; Abū Faraj al-Iṣfahānī, Maqātil al-ṭālibiyyīn, Cairo, 1368/1949, 25–6Google Scholar, and the references given on p. 26, n. 1; al-Ḥalabī, , op. cit., II, 136.Google Scholar

11 Hishām, Ibn, loc. cit.Google Scholar; al-Ḥalabī, , op. cit., 136–7.Google Scholar See also al-Amīn, Muḥsin, op. cit., III, 1, pp. 1213.Google Scholar

12 See the references above, n. 10.

13 This is the (rather biased) picture presented by Lammens. See especially his account of the relationship between ‘Alī and Fāṭima after their marriage, in the third chapter of his Fāṭima et les filles de Mahomet, 3960.Google Scholar According to Lammens, ‘Aboū Torāb, dans le principe une injure, signifie probablement le dormeur, l'homme endormi, litt. l'homme de la poussière’ (ibid., 141).

14 Bābawayhi, Ibn, op. cit., 156.Google Scholar

15 ibid., 155–6, cit. Biḥār, loc. cit.

16 See for instance Zayd b. Abī Sufyān's deliberately offensive manner of asking one of the Shī'ī supporters of Ḥujr b. ‘Adī, ‘What is your view of Abū Turūb?’ The Shī'ī pretends not to know who Abū Turāb is, implying that he regards the by-name as insulting (al-Balādhurī, , Ansāb al-ashrāf, IV, 1, ed. Sohloessinger, M. and Kister, M. J., Jerusalem, 1971, 219Google Scholar, and the references given there). Elsewhere it is reported that Mu'āwiya demanded to know why Sa'd b. Abī Waqqāṣ refrained from vilifying Abū Turāb (Ibn Ḥajar al-’Asqalānī, al-Iṣāba fī tamyīz al-ṣaḥāba, IV, Cairo, 1325/1907, 270), that al-Ḥusayn's adversary Shamir addressed him as Ibn Abī Turāb (Biḥār, x, 255Google Scholar), and that when the Syrians attacked the tawwābūn, they contemptuously referred to them as aṣḥāb Abī Turāb (al-Mas'ūdī, , Murūj al-dhahdb, ed. and tr. de Meynard, C. Barbier, v, Paris, 1869, 217Google Scholar; the French translation at this point (left unchanged in Ch. Pellat's revised translation, Les prairies d'or, III, Paris, 1971, p. 788, §1980Google Scholar) is probably wrong, and this is perhaps what misled Sarasin (op. cit., 35)). Cf. also Rabbihi, Ibn ‘Abd, al-'Iqd al-farīd, III, Cairo, 1321/1903–4, 12, 34Google Scholar; al-Shaybī, , al-Ṣila bayna’ l-taṣawwuf wa ‘l-tashayyu’, I, Baghdād, 1382/1963, 86.Google Scholar Many more examples could be adduced.

17 The derogatory use of the term Turābiyya by the Umayyads is attested by al-Ḥasan al-Baṣrī (d. 110/728) (al-Amīn, Muḥsin, op. cit., III, 1, p. 13Google Scholar). And see al-Kumayt's reaction, Hāshimiyyāt, ed. and tr. Horovitz, J., Leiden, 1904, 36Google Scholar (Arabic text), cit. Muḥsin al-Amīn, loc. cit. See also al-Mas'ūdī, loc. cit.; Goldziher, , Muh. Stud., II, 121Google Scholar = Muslim studies, II, 117Google Scholar, and the references given there; Lammens, , Études, 184.Google Scholar

18 See above, pp. 348–9, with n. 8.

19 Shahrāshūb, Ibn, op. cit., II, 306Google Scholar; Muḥsin al-Amin, loc. cit.; Nöldeke, art. cit., and the references given there. According to the Tafsīr of Furāt b. Ibrāhīm (Najaf, 1354/1935–6, 203), the rādifa of Qur'ān LXXIX, 7 (usually interpreted as the Day of Judgement, or as the second blast or quake announcing it) refers to 'Alī, ‘who would be the first to have the dust shaken from his head’.

20 Shahrāshūb, Ibn, op. cit., III, 38Google Scholar, cit. Biḥār, VI, 358.Google Scholar

21 Bābaivayhi, Ibn, Ma'ānī 'l-akhbārGoogle Scholar, Najaf, 1391/1971, whence Fakhr al-Dīn b. Muḥammad, Majma' al-baḥrayn wa-maṭla' al-nayyirayn, n. pi., 1307/1889–90, 107, Biḥār, IX, 11Google Scholar; Bābawayhi, Ibn, ‘Ilal al-sharā'i’, 156Google Scholar, cit. Biḥār, loc. cit., al-Fayḍ, Muḥsin, Tafsīr al-ṣāfī, [Persia], 1266/1849–50, 541Google Scholar; Muḥammad b. Abī 'l-Qāsim al-Ṭabarī, Bishārat al-muṣṭafā, Najaf, 1383/1963, 9, cit. Biḥār, XV, 1, 134.Google Scholar

22 Biḥār, IX, 11.Google Scholar

23 ibid. Also see the references above, n. 21.

24 Shahrāshūb, Ibn, op. cit., II, 305.Google Scholar

25 ibid., quoting from the Kitāb al-radd 'alū ahl al-tdbdīl of Abū 'l-Qāsim 'Alī b. Aḥmad al-Kūfī (d. 352/963).

26 Biḥār, IX, 1112.Google Scholar

27 al-Bursī, Rajab, Mashāriq anwār al-yaqīn fī asrār amīr al-mu'minīn, Beirut, n. d., 31–2.Google Scholar See the discussion in al-Shaybī, , al-Fikr al-shī'ī wa 'l-naza'āt al-ṣūfiyya, Baghdād, 1386/1966, 275Google Scholar; Corbin, H., in École Pratique des Hautes Études, ve section: Sciences religieuses, Annuaire, 19691970, (pub.) 1969, 233–5.Google Scholar

28 Hāshimiyyāt, 62Google Scholar (Arabic text). Cf. in general 'Abbās al-Qummī, Safīnat al-biḥār, Najaf, 1355/1936, I, 121–2.Google Scholar

29 René Dussaud, Histoire et religion des Noṣairis, Paris, 1900, 161, 176.Google Scholar

30 Shahrāshūb, Ibn (op. oit., III, 2)Google Scholar quotes from al-Ḥadā'iq of Abū Turāb Ḥaydara b. Usāma (cf. Āghā Buzurg al-Ṭihrānī, al-Dharī'a ilā taṣānīf al-shī'a, VI, Tehran, 1366/1946–7, 280). See in general Āghā Buzurg al-Ṭihrānī, Ṭabaqāt a'lām al-shī'a, II, Najaf, 1374/1954, 26–9Google Scholar; al-Amīn, Muḥsin, op. cit., VI, Beirut, 1960, 156–8.Google Scholar