^{page 657 note 1} LSI., viii, 2, p. 133.

^{page 657 note 2} Or, at any rate, Lower Chitral.

^{page 657 note 3} Loc. cit.

^{page 657 note 4} Cf. also, for instance, ‘wine’, rēni ‘dog’, is kīm ‘silk’, etc.

^{page 658 note 1} In ‘shirt’ < Prs.pīrahan the aspiration has been transposed. The origin of phirwāl, pilwāl ‘trousers’ is unknown to me. It rhymes with Prs. šarw¯l < Šlw¯r.

^{page 658 note 2} Palola (Dardic dial, in Chitral) ṣabfīki probably comes from Kho. Another kind of lucerne is called in Kalasha.

^{page 658 note 3} Vide Laufer, Sino-Iranica, p. 214.

^{page 658 note 4} Cf. Horn, Gr. Ir. Ph., i, 2, 33.

^{page 659 note 1} The distribution of the words for ‘gun’ miltiq, bandūq, and the various forms assumed by tufartg in Ir. and IA. would require a special study. Here it suffices to note that tuvek must have come from the north-west. The Dard dialects of the Kunar valley have forms borrowed through Psht. . Most Pamir dialects (andOrmuri) have the Turki word miltiq, or they employ the old local word for ' bow ' with a new meaning.

^{page 659 note 2} But Kal. ‘flute’ are genuine.

^{page 659 note 3} Report on a linguistic mission to Afghanistan, p. 75 f.

^{page 660 note 1} Kal. , durgaṭ may be adaptations of the Kho. word.

^{page 660 note 2} It is noteworthy that the native IA. word is used about animals, while the foreign and nobler one is reserved for human beings.

^{page 660 note 3} This derivation is rejected by Meillet ( BSL., 28, p. 133),Google Scholar who does not, of course, know the Kho. and Gabri forms. It is not necessary to assume, with Jokl. ( WuS., 12, p. 66)Google Scholar that xata has passed through an Ugrian language with Cf. also Yidgha-Munji xeyo ‘wall’?

^{page 660 note 4} Vide, NTS., 5, p. 40.Google Scholar

^{page 660 note 5} Ir. δ becomes γ in Kho. But in the group *δγ this treatment was excluded.

^{page 660 note 6} Pres. 1 pl. , pret. 3 pl. böžitani, etc. A different word is božik ‘to divide’ of IA. origin.

^{page 661 note 1} The existence of recent Wakhi settlers in the Yarkhun valley does not alter the situation in this respect.

^{page 661 note 2} Cf. Rep. Afgh., p. 79.

^{page 662 note 1} Cf. Report on a linguistic mission to Afghanistan, p. 76.

^{page 664 note 1} Palola loanword šay¯rž.

^{page 664 note 2} Cf. above, p. 662.

^{page 664 note 3} Also Yd. tïšno, etc., of Prs. origin.

^{page 671 note 1} Also the other Dardie languages contain some early Ir. loanwords. I have mentioned Shina, etc., gušpūr ' prince ', Rep., p. 76. Others are e.g. Kal. pareč (Dam. ) ‘sieve’: Parachi Kal. ‘small flat basket’, sohöla ‘big, deep basket’ < *sapat-: Prs. sapad, etc.; zhāntyak ‘child-bearing’: Av.ządya-; Gawar-Bari zātak, Bashkarik ‘boy(s)’: Phl. zātak; Dameli rōpak ‘fox’ (or IA ?); Ashkun ‘almond’: Prs. bādām, etc.; Palola bētingala ‘tomato, egg-plant’, Kohistani Shina bhatingar: Prs. (through Ir. ?).