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Published online by Cambridge University Press: 24 December 2009
Throughout the ages from antiquity until modern times the extraordinary prowess of the horse-archers of Asia has excited wonder and admiration in those who have had the opportunity of observing them in action or of hearing of their feats. From the comments of observers and historians, therefore, a reasonably instructive account of their capabilities might be assembled. There can be no doubt, on the other hand, that a picture based solely on data of this kind would have its limitations in that it would capture the impression of what the eye perceived rather than reproduce the details of technique which alone can enable us to distinguish between fact and fiction or probable and improbable in the accounts of our witnesses. By a happy chance the evidence of a Mamlūk writer goes far to fill the lacuna. The source of the testimony is a technical treatise bearing on the training of archers. Entitled Kitāb ghunyat al-ṭullāb fī ma'rifat al-ramy bi 'l-nushshāb, the work was written circa 769/1368 by a certain Ṭaybugha '-Baklamishi '1-Yūnānī, about whom we know almost nothing beyond what can be gleaned from his treatise. Unlike many Arabic technical manuals of a similar kind dating from the later Middle Ages, the Ghunya will bear examination by the expert, for Ṭaybughā has an essentially practical mind and a complete grasp of his subject-matter. To judge from the number of extant MSS—17 are traceable in published works of reference—the work would appear to have been long esteemed throughout the Middle East as an authoritative source of instruction, and it may be surmised that Ṭaybughā's own words provide a clue to one of the reasons for its popularity: ‘Since archery and riding are enjoined by authentic command of the Prophet and since I knew of no work by any predecessor on the subject of shooting from horseback I felt I should accord the two accomplishments joint treatment in a single work, seeking thereby to comply with the command of God and His Messenger and to render a service to those of my brethren who campaign and fight in the jihād’.
1 The treatise consists of a didactic porem (urjūza) and prose commentary and prose commentary and was written for the sultan al-Ashraf Sha ‘bān (764–78/1363–76). There are a number of MSs which either purport to be or are, with or with or without acknowledgement, modified or expanded versions of it. In some cases the title is lacking or didffers to a greater or lesser degree from that indicated. a readable English adaptation and technical exposition of the Ghunya (at ptesemt in the press for publication by the Holland Press, london, under the title Saracen archery). The MS form which I shall mainly quote is British Museum Add. 23489. Where this is not the casethe relevant MS will be cited.
2 viz. that he was domiciled in Syria and handicapped by his barbaric Arabic (‘ujmatal-lisān). He was most probably the Taybugh‘b. ‘Abd Allāh mentioned by Ibn Hajar as being a celebrated warrior who died in prison in Aleppo in A.H.797 (Inbā al-ghumr, Bodleian MS Huntington 123, fo. 129a.
3 Ghunya, fo. 9b.
4 ibid., 61b–62a. This is the free translation of composite version based on versesofthe urjūza and the commnetary. The technical terms are those of straightforward prose usage.
5 An expanded rendering of fursān. ‘Horsemen’ is inadequated and ‘Knights’ misleading.
6 In Heyd, U. (ed.), Studies in Islamic history and civilization (Scripta Hierosolymitana, Ix), Jerusalem 1961, 31–62.Google Scholar
7 cf. Istanbul MS Topkap Sarary MÜtÜphanesi, III. Ahmet 2608, fo. 77b; British Mus. MS Or. 1358, fo. 122a, Bodleian MS Huntington 208, fo. 76a,
8 Those of eagles and vultures are recommended by Taybughā, Ghunya, 31
9 Waley, A.(tr.), Chinese poems, London, 1946, 128.Google Scholar
10 Ibn Taghribirdi, Nujūm (Cairo ed.), viii, 6; cf. BM MS Or. 1358. fo. 122b; Bodleian MS Huntington 208, fo. 76a.
11 ibid.
12 Khitat, iii, Cairo, 1325/1907, 180.
13 ibid., 1.19.
14 art. cit., 55.
15 loc. cit., 1.17.
16 Ghunya, 73b.
17 The narratives of European travellers are most in informative in this respect.
18 Quoted by Williams, E. Crawshay, Across Persia, London 1909, 281–2;Google Scholarcf. Birt, F. B. Bradley, Through Persia from the Gulf to the Caspian London, 1909, 266–7, Where the height of the mast is put at some 25 fee.Google Scholar
19 cf. Ayalon, art cit., 55–6, and references, n. 137.
20 Embassy into Turkey, London, 1694,
21 Ghunya, 68a.
22 ibid., 61b.
23 In dozy, Supplement, s.v., we have the vague definition ‘espéce d’ exereice militaire (based on Reinaud; see below).
24 See, for example, Bodleian Ms Huntington 208. fo. 76b.
25 M. REINAUD, ‘ De l‘art militaire chez les arabes au moyenâge‘, JA, IVeSér., XII, sept. 1848, 220–1.
26 London, 1856, 78.
27 art. cit., 221.
28 ghunya, 68a.
29 ibid., 66a-b.
30 ibid., 68a.
31 In Arabic the term bĀ‘ is used.
32 ghunya, 74a.
33 ibid., 72a-b.
34 ibid., 72b.
35 ibid.
36 ibid., 73b.
37 ibid., 73a.
38 ibid., 64a.
39 ibid.
40 This word is undoubtedly from the Persian gar-afsĀr Which is is omitted from the usual Arabic dictionaries and defined in persian lexica as ‘a kind of head-stall’ or ‘head of the reins’, etc. In our text there is no doubt as to its meaning; it is explained. By some authorities the need for a martingale was evidently considered a bad fault in a a borge-archer‘s mount (see, for example, BM MS Or. 1358, fo. 124a).
41 ghunys, 63a-b.
42 Oriental reins were not sewn together but knotted at the reider‘end as can clearly be seen in miniatures.
43 This was also done in polo. Cf. ghunus, 63b.
44 ef. Dozy, Supplement, s.v. The meaning ‘anneau’ is given, but not the specialized sense which it has here.
45 ghunya, 64a.
46 The word (‘aid’, literally ‘that to which one has recourse for help’) is not recorded in any dictionary known to me.According to some MSS,it was fine leather strap abont two handspans long-presumably when folded-and was not used by all archers(see, for example, BM MS Or. 1358, fos. 124a-b). Apparently it could also be of cord (Paris, Bibliotheque Nationale MS Arabe 6160, fo. 40a).
47 ghunya, 63b.
48 ibid., 67b.
49 ibid., 73b-74a, 66a.
50 ibid., 66a.
51 ibid., 66b.
52 This, he explains earlier in the ghunya (426), was the Turkish method of taking up an arrow (maska turkiyya). It was ‘easier than other methods and a speedier of drawing an arrow from the quiver when in hot pursuit of game or an adversarty’ (BM MS Or. 1358, fos. 65b–66a).
53 ghunya, 66b.
54 ibid., 66b–67a.
55 ibid., 67a.
56 ibid., 67a-b.
57 ibid., 72a-b.
58 ibid., 71b.
59 ibid.
60 ibid.
61 ibid., 74a.
62 ibid., 68a.
63 ibid., 72a.
64 ibid., 72b.
65 ibid., 72b–73a.
66 ibid., 73a-b.
67 ibid., 67b–68a.
68 ibid., 68a.
69 ibid.
70 ibid.
71 ibid., 68b.
72 ibid., 68b–69a.
73 ibid., 69a.
74 ibid., 69a-b.
75 ibid., 69b.
76 ibid.
77 ibid., 69b–71a.
78 ibid., 70a-b.
79 ibid., 71a.
80 His use of the word ‘asir for ‘difficult’ is almost certainly the cause of confusion for those who came after. It emerges in many MSS as ‘ashr ‘10’ and efforts are made to square the enumeration of types of shot with the resulting total.
81 pp. 9–10. I am indebted for this reference to my friend Lt.-Cdr. W. F. Paterson and take the opporunity here to acknowledge his invaluable assistance on points of technical detail which would otherwise have eluded me.
82 Through the kindness and co-operation of Lt.-Cdr. paterson all Taybughā' s recommends-tions have been put to the test.
