¹ On these overlapping ideologies, see Amdam, Rolf Petter, Fredona, Robert, and Reinert, Sophus, “Breaking Even: Political Economy and Private Enterprise in the Norwegian Glass Industry, 1739–1803,” Business History Review 93, no. 2 (2019): 275–317, 316CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

² For Port wine, see da Silva Lopes, Teresa, Internacionalização e concentração no vinho do Porto: Uma abordagem de custos de transacção (Porto, 1999)Google Scholar; and Martins, Conceição Andrade, Memória do vinho do Porto (Lisboa, 1990)Google Scholar. For Madeira wine, see Hancock, David, Oceans of Wine: Madeira and the Emergence of American Trade and Taste (New Haven, 2009)Google Scholar.

³ Duguid, Paul and da Silva Lopes, Teresa, “The Company You Keep: The Port Trade in the Declining Years of the Wine Company, 1812–1840,” in Os vinhos licorosos e a história, ed. Vieira, Alberto (Funchal, 1998), 285–309Google Scholar; Duguid, Paul, “Developing the Brand: The Case of Alcohol, 1800–1880,” Enterprise & Society 4, no. 3 (2003): 405–441CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

⁴ Mayson, Richard, Port and the Douro (London, 1999)Google Scholar; Mayson, Richard, The Wines and Vineyards of Portugal (London, 2003)Google Scholar; Bradford, Sarah, The Englishman's Wine: The Story of Port (London, 1969)Google Scholar.

⁵ For one example, see Bennett, Norman, “Port Wine Merchants: Sandeman in Porto, 1813–1831,” Journal of European Economic History 24, no. 2 (1995): 239–269Google Scholar.

⁶ Nye, John V. C., War, Wine, and Taxes: The Political Economy of Anglo-French Trade, 1689–1900 (Princeton, 2007), 32–67CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Schumpeter, Elizabeth B., English Overseas Trade Statistics, 1697–1808 (Oxford, 1960), Table 16Google Scholar; Ludington, Charles, The Politics of Wine in Britain: A New Cultural History (Houndmills, UK, 2013), 121–182CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

⁷ Francis, Alan David, The Methuen and Portugal 1691–1709 (Cambridge, 1966), 184–218Google Scholar; Duguid, Paul, “The Making of Methuen: The Commercial Treaty in the English Imagination,” História 3, no. 4 (2003): 9–36Google Scholar. This exchange served David Ricardo as a primary exemplum for his theory of comparative advantage, at the core of classical economics. For a powerful critique, see Galbraith, James K., The Predator State: How Conservatives Abandoned the Free Market and Why Liberals Should Too (New York, 2008), 70Google Scholar. The revisionism of Cardoso, José Luis, “The Anglo-Portuguese Methuen Treaty of 1703: Opportunities and Constraints of Economic Development,” in The Politics of Commercial Treaties in the Eighteenth Century: Balance of Power, Balance of Trade, ed. Alimento, Antonella and Stapelbroek, Koen (Cham, UK, 2017), 105–124CrossRefGoogle Scholar, is important.

⁸ Albuquerque, Luís de and Vieira, Alberto, The Archipelago of Madeira in the XV-Century, trans. A., Martin Kayman and M. Filomena Mesquita (Madeira, 1988)Google Scholar.

⁹ An early account of this in [Bolton, William], The Bolton Letters: The Letters of an English Merchant in Madeira, vol. 2, 1701–1714 (Funchal, 1960), 45Google Scholar. More generally, see Simpson, James, Creating Wine: The Emergence of a World Industry, 1840–1914 (Princeton, 2011), 24–27, 131–136Google Scholar. See also Duncan, Thomas Bentley, Atlantic Islands: Madeira, the Azores, and the Cape Verdes in Seventeenth-Century Commerce and Navigation (Chicago, 1972), 38–39Google Scholar. The use of heating stoves as a shortcut in this process began in the 1790s and, already in 1804, was blamed for diminishing the wine's reputation by the representative (Juiz do Povo) of craftsmen in Funchal. The governor of Madeira nonetheless attested, on the authority of merchants and large landowners, that both exports and tax receipts had increased between 1790 and 1803. “Letter of the Governor of Madeira to the Viscount of Anadia,” 14 Feb. 1804, document 1428; “Petitions of Landowners and Merchants,” documents 1428–1431; and “Certifications of Exports,” document 1432, Lisboa, Arquivo Histórico Ultramarino (AHU), Conselho Ultramarino-CA (CU-CA).

¹⁰ Álvaro Rodrigues de Azevedo, quoted in Gregory, Desmond, The Beneficent Usurpers: A History of the British in Madeira (Teaneck, NJ, 1988), 23Google Scholar. Macaulay, Rose, They Went to Portugal Too (London, 1946)Google Scholar remains a lively sketch (historical and otherwise) of British Madeira.

¹¹ Gregory, The Beneficent Usurpers, 33–50. For the wider context, see Knight, Roger, Britain Against Napoleon: The Organization of Victory, 1793–1815 (New York, 2013)Google Scholar.

¹² Timothy Walker, “Atlantic Dimensions of the American Revolution: Imperial Priorities and the Portuguese Reaction to the North American Bid for Independence (1775–83),” Journal of Early American History 2 (2012): 247–285, 253–254; Hancock, Oceans of Wine, 107–108, 111–119. On the relationship between empire and economic growth in Portugal, see Leonor Freire Costa, Nuno Palma, and Jaime Reis, “The Great Escape? The Contribution of the Empire to Portugal's Economic Growth, 1500–1800,” European Review of Economic History 19, no. 1 (2015): 1–22.

¹³ Hancock, Oceans of Wine.

¹⁴ Joel Mokyr, “Mercantilism, the Enlightenment, and the Industrial Revolution,” in Eli Heckscher, International Trade, and Economic History, ed. Ronald Findlay, Rolf G. H. Henriksson, Håkan Lindgren, and Mats Lundahl, (Cambridge, MA, 2006), 269–303.

¹⁵ Adam Smith, An Inquiry into the Nature and Causes of the Wealth of Nations, ed. Edwin Cannan (Chicago, 1976 [original 1776]), Book IV, vol. 1, 447–524, and vol. 2, 4–182.

¹⁶ Robert B. Ekelund and Robert D. Tollison, Mercantilism as a Rent-Seeking Society: Economic Regulation in Historical Perspective (College Station, 1981).

¹⁷ See the essays in “Forum: Rethinking Mercantilism,” William and Mary Quarterly 69, no. 1 (2012), 3–70; in Mercantilism Reimagined: Political Economy in Early Modern Britain and Its Empire, ed. Philip Stern and Carl Wennerlind (Oxford, 2013); in Merkantilismus: Wiederaufnahme einer Debatte, ed. Moritz Isenmann (Stuttgart, 2014); and in Economic Growth and the Origins of Modern Political Economy: Economic Reasons of State, 1500–2000, ed. Philipp Robinson Rössner (New York, 2016).

¹⁸ D. C. Coleman, Revisions in Mercantilism (London, 1969).

¹⁹ Lars Magnusson, Mercantilism: The Shaping of an Economic Language (London, 1994).

²⁰ Sophus A. Reinert, Translating Empire: Emulation and the Origins of Political Economy (Cambridge, MA, 2011); and, though he rejects the term “mercantilism,” see Jacob Soll, Free Market: The History of an Idea (New York, 2022). For an alternative view of the genealogy of these practices, see Emily Erikson, Trade and Nation: How Companies and Politics Reshaped Economic Thought (New York, 2021).

²¹ Robert Fredona and Sophus A. Reinert, “Political Economy and the Medici,” Business History Review 94, no. 1 (2020): 125–177, 128, have argued that a history of politico-economic thought remains incomplete if not placed in a business historical context.

²² Thomas K. McCraw, “The Trouble with Adam Smith,” The American Scholar 3 (1992): 353–373, 373.

²³ John Williamson, “Is the ‘Beijing Consensus’ Now Dominant?,” Asia Policy, no. 13 (2012), 1–16; Dominique de Rambures, The China Development Model: Between the State and the Market (London, 2015), especially 197; Stefan A. Halper, The Beijing Consensus: How China's Authoritarian Model Will Dominate the Twenty-First Century (New York, 2010); Weitseng Chen, The Beijing Consensus?: How China Has Changed Western Ideas of Law and Economic Development (Cambridge, 2017).

²⁴ Report HC 201 of the Defence Committee of the House of Commons, “The Security of 5G,” accessed 15 May 2023, https://committees.parliament.uk/work/134/the-security-of-5g/publications, especially 44–60; Philip J. Stern, The Company-State: Corporate Sovereignty and the Early Modern Foundations of the British Empire in India (Oxford, 2011).

²⁵ Philip J. Stern, “English East India Company-State and The Modern Corporation: The Google of Its Time?,” in The Oxford Handbook of the Corporation, ed. Thomas Clarke, Justin O'Brien, and Charles R. T. O'Kelley, (Oxford, 2019), 75–92.

²⁶ Andrew Orlowski, “Google's Dream City Isn't a New Idea: Smart Lab for Pesky Human Experiments? You're Not the First, Mr Alphabet,” The Register, 6 April 2016.

²⁷ Emily Erikson, Between Monopoly and Free Trade: The English East India Company, 1600–1757 (Princeton, 2014), 31–50; Lars Magnusson, The Political Economy of Mercantilism (London, 2015), especially 179–183; Philp J. Stern and Carl Wennerlind, “Introduction,” in Mercantilism Reimagined, 3–22; Douglas A. Irwin, “Mercantilism as Strategic Trade Policy: The Anglo-Dutch Rivalry for the East India trade,” Journal of Political Economy 99, no. 6 (1991): 1296–1314.

²⁸ K. N Chaudhuri, The English East India Company: The Study of an Early Joint-Stock Company 1600–1640 (London, 1965); The Trading World of Asia and the English East India Company 1660–1760 (Cambridge, 1978); and The English East India Company in the 17th and 18th Centuries: A Pre-Modern Multinational Organization (Leiden, 1981).

²⁹ Peter James Marshall, “The British in Asia: Trade to Dominion, 1700–1765,” in The Oxford History of the British Empire, vol. 2: The Eighteenth Century, ed. Peter James Marshall and Alaine M. Low (Oxford, 1998), 487–507. The literature on the company is enormous and diverse. Philip J. Stern, “History and Historiography of the English East India Company: Past, Present, and Future,” History Compass 7, no. 4 (2009): 1146–1180, provides an excellent survey.

³⁰ H. V. Bowen, Revenue and Reform: The Indian Problem in British Politics 1757–1773 (Cambridge, 1991); H. V. Bowen, The Business of Empire: The East India Company and Imperial Britain, 1756–1833 (Cambridge, 2005); Anthony Webster, The Twilight of the East India Company: The Evolution of Anglo-Asian Commerce and Politics, 1790–1860 (Suffolk, 2009).

³¹ Niels Steensgaard, The Asian Trade Revolution: The East India Companies and the Decline of the Caravan Trade (Chicago, 1973); Geoffrey Jones, Merchants to Multinationals: British Trading Companies in the Nineteenth and Twentieth Centuries (Oxford, 2000), especially 20–32; Philip J. Stern, “The Ideology of the Imperial Corporation: ‘Informal’ Empire Revisited,” in Chartering Capitalism: Organizing Markets, States, and Publics, ed. Emily Erikson (Bingley, 2015), 15–43.

³² Jorge Borges de Macedo, “Mercantilismo,” in Dicionário de História de Portugal, vol. 3 ed. Joel Serrão (Lisboa, 1966), 35–39.

³³ António Almodovar and José Luís Cardoso, A History of Portuguese Economic Thought (London, 1998), 14–35; Ana Rosa Cloclet da Silva, Inventando a nação: Intelectuais ilustrados e estadistas Luso-Brasileiros na crise do Antigo Regime Português, 1750–1822 (São Paulo, 2006).

³⁴ Quoting Franco Venturi, The End of the Old Regime in Europe, 1776–1789, Part I: The Great States of the West, trans. R. Burr Litchfield (Settecento Riformatore, III) (Princeton, 1991), 233.

³⁵ Manuel Nunes Dias, O Capitalismo monárquico Português, 1415–1549: Contribuição para o estudo das origens docapitalismo moderno, 2 vols. (Coimbra, 1963–64); Sanjay Subrahmanyan, The Portuguese Empire in Asia, 1500–1700: A Political and Economic History (New York, 1993), 48–54.

³⁶ A general overview to 1807 may be found in A. R. Disney, A History of Portugal and the Portuguese Empire, 2 vols, (Cambridge, 2009).

³⁷ Francisco José Calazans Falcon, A Época Pombalina: Política econômica e monarquia ilustrada (São Paulo, 1982); Kenneth Robert Maxwell, Pombal, Paradox of the Enlightenment (Cambridge, 1995); Nuno Gonçalo Monteiro, “Pombal's Government: Between Seventeenth-Century Valido and Enlightened Models,” in Enlightened Reform in Southern Europe and its Atlantic Colonies, c. 1750–183, ed. Gabriel Paquette (Farnham and Burlington, 2009), 321–338; Rui Ramos, Bernardo Vasconcelos, and Nuno Gonçalo Monteiro Sousa, História de Portugal, 4th ed. (Lisboa, 2010), 374–75.

³⁸ Gabriel Paquette, “Political Economy, Local Knowledge and the Reform of the Portuguese Empire in the Enlightenment,” in L’Économie politique et la sphere publique dans le débat des lumières, ed. Jesús Astigarraga and Javier Usoz Otal (Madrid, 2013), 245–257, 250; see also Gabriel Paquette, “Views from the South: Images of Britain and Its Empire in Portuguese and Spanish Political Economic Discourse, ca. 1740–1810,” in The Political Economy of Empire in the Early Modern World, ed. Sophus A. Reinert and Pernille Røge (Houndmills, 2013), 76–104.

³⁹ José Luís Cardoso, O Pensamento económico em Portugal no finais do século XVIII, 1780–1808 (Lisboa, 1989), especially 67–74.

⁴⁰ Quoting Maxwell, Pombal, 67, but see also on these themes, for example, 131–148, and 165.

⁴¹ José Borges de Macedo, “Companhias de comércio,” in Dicionário de História de Portugal, Vol. 2, ed. Joel Serrão (Porto, 1965), 122–130.

⁴² Instituição da Companhia Geral da Agricultura das Vinhas do Alto Douro (Lisboa, 1756). The Companhia also had the monopoly for sale in taverns in Porto and around the city. Gaspar Martins Pereira, “1756: The Demarcation of the Port wine Region,” in The Global History of Portugal: From Prehistory to the Modern World, ed. Carlos Fiolhais, José Eduardo Franco, and José Pedro Paiva (Brighton, 2022), 267–270; and the entry “Companhia Geral da Agricultura das Vinhas do Alto Douro,” in Dicionário crítico da revolução liberal Portuguesa, 1820–1834, ed. Rui Ramos, José Luís Cardoso, Nuno Gonçalo Monteiro, and Isabel Corrêa da Silva (Lisboa, 2022).

⁴³ Gaspar Martins Pereira, O Douro e o vinho do Porto—De Pombal a João Franco (Porto, 1991); Alberto Vieira, “A Cultura da vinha na Madeira, séculos XVII–XVIII,” in Os Vinhos Licorosos e a História, 99–119.

⁴⁴ Paul Duguid and Teresa da Silva Lopes, “Ambiguous Company: Institutions and Organizations in the Port Wine Trade, 1814–1834,” Scandinavian Journal of Economic History 47, no. 1 (1999): 84–102.

⁴⁵ The first contemporary reference to the active fortification of Madeira wine dates from 1752. Alain Huetz de Lemps, “La Diversité des Vins Licoreux,” in Os Vinhos Licorosos, 19–47.

⁴⁶ Moreira, O Governo de Baco—A Organização institucional do vinho do Porto (Porto: Afrontamento, 1998), 73–78; Benedita Câmara, “The Colonia Contract: Ambiguity between Sharecropping, Fixed Rent and Emphyteusis,” in Agrarian Change and Imperfect Property: Emphyteusis in Europe, 16th to 19th Centuries, ed. Rosa Gongost and Pablo F. Luna (Turnhout, 2018), 263–286; Benedita Câmara and Rui Santos, “Taming the Platypus: Adaptations of the Colonia Tenancy Contract to a Changing Context in Nineteenth-Century Madeira,” in Property Rights in Land, ed. Rosa Congost, Jorge Gelman, and Rui Santos (London, 2017), 91–110.

⁴⁷ Thomas Bentley Duncan, Atlantic Islands: Madeira, the Azores, and the Cape Verdes in Seventeenth-Century Commerce and Navigation—Studies in the History of Discoveries (Chicago, 1972), 69, 77, 273; André L. Simon, ed., The Bolton Letters—The Letters of an English Merchant in Madeira 1695–1714, vol. 1 (London, 1928), 5–7.

⁴⁸ Simon, The Bolton Letters, letter of 1 June 1698, 105.

⁴⁹ Fátima Freitas Gomes, “Amassarias, fancarias, tavernas no Funchal dos finais do século XVIII a 1820,” Atlântico 7 (1986): 206–216.

⁵⁰ Alistair Mutch, Tiger Duff: India, Madeira and Empire in Eighteenth-Century Scotland (Aberdeen, 2017), 79–81.

⁵¹ Lisboa, Biblioteca Nacional, Reservados, ms. 219, no. 29, 1.

⁵² Duguid and Lopes, “Ambiguous Company.”

⁵³ Teresa da Silva Lopes, “Brands and the Dynamics of Industries,” in Brands and Designations of Origin: History and Identity, ed. Gaspar Martins Pereira (Porto, forthcoming). See also Susan Schneider, O Marquês de Pombal e o Vinho do Porto, trans. Jorge Oliveira Marques (Lisboa, 1980), 29–30; and Hancock, Oceans of Wine, 15–23. The phenomena of “born global” industries long pre-dates the internet age; compare Jean-François Hennart, “The Accidental Internationalists: A Theory of Born Globals,” Entrepreneurship Theory and Practice 38, no. 1 (2014): 117–135, and Ivo Zander, Patricia McDougall-Covin, and Elizabeth L. Rose, “Born Globals and International Business: Evolution of a Field of Research,” Journal of International Business Studies 46, no. 1 (2015), 27–35.

⁵⁴ Teresa da Silva Lopes, “A Transformação dos Mercados de Vinho do Porto,” in História do Douro e do Vinho do Porto no Século XX in Início do Século XXI, ed. François Guichard, Philippe Roudié, and Gaspar Martins Pereira (Porto, 2019), 70–107.

⁵⁵ Calculations based on Conceição Andrade Martins, Memória do Vinho do Porto (Lisboa, 1990), 218–219.

⁵⁶ Port data in Martins, Memória do Vinho do Porto, 220, 224. Madeira figures (assuming a 418-liter pipe) based on monthly export figures in ANTT, Provedoria e Junta da Real Fazenda do Funchal, Contadoria Geral, Direitos por saída, volumes 309–331.

⁵⁷ Alberto Vieira, A Vinha e o Vinho na História da Madeira, Séculos XV–XX (Funchal, 2003), 99–101, 110.

⁵⁸ The uneven but increasingly precipitous decline of Madeira wine exports after the first decade of the nineteenth century was a by-product of changing tastes and especially changing British duties on imported wine, which after 1825 came strongly to favor the import of French and Spanish wines especially sherry; Ludington, Politics, 151–189 and especially 222–226.

⁵⁹ David Hancock “A Revolution in the Trade: Wine Distribution and the Development of the Infrastructure of the Atlantic Market Economy, 1703–1807,” in The Early Modern Atlantic Economy, ed. John J. McCluster and Kenneth Morgan (Cambridge, 2000), 118.

⁶⁰ Hancock, Oceans of Wine, 120–124.

⁶¹ John Bell, A Comparative View of the External Commerce of Bengal (Calcutta, 1834), 14–15.

⁶² Calculations based on Martins, A Memória do Vinho, 238–239, 248–249; and Thomas George Shaw, Wine, The Vine and the Cellar, 2nd ed. (London, 1864), table 10.

⁶³ C. H. Firth and R. S. Rait, Acts and Ordinances of the Interregnum, 1642–1660 (London, 1911), 559–562; John Raithby, ed., Statutes of the Realm, volume 5, 1628–80 (London, 1819), 246–250, and 449–452. See also Timothy Walker, “Atlantic Dimensions of the American Revolution: Imperial Priorities and the Portuguese Reaction to the North American Bid for Independence, 1775–83,” Journal of Early American History 2 (2012): 253–254; Hancock, Oceans of Wine: 107–108, 111–119; Mutch, Tiger Duff, 17n15.

⁶⁴ A contemporary account in John Croft, A Treatise on the Wines of Portugal (York, 1788), passim, but especially 10–16; see also Bradford, Englishman's Wine, 49–54, and A. D. Francis, The Wine Trade (New York, 1973), 207–224.

⁶⁵ “Novas Instruções da Feitoria Inglesa a Respeito dos Vinhos do Douro” and “Resposta dos Comissários Veteranos de Cima Douro” (Porto, 1754); Jorge Borges de Macedo, A Situação económica no tempo de Pombal (Porto, 1951), 73–80.

⁶⁶ Duguid, “Developing the Brand”; Paul Duguid, “De Londres à Porto: Une description du marché international du vin au XVIIIe siécle,” Annales des Mines—Gérer et Comprendre 119, no. 1 (2015): 13–21, 20.

⁶⁷ Schneider, O Marquês de Pombal, 41–44.

⁶⁸ Sousa Costa, Figuras e Factos Alto-Durienses. I—Frei João de Mansilha e a Companhia Geral da Agricultura das Vinhas do Alto Douro (Porto, 1953).

⁶⁹ The stamp included the initials CAODP for Companhia Alto Douro Porto, confirming the certification by the Companhia. “Laus do Anno de 1756,” 5 Nov. 1756, Arquivo da Companhia Geral da Agricultura das Vinhas do Alto Douro, Museu do Douro.

⁷⁰ Moreira, O Governo de Baco; Macedo, A Situação económica, 65.

⁷¹ “Alvará Régio,” 16 Dec. 1760, in Colecção de Legislação Portuguesa. Legislação de 1750 a 1762, ed. António Delgado da Silva (Lisboa, 1830), 762–765; “Alvará Régio,” 30 Dec. 1760, Colecção, 766–767; “Alvará Régio,” 16 Jan. 1768, Colecção, 322–324; and “Alvará Régio,” 10 April 1773, Colecção, 668–669.

⁷² The Companhia's privileges were abolished in 1834 following the liberal victory in the 1828–1834 Civil War but were re-established with a new charter for twenty years in 1838. The Companhia finally lost its regulatory powers in 1852. A new regulatory body, the Comissão Reguladora da Agricultura e Comércio das Vinhas do Alto Douro, was created in the same year and then ceased operations in 1865, when new legislation was approved in parliament that completely liberalized the market to free trade. Moreira, O Governo de Baco, 67–156; Pereira, O Douro e o Vinho do Porto; A. Guerra Tenreiro, Douro. Esboços para a sua História Económica: Evolução do Vinho do Porto (Porto, 1943); Macedo, A Situação Económica.

⁷³ Gaspar Martins Pereira, “Nos 250 Anos da Região Demarcada do Douro: Da Companhia Pombalina à Regulação Interprofissional,” in A Companhia e as Relações Económicas de Portugal com o Brasil: População e Sociedade, ed. Fernando de Sousa (Porto, 2008), 175–185.

⁷⁴ J. A. Pinto Ferreira, O Comércio do vinho do Porto através da correspondência de John Whitehead, Cônsul Britânico da mesma cidade, endereçada a Mr. Warre, 1793 a 1800 (Porto, 1960). On the factory, see John Delaforce, The Factory House at Oporto (London, 1979).

⁷⁵ Paul Duguid, “O Render da Guarda. Firmas Britânicas no Comércio do Vinho do Porto de 1777 a 1840,” in A História do Douro e do vinho do Porto, vol. 4, Crise e reconstrução. O Douro e o vinho do Porto no século XIX, ed. Gaspar Martins Pereira (Porto, 2011), 218–268.

⁷⁶ Paul Duguid, “Brands in Chains,” in Trademarks, Brands and Competitiveness, ed. Teresa da Silva Lopes and Duguid (London, 2012), 147.

⁷⁷ James Simpson, Creating Wine: The Emergence of a World Industry, 1840–1914 (Princeton, 2011), 165–166; Vital Moreira, O Governo de Baco, 68.

⁷⁸ Schneider, O Marquês de Pombal, 223–251; Gaspar Martins Pereira, “A Companhia Contra os Lavradres do Douro I” and Gaspar Martins Pereira, “A Companhia Contra os Lavradres do Douro II,” Douro Estudos e Documentos 4, no. 7 (1999): 137–152, 153–174.

⁷⁹ “Apologia e Defesa de João António de Sá Pereira,” ANTT, Ministério dos Negócios Eclesiáticos e da Justiça (MNEJ), 200, cx.163, n.2, prenotando III, ff. 1033–1033v. See also Hancock, Oceans of Wine, 61.

⁸⁰ As a subcontractor, Monteiro enjoyed arbitrary power and sometimes oppressive privileges to deal with improper tobacco trading; see Maria Filomena Mónica, “Negócios e política: os tabacos (1800–1890),” Análise Social 22, nos. 116–117 (1992): 461–479, 462–463; “Consulta do Conselho Ultramarino ao Rei Dom José I sobre o requerimento de Pedro Jorge Monteiro,” 21 Feb. 1763, AHU, Pernambuco, box 99, document 77.

⁸¹ “Edital do Governador D. Diogo Pereira Forjaz Coutinho,” 30 April 1784, AHU, CU-Madeira-CA, box 5, copy 711; “Ofício do Governador D. Diogo Pereira Forjaz Coutinho para Martinho de Mello Castro, Secretário de Estado da Marinha e Ultramar,” Funchal, 13 May 1784, AHU, CU-Madeira-CA, box 5, document 709, ff. 3–4.

⁸² “Representação da Câmara Municipal do Funchal Protestando Contra o Monopólio do Comércio dos Vinhos,” 18 May 1874, AHU, CU-Madeira-CA, box 5, documents 715–716.

⁸³ “Comunicação do Governador à Rainha,” Funchal, 28 April 1784, AHU, CU-Madeira-CA, box 5, 710, number 1, documents 708–711; “O Comércio da Ilha da Plena Liberdade de que está Gozando—Representação da Câmara do Funchal Protestando Contra o Monopólio do Comércio dos Vinhos à Rainha,” 18 May 1784, AHU, CU-Madeira-CA, box 5, documents 715–716.

⁸⁴ “Carta de Marcador de pipas,” 26 Jan. 1789, Madeira, Arquivo Regional da Madeira [ARM], Regimento Geral da Câmara Municipal do Funchal (RGCMF), volume 12, ff. 256v–257v.

⁸⁵ “Resposta que o senado da Câmara (Municipal do Funchal) deu a Sua Magestade sobre um requerimento efetuado por [Charles Murray] à mesma senhora a respeito de se não observar a postura relativa à marca das pipas cujo requerimento foi também em nome dos mais mercadores,” 12 Feb. 1796, ARM, RGCMF, volume 13, f. 50.

⁸⁶ Copy of the “Representação de Carlos Murray, dirigida em 1791 a Luís Pinto de Sousa Coutinho, Ministro e Secretário de Estado dos Negócios Estrangeiros,” dated 1791, AHU, CU-Madeira-CA, box 7, annexed to document 1253, which additionally has as an appendix document 1254, containing a list of ships that transported wine to Tenerife.

⁸⁷ “Requerimento de Domingos de Oliveira Júnior, no qual solicita licença de exportação de vinhos da Madeira para a Índia a Sua Alteza Real,” 16 Nov. 1799, AHU, CU-Madeira-CA, box 4, doc 268. See also the important appended documents dated 19 Oct. (granting permission), 16 Nov. (annulling the earlier decree), and 18 Nov. 1799 (explaining the annulment). The request was denied because the importing of textiles would have interfered with the exclusive monopoly of Lisbon merchants in the Asian trade.

⁸⁸ “Requerimento de Domingos de Oliveira Júnior, comerciante de vinhos na ilha da Madeira, Faial e Londres, pedindo a descarga no Funchal, livre de direitos de vinho do Faial,” Funchal, 4 Aug. 1800, AHU, CU-Madeira-CA, box 7, document 1221; “Carta do Governador e Capitão-General da ilha da Madeira, Don José Manuel da Câmara, acerca da pretensão de Domingos de Oliveira Júnior,” 27 May 1801, AHU, Madeira-CA, box 7, document 1218. For the senate of Funchal's negative reply and a certification of its decision, dated 1801, see AHU, CU-MADEIRA-CA, box 7, documents 1219–1221. See also AHU, CU-MADEIRA-CA, box 7, document 1203, 23 May 1801.

⁸⁹ “Certidão do Decreto Real de 22 de Dezembro de 1800,” AHU, CU-Madeira 146-01, box 7, document 1252.

⁹⁰ “Representação ao Príncipe Regente de Carlos Murray, cônsul geral inglês, em nome dos comerciantes nacionais e estrangeiros da Ilha da Madeira, acerca das providências decretadas sobre as marcas de vasilhame para exportação dos vinhos, as quais não evitam frauds,” 1801, AHU, ARM, microfilm 888, document 1251, c-0244-0245.

⁹¹ “Representação dos Homens de Negócio desta Praça sobre a Entrada de Vinho de Fora (Açores),” 29 Sep. 1801, and “Acordão da Câmara Municipal do Funchal,” 21 Sep. 1801, ARM, RGCMF, volume 13, ff. 107–11. These documents also show the importance of cooperation between the Funchal senate and Madeira wine merchants, both foreign and domestic.

⁹² “Decreto Real,” 22 July 1801, in Collecção de legislação Portugueza desde a última compilação das ordenações, ed. António Delgado da Silva, vol. 4, 1791–1801 (Lisboa, 1828), 721–722.

⁹³ “Contrato assinado pelo Padre Manuel de Jesus (testamenteiro de Guiomar) e João Fergusson,” 26 March 1791, AHU, CU-Madeira-CA, 146, box 4, document 193.

⁹⁴ “Requerimento endereçado através do procurador de Domingos de Oliveira Junior no Funchal Manuel Martins ao Desembargador, Corregedor e Governador interion,” 1 June 1800, PT-ARM-AHU-microfilm 888-1269-001.

⁹⁵ “Representação da Câmara Municipal do Funchal à Junta de Melhoramento sobre as estufas,” 2 Aug. 1819, ARM, RGCMF, tomo 14, ff. 202–03; “As propostas foram do consul Charles Murray [1791] da Câmara do Funchal, 1801, ARM, RGCMF, tomo 13, ff. 107v and 111r.

⁹⁶ See sources for Appendix 1.

⁹⁷ John Croft, A Treatise on the Wines of Portugal (York, 1787), 16; Schneider, O Marquês de Pombal, 262.

⁹⁸ Douglas J. Hamilton, Scotland, the Caribbean and the Atlantic World 1750–1820 (Manchester, 2005), 96, 98, 101–106, 181.

⁹⁹ David Hancock, “An Undisclosed Ocean of Commerce Laid Open: India, Wine and the Emerging Atlantic Economy,” in The Worlds of the East India Company, ed. H. V. Bowen, Margaret Lincoln, and Nigel Rigby (Suffolk, 2002), 153–168, 155–156.

¹⁰⁰ Jose Sebastião de França was the London-based partner of Correa de França and Companhia, based in Funchal; Paulo Miguel Rodrigues, “A Junta da Fazenda da Madeira na política externa Portuguesa (1801–1834),” Anuário do Centro de Estudos de História do Atlântico 1 (2009), 477–498, 481–83; Nélio Pão, “O Âmbito de intervenção financeira da Junta da Real Fazenda do Funchal (1775– 1834): Uma Análise global das despesas,” Anuário 3, Centro de Estudos de História do Atlântico (Funchal, 2011), 371–391, 378. Although born in Funchal, Oliveira kept offices and died in London. See, for example, ARM, Registo de Batismos da Sé do Funchal (1764–1768), 26, f.19r; and London Metropolitan Archives, Royal and Sun Alliance, CLC/B/192, F/001/MS11936/457, policy dated 1 Oct. 1818, for “Dominick Oliveira, Upper Seymour Street, Merchant.” See also Fernando Augusto da Silva e Carlos Azevedo de Meneses, entries “Oliveira,” “Dr. João Francisco de Oliveira,” “Conde de Tojal,” in Elucidário Madeirense, vol. 3 (Funchal, 1978), 8, 11–12, 340–341.

¹⁰¹ Hancock, “An Undisclosed Ocean,” 157–158; and Hancock, “A Revolution in the Trade,” 116.

¹⁰² The World, Issue 219 (Friday, 14 Sep. 1787).

¹⁰³ Hancock, “An Undisclosed Ocean,” 158–162.

¹⁰⁴ Webster, Twilight, 39–63.

¹⁰⁵ ANTT, Alfandega do Funchal, Movimento do Porto, Livro do Feitor de Embarque, vol. 245, 1789–1796.

¹⁰⁶ Hancock, “An Undisclosed Ocean,” 159.

¹⁰⁷ The EIC kept its trade monopoly in tea and opium, and also trade with China. Bowen, Business of Empire.

¹⁰⁸ Yukihisa Kumagai, Breaking into the Monopoly: Provincial Merchants and Manufacturers, Campaigns for Access to the Asian Market, 1790–1833 (Leiden, 2013), 159–178.

¹⁰⁹ ANTT, Alfândega do Funchal, Mesa Grande, Cobrança de direitos, Direitos por saída, vols. 394 and 399.

¹¹⁰ Alexander Henderson, The History of Ancient and Modern Wines (London, 1824), 252; H. V. Bowen, “So Alarming An Evil: Smuggling, Pilfering and the English East India Company, 1750–1810,” International Journal of Maritime History 14, no. 1 (2002): 1–31, 9, 31.

¹¹¹ “Letter from the Court of Directors in London to the Presidency and Council of Fort St George,” Dec. 1755, IOR/Z/E/4/34/M80 f. 495, BL, India Office Records and Private Papers, East India Company General Correspondence.

¹¹² “Letter from the Court of Directors in London to the Pres and Council Fort Williams in Bengal,” 29 Dec. 1756, IOR/E/4/616, f. 447, BL, India Office Records and Private Papers, East India Company General Correspondence.

¹¹³ “Letter from the Court of Directors in London to the Pres and Council Fort Williams in Bengal,” 29 Dec. 1756, IOR/E/4/616, f. 447, BL, India Office Records and Private Papers, East India Company General Correspondence.

¹¹⁴ “Letter with an Order from the Court of Directors of East India Company to Newton Gordon & Johnston,” London, 30 April 1789, Cossart, Gordon and Company: Business papers CLC/B/063/MS32992, 034, London Metropolitan Archives (LMA), City of London.

¹¹⁵ Letters 149–155, “Chambers, Hiccox and Chambers in Madeira to the Court Regarding 127 Pipes of Wines having been shipped on the Grosvenor and Enclosing Bills of lading and Invoices for the Various Shipments Sent on the Clinton, Essex, and Grosvenor,” 12 April 1762, IOR/E/1/44, ff. 300–309; “Madeira Chambers, Hiccox and Denyer sent to the Court of Directors,” 12 March 1778, IOR/E/1/62 f. 62; and Letters 29–30, “Scott, Pringle and Co in Madeira to the Court relating the loading of wine onto East India Company ships,” Jan. 1782, IOR/E/1/70 ff 52–55v, BL, India Office Records and Private Papers, East India Company General Correspondence.

¹¹⁶ Geoff Quilley, “Signs of Commerce: The East India Company and the Patronage of Eighteenth-Century British Art,” in The Worlds of the East India Company, ed. H. V. Bowen, Margarette Lincoln, and Nigel Rigby (Suffolk, 2002), 183–199.

¹¹⁷ One extract reads: “By Letters from Anjengo of the 13th Feb. we learn that the Resolution Indiaman which left Bombay in Oct. laden with Cotton and Madeira Wine was in at Point de Galle the end of Jan'y,” Hicky's Bengal Gazette, 7–14 April 1781, number 11, unpaginated but 1v. The large-scale sale of the company's Madeira supply also made the local news. “We are informed that the COMPANY's Madeira Wine, sold last Wednesday, from 550 to 630 and was principally purchased by William Watts Esq on commission,” Hicky's Bengal Gazette, 3–10 June 1780, n.20, 1v.

¹¹⁸ Hicky's Bengal Gazette, 3–10 June 1780, n.20, lv.

¹¹⁹ Hicky's Bengal Gazette, 17–24 June 1780, n.22, 2v.

¹²⁰ E.g., Hicky's Bengal Gazette, 22–29 July 1780, n.27, 2r; 12–19 Aug. 1780, n.30, 2v; 30 Sep.–7 Oct. 1780, n.37, 2r.

¹²¹ Hicky's Bengal Gazette, 1–8 April 1780, n.11, 2r.

¹²² Henry Yule and Arthur Coke Burnell, s.v. “John Company,” Hobson-Jobson, being a Glossary of Anglo-Indian Colloquial Words and Phrases (London, 1886), 352–353.

¹²³ The Times, 8 Nov. 1790, issue 1721, 4; 12 Feb. 1791, n.1926, 4.

¹²⁴ The Times, 9 Oct. 1789, n.1278, 3, under the heading “India Shipping.”

¹²⁵ For example, The Times, 14 Sep. 1787, issue 849, 2.

¹²⁶ The Times, 13 Sep. 1790, n.1673, 1.

¹²⁷ The Times, 16 Feb. 1821, n.11172, 1. See also The Times, 27 May 1820, n.10944, 1, “8 pipes of East India Madeira Wine, imported by the Company from Bengal, and now lying in their cellars under the East India House.”

¹²⁸ The Times, 24 April 1818, n.10330, 2.

¹²⁹ The Times, 11 Feb. 1792, n.2227, 4.

¹³⁰ The Times, 13 Jan. 1804, n.5918, 4, under the heading “London Particular Madeira from the East Indies,” “to be tasted by permission in the Hon: Company's vaults in Lime Street.” Wild served on the committee of the “London Association of Merchants in the Wine and Spirit Trade”; see James Warre, The Past, Present, & Probably the Future Wine Trade (London, 1823), 201. See also The Times, 12 Feb. 1789, n.1289, 4, “Five Pipes of Most Excellent Madeira, which has been in India a considerable time, and brought home in the Thetis, Atlas, and Rodney East Indiamen last year”; advertisements also associate quality Madeira with consumers of refinement: The Times, “the above wines are of a special excellence, and purchased for a man of fashion”; The Times, 22 Aug. 1789, n.1237, 4, “the above wines are of first quality. . . favourable to those who are of the habit of drinking Madeira.”

¹³¹ About branding through third-party endorsement, see Teresa da Silva Lopes, “Building Brand Reputation through Third Party Endorsement: Fair Trade in British Chocolate,” Business History Review 90, no. 3 (2016): 457–482.

¹³² Mira Wilkins, “The Neglected Intangible Asset: The Influence of the Trade Mark on the Rise of the Modern Corporation,” Business History 34, no. 1 (1992): 66–95.

¹³³ Kevin Keller, Strategic Brand Management: Building, Measuring and Managing Brand Equity, 2nd ed. (Englewood Cliffs, N.J., 2003), provides a basic overview of these dimensions in terms of marketing. For a case study on differentiation and legal protection, see Teresa da Silva Lopes, Bruna Dourado, and Elizabeth Santos de Souza, “Unbundling the Brand: Differentiation and the Law in the Brazilian South American Tea Industry,” Business History (advanced online publication, 21 Feb. 2022), accessed 15 May 2023, https://www.tandfonline.com/doi/full/10.1080/00076791.2022.2036130. See also the essential article, Mira Wilkins, “The Neglected Intangible Asset”; Deven R. Desai and Spencer Waller, “Brands, Competition and the Law,” BYU Law Review 5 (2010): 1425–1500. The relationship among these two characteristics and reputation is complex but essential. On reputation, see Chris Kobrak, “The Concept of Reputation in Business History,” Business History Review 87, no. 4 (2013): 763–786.

¹³⁴ Nicholas Alexander and Anne Marie Doherty, “Overcoming Institutional Voids: Maisons Spéciales and the Internationalisation of Proto-Modern Brands,” Business History 63, no. 7 (2021): 1079–1112; Lopes et al., “Unbundling the Brand.”

¹³⁵ Carcavelos wine, which basically used grapes from the estate of Marques de Pombal, located near Lisbon, was also protected with denomination of origin and was shipped as high-quality port wine, produced in the north of Portugal. However, the amount produced was insignificant. Gaspar Martins Pereira, “A Companhia Geral da Agricultura das Vinhas do Alto Douro e os Vinhos de Carcavelos,” Keynote speech at the VII Conference of the Marquês de Pombal Foundation (Carcavelos, 11 Nov. 2004).

¹³⁶ Joe S. Bain, Barriers to Competition (Cambridge, MA, 1956).

¹³⁷ Patrick O'Brien, “The Political Economy of British Taxation, 1660–1815,” The Economic History Review 41, no. 3 (1988): 1–32, also suggests also how mercantilist firms directly served state interests by means of revenues from export duties, customs, and licensing fees.

¹³⁸ Gaspar Martins Pereira, “A Região do Vinho do Porto: Origem Evolução de uma Demarcação Pioneira,” Douro: Estudos & Documentos 1.1 (1996): 177–194, 181; François Guichard and Philippe Roudié, Vins, Vignerons et Cooperateurs de Bordeaux et Porto (Paris, 1985).