¹ Boyns, Trevor suggests that business historians in Britain discuss methodological issues much less frequently than their colleagues in other countries. See British Business History: A Review of the Periodical Literature for 1996, Business History 40, no. 2 (1998): 96.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

² The Hagley conference on the future of business history, for example. Some differences between the United States and Great Britain are alluded to in Honeyman, Katrina, Engendering Enterprise, Business History 43, no. 1 (2001): 11926.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

³ According to Wilson, John F., theoretical discussions have been languishing in the doldrums. See British Business History: A Review of the Periodical Literature for 1992, Business History 36, no. 2 (1994): 1.CrossRefGoogle Scholar See also Rose, Mary, Networks, Values and Business: The Evolution of British Family Firms from the Eighteenth to the Twentieth Century, Entreprises et Histoire 22, no. 2 (1999): 19.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

⁴ Boyns British Business History, 95. This is a recurring theme in literature reviews of the discipline. See, for example, Pearson, Robin, British Business History: A Review of the Periodical Literature for 1995, Business History 39, no. 2 (1997): 120.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

⁵ French, Michael, British Business History: A Review of the Periodical Literature for 1997. Business History 41, no. 2 (1999): 11;CrossRefGoogle ScholarRoss, Duncan, British Business History: A Review of the Periodical Literature for 1998, Business History 42, no. 2 (2000): 1213;CrossRefGoogle Scholar Boyns, British Business History, 96.

⁶ Steven Toms and John Wilson, Scale, Scope and Accountability: Towards a New Paradigm of British Business History, paper given at the Association of Business Historians (ABH) conference, University of Cambridge, 2003. See also Higgins, David, British Business History: A Review of the Periodical Literature for 2003, Business History 47, no. 2 (2005): 159.CrossRefGoogle Scholar Mansel G. Blackford argues that British business history should make more of an effort to move in new directions especially the role of gender and race in business developments, in British Business History: A Review of the Periodical Literature for 2001, Business History 45, no. 2 (2003): 11.

⁷ For example, Jeremy, David made the case for innovative work in this area in New Business History? Historical Journal 37, no. 3 (1994): 71728.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

⁸ This is reflected in a gender analysis of participants at mainstream business history conferences. For example, participants at the past two conferences of the Association of Business Historians were not only overwhelmingly male, but the majority of the women attending were either graduate studentsclearly a good thing in terms of future developmentor visiting scholars from the United States or the continent of Europe. At the 2006 ABH conference there were no papers on gender history.

⁹ Following the approach of Scott, Joan, Gender: A Useful Category of Analysis, American Historical Review 91, no. 5 (1986): 105375.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

¹⁰ Research on the history of masculinity, especially as it intersects with business history, has been the product of both male and female historians; see, for example, Tosh, John, What Should Historians Do with Masculinity? Reflections on Nineteenth Century Britain, History Workshop Journal 38 (Autumn 1994): 179202;CrossRefGoogle Scholar and Honeyman, Katrina, Following Suit: Men, Masculinity and Gendered Practices in the Clothing Trade in Leeds, England, 1890-1940, Gender and History 14, no. 3 (2002): 42646.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

¹¹ See, for example, Kwolek-Folland, Angel, Incorporating Women: A History of Women and Business in the United States (New York, 2002);Google Scholar and Kwolek-Folland, , Engendering Business: Men and Women in the Corporate Office, 1870-1930 (Baltimore, 1994).Google Scholar

¹² Examples are cited in the introduction and elsewhere in this issue, but the case in point is Scranton, Philip, ed., Beauty and Business: Commerce, Gender and Culture in Modern America (New York, 2000).Google Scholar

¹³ In women's history, the historical subjects are women, and analysis focuses on their experiences. Gender history places greater emphasis on the analysis of gender relations and gender as a symbolic system. See, for example, Hall, Catherine, White, Male, and Middle Class: Explorations in Feminism and History (New York, 1992), 17.Google Scholar Examples of these will be considered in the second section of this paper and include Clark, Alice, Working Life of Women in the Seventeenth Century (London, 1919);Google ScholarLemire, Beverly, Petty Pawns and Informal Lending: Gender and the Transformation of Small-scale Credit in England, circa 1600-1800, in From Family Firms to Corporate Capitalism: Essays in Business and Industrial History in Honour of Peter Mathias, eds. Bruland, Kristine and O'Brien, Patrick (Oxford, 1998), 11238;Google Scholar and Berg, Maxine, Women's Property and the Industrial Revolution, Journal of Interdisciplinary History 24, no. 2 (1993): 23350.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

¹⁴ Maggie Walsh makes the point that business activities are part of the social environment within which people live; thus the gender context is important. See Walsh, , Gendered Endeavours: Women and the Reshaping of Business Culture, Women's History Review 14, no. 2 (2005): 19495.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

¹⁵ Of particular note is the work of Maltby, Josephine and Rutterford, Janette. See, for example, their She Possessed Her Own Fortune: Women Investors from the Late Nineteenth Century to the Early Twentieth Century, Business History 48, no. 2 (2006): 22053.CrossRefGoogle Scholar Research published in Women, Accounting and Investment, a special issue of Accounting, Business, and Financial History 16, no. 2 (2006), edited by Maltby and Rutterford, indicates recent progress in investigating women's roles as accountants and investors during the eighteenth as well as the nineteenth century.

¹⁶ Clark, Working Life, 35; Wiskin, Christine, Urban Businesswomen in Eighteenth Century England, in Women and Urban Life in Eighteenth-Century England: On the Town, eds. Sweet, Rosemary and Lane, Penelope (Aldershot, 2003), 35, 109.Google Scholar

¹⁷ Prior, Mary, Women and the Urban Economy, in Women in English Society, ed. Prior, Mary (London, 1985), 108;Google ScholarBeachy, Robert, Craig, Batrice, and Owens, Alastair, Introduction, in Women, Business, and Finance in Nineteenth-Century Europe: Rethinking Separate Spheres, eds. Beachy, Robert, Craig, Batrice, and Owens, Alastair (Oxford, 2006), 2.Google Scholar

¹⁸ D'Cruze, Shani, To Acquaint the Ladies: Women Traders in Colchester, c.1750-c.1800, Local Historian 17, no. 1 (1986): 158;Google ScholarLane, Penelope, Women, Property, and Inheritance: Wealth Creation and Income Generation in Small English Towns, 1750-1835, in Urban Fortunes: Property and Inheritance in the Town, 17001900, eds. Stobart, Jon and Owens, Alastair (Aldershot, 2000), 18088.Google Scholar Elizabeth Sanderson shows how in eighteenth-century urban Scotland, especially Edinburgh, women operated in the same world as their male counterparts. Women were part of the great web of credit and stood in for husbands who were away. Women and Work in Eighteenth-Century Edinburgh (Basingstoke, 1996), 168.

¹⁹ Erickson, Amy, Coverture and Capitalism, History Workshop Journal 59 (Spring, 2005): 1 and 8.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

²⁰ Finn, Margot, Women, Consumption, and Coverture in England, c.1760-1860, Historical Journal 39, no. 3 (1996): 719.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

²¹ Hunt, Margaret R., The Middling Sort: Commerce, Gender, and the Family in England, 1680-1780 (Berkeley, 1996), 139, 14142.Google Scholar

²² Hill, Bridget, Women Alone: Spinsters in England, 1660-1850 (New Haven, 2001), 44.Google Scholar

²³ Prior, Women and the Urban Economy, 103.

²⁴ Kowaleski-Wallace, Elizabeth, Consuming Subjects: Women, Shopping, and Business in the Eighteenth Century (New York, 1996), 115.Google Scholar

²⁵ Valenze, Deborah, The First Industrial Woman (New York, 1995), 48;Google Scholar Kowaleski-Wallace, Consuming Subjects, 113.

²⁶ R. Campbell, The London Tradesman (1747); D'Cruze, To Acquaint the Ladies, 159; Kowaleski-Wallace, Consuming Subjects, 119-20; Prior, Women and the Urban Economy, 93-120.

²⁷ Lemire, Petty Pawns and Informal Lending; Lemire, Beverly, The Business of Everyday Life: Gender, Practice, and Social Politics in England, c.1600-1900 (Manchester, U.K., 2006), 4447.Google Scholar

²⁸ Hunt, Middling Sort, 134.

²⁹ Such enterprises were often located in provisioning and other services that were deemed compatible with a familial or domestic role. Ibid.

³⁰ Reader, Nicola, Female Friendly Societies, 1780-1850, Ph.D. diss., University of Leeds, 2006.Google Scholar

³¹ Wiskin, Urban Businesswomen in Eighteenth-Century England, 109; Barker, Hannah and Harvey, Karen, Women Entrepreneurs and Urban Expansion: Manchester, 1760-1820, in Women and Urban Life in Eighteenth-Century England: On the Town, eds. Sweet, Rosemary and Lane, Penelope (Aldershot, U.K., 2003), 115, 129.Google Scholar

³² Finn, Women, Consumption, and Coverture, 706.

³³ Hunt, Middling Sort, 146.

³⁴ Honeyman, Katrina, Women, Gender, and Industrialisation in Britain, 1700-1870 (Basingstoke, 2000), 5171.Google Scholar

³⁵ Mitchell, B. R., European Historical Statistics, 1750-1970 (London, 1975), 163.CrossRefGoogle Scholar Edward Higgs's careful analysis of the nineteenth-century census suggests, however, that the number of domestic servants was exaggerated by the census, while the number of female agricultural workers was understated. See Higgs, Edward, Women, Occupations, and Work in Nineteenth-century Censuses, History Workshop Journal 23 (Spring, 1987): 5980, esp. 76.CrossRefGoogle Scholar It is possible that as many as one-third of all women workers were not counted in the occupational categories. See, for example, John, Angela V., ed., Unequal Opportunities: Women's Employment in England, 1800-1918 (Oxford, 1986), 3637.Google Scholar See also Honeyman, Women, Gender, and Industrialisation, 143-44.

³⁶ This tendency is criticized by Beachy, Craig, and Owens, eds., Women, Business, and Finance, 7-8,10.

³⁷ For example, Vickery, Amanda, The Gentleman's Daughter: Women's Lives in Georgian England (New Haven, 1998);Google Scholar Alison C. Kay, Retailing, Respectability, and the Independent Woman in Nineteenth-Century London, in Women, Business, and Finance, eds. Beachy, Craig, and Owens, 152-66.

³⁸ An example of the traditional view is Cottrell, Philip L., Industrial Finance, 1830-1914: The Finance and Organization of English Manufacturing Industry (London, 1980), 96.Google Scholar This author has recently produced a collaborative revision: Newton, Lucy and Cottrell, Philip, Female Investors in the First English and Welsh Commercial Joint-Stock Banks, Accounting, Business, and Financial History 16, no. 2 (2006): 31540.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

³⁹ The passage of the Married Women's Property Acts finally overturned the practice of coverture, whereby a husband controlled his wife's property during marriage.

⁴⁰ For example, Lemire, The Business of Everyday Life, esp. chs. 2 and 3; also Petty Pawns and Informal Lending; Judith Spicksley, Was the Single Woman Really Marginal? Lending and Information Networks in Seventeenth-Century England, paper delivered to the workshop of the Women's Committee of the Economic History Society, 2003; and Alison Parkinson Kay, A Respectable Business: Women and Self-employment in Nineteenth-Century London, paper delivered to the Economic History Society Conference, Durham, Apr. 2003. Alastair Owens has also contributed to this area of historical enquiry. See Making Some Provision for the Contingencies to which Their Sex is Particularly Liable: Women and Investment in Early Nineteenth-Century England, in Women, Business, and Finance, eds. Beachy, Craig, and Owens, 20-35; and Green, D. R. and Owens, Alastair, Gentlewomanly Capitalism? Spinsters, Widows and Wealth Holding in England and Wales c.1800-1860, Economic History Review 56, no. 3 (2003).CrossRefGoogle Scholar

⁴¹ Lane, Women, Property, and Inheritance, 194.

⁴² Owens, Making Some Provision, esp. 23-33; Freeman, Mark, Pearson, Robin, and Taylor, James, in A Doe in the City: Women Shareholders in Eighteenth- and Early-Nineteenth-Century Britain, Accounting Business, and Financial History 16, no. 2 (2006): 28182CrossRefGoogle Scholar, demonstrate a growing proportion of women shareholders as well as more positive attitudes toward them after 1850. See also Claire Swan, Independent Women or Desperate Housewives: Female Investors within the Scottish Investment Trust Movement, paper delivered to the fourteenth International Economic History Conference, sess. 83, Helsinki, 2006.

⁴³ Rutterford, Janette and Maltby, Josephine, The Widow, the Clergyman and the Reckless: Women Investors in England, 1830-1914, Feminist Economics 12, no. 1 (2006): 11138.CrossRefGoogle Scholar See also Maltby and Rutterford, She Possessed Her Own Fortune, 220-53, esp. 242-46.

⁴⁴ Hudson, Sarah, Attitudes to Investment Risk among West Midland Canal and Railway Company Investors, 1760-1850 (Ph.D. diss., University of Warwick, 2002).Google Scholar

⁴⁵ Phillips, Nicola, Women in Business, 1700-1850 (Woodbridge, U.K., 2006)Google Scholar, robustly challenges the metaphor of separate spheres and concludes that, despite barriers, constraints, disabilities, and unrealistic expectations, women formed a significant part of the expanding economy, and that there was greater cooperation between men and women than the model implies (261).

⁴⁶ Morris, R. J., Men, Women, and Property in England, 1780-1870: A Social and Economic History of Family Strategies amongst the Leeds Middle Classes (Cambridge, 2005), 28, 233.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

⁴⁷ Ibid., 264.

⁴⁸ Beachy, Craig, and Owens, Introduction, Women, Business, and Finance, 17.

⁴⁹ Owens, Making Some Provision, 22. This is consistent with Morris's notion of assertive subordination.

⁵⁰ Introduction, in Fashion and Famine: Needlewomen in the Nineteenth Century, ed. Harris, Beth (Aldershot, U.K., 2005);Google ScholarGordon, Eleanor and Nair, Gwyneth, The Economic Role of Middle Class Women in Victorian Glasgow, Women's History Review 9, no. 4 (2000): 799;CrossRefGoogle ScholarNenadic, Stana, The Social Shaping of Business Behaviour in the Nineteenth-Century Women's Garment Trades, Journal of Social History 31, no. 3 (1998): 62546.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

⁵¹ Nenadic, The Social Shaping of Business Behaviour, 627.

⁵² Gordon and Nair, The Economic Role of Middle-Class Women, 799-800. This study also shows how women were able to surmount legal and social constraints to achieve both economic autonomy and influence.

⁵³ Women have occasionally owned manufacturing or productive enterprises, but typically as part of an inheritance.

⁵⁴ Wiskin, Urban Businesswomen, 9092.

⁵⁵ See, for example, Davidoff, Leonore, The Separation of Home and Work? Landladies and Lodgers in Nineteenth and Twentieth Century England, in Fit Work for Women, ed. Burman, Sandra (London, 1979), 6497.Google Scholar

⁵⁶ This was a theme in Davidoff, Leonore and Hall, Catherine, Family Fortunes: Men and Women of the English Middle Class, 1780-1850 (London, 1987),Google Scholar challenged by, among others, Lane, Women, Property, and Inheritance, 194.

⁵⁷ See David R. Green, Independent Women, Wealth, and Wills in Nineteenth-Century London, in Urban Fortunes, eds. Stobart and Owens, 221.

⁵⁸ The censuses of the first half of the twentieth century show that as the early importance of domestic service declined, women moved into such other service activities as clerical work, insurance and banking, distribution and public administration.

⁵⁹ Census of Population of England and Wales, 1901, 1911, 1921, 1931 and 1951.

⁶⁰ Walby, Sylvia, Gender Transformations (London, 1997), 27. Married women's activity rate is now almost as high as that of single women.Google Scholar

⁶¹ Equal Opportunities Commission, Women and Men in Britain: The Labour Market, (Manchester, U.K., 2000), 1.

⁶² Currently, women constitute 82 percent of the part-time workforce. This figure is among the highest in Europe. See Gender and the Labour Market in the European Union, Equal Opportunities Review 129 (May 2004): 20; Hakim, Catherine, The Myth of Rising Female Employment, Work, Employment, and Society 7, no. 1 (1993): 114CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Webb, Michael, Sex and Gender in the Labour Market, in Sex Differences in Britain, eds. Reid, Ivan and Stratta, Erica (Aldershot, U.K., 1989, 2nd ed.), 134.Google Scholar Webb also makes the point that much part-time work is also temporary; Sex and Gender, 144.

⁶³ Walby, Gender Transformations, 31; Craig, Christine, Garnsey, Elizabeth, and Rubery, Jill, Women's Pay in Informal Payments Systems, Department of Employment Gazette 91 (Apr. 1983): 146.Google Scholar

⁶⁴ Which mirror those taking place in other advanced economies.

⁶⁵ Trends in Female Employment, Equal Opportunities Review 112 (Dec. 2002)CrossRefGoogle Scholar: 22. In 1982, Ann Oakley observed that more than half of employed women in Britain work in three service industries: the distributive trades (shops, mail order, warehouse)17 percent; professional and scientific (typists, secretaries, teachers and nurses)23 percent; miscellaneous services (laundries, catering, drycleaners) 12 percent. Oakley, Ann, Subject Women (New York, 1982), 151.Google Scholar In April 2005 an Equal Opportunity Commission report stated that 1 percent of construction workers were female, and 1 percent of child-care workers were male.

⁶⁶ Data from Office of National Statistics, Labour Force Survey, spring 2001, shows a correlation between the proportion of women employed and the proportion of women managers in a sector, but in only one case, that of health and social work, did women managers comprise more than 50 percent of the total.

⁶⁷ Cynthia Forson and Mustafa Ozbilgin, Dotcom Women Entrepreneurs in the U.K., University of Hertfordshire Business School, Employment Studies Paper 40, 2002,1.

⁶⁸ Some of the important recent and current research on women and investment, how-ever, bridges the later nineteenth and early twentieth centuries. See, for example, the work of Josephine Maltby and Janette Rutterford cited above. The major project funded by the Economic and Social Regional Council (ESRC) on women investors in England and Wales, 1870-1930, promises to provide new evidence on women's financial activity. This will be especially valuable for the early twentieth century, where existing work is very thin indeed. Alison Kay is the senior researcher for this interdisciplinary project.

⁶⁹ The Lady's Who's Who: Who's Who for British Women: A List of Names of Those Women Who Play a Prominent Part in Society, Arts, the Professions, Business etc., published for the first, and seemingly the only, time in 1939 in London, devoted a small section to women in business. A significant proportion of businesswomen were classed as dog and rare-cattle breeders.

⁷⁰ Self-employment and small- and medium-sized business are closely related, since most owners of small enterprises are self-employed. Ferry de Goey, Economic Structure and Selfemployment during the Twentieth Century, paper delivered to the EBHA conference, Barcelona, 16-18 Sept. 2004, 2. De Goey argues that business historians have so far neglected small- and medium-sized business; but despite the importance of women in this sector, he proceeds to refer to the entrepreneur as male.

⁷¹ Women Entrepreneurs in Small and Medium Enterprises, Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development (OECD) Proceedings, 1998, 19. This could apply equally to men.

⁷² See, for example, Carter, Sara and Cannon, Tom, Female Entrepreneurs: A Study of Female Business Owners, Their Motivations, Experiences and Strategies for Success, Department of Employment, Research Paper 65, 1988, 150.Google Scholar

⁷³ Simon Deakin has argued that the distinction between employment and self-employment took the entire first half of the twentieth century to emerge and be settled. See The Evolution of the Employment Relationship, paper delivered at the International Labor Organisation symposium, Jan. 2002, 2. Goffee and Scace argue that, for women, setting up a small business reflected dissatisfaction with and rejection of the exploitative nature of the capitalist work process and the labour market. Goffee, Robert and Scase, Richard, Women in Charge: The Experiences of Female Entrepreneurs (London, 1985), 37.Google Scholar See also, Davidson, Marilyn J. and Cooper, Cary L., European Women in Business and Management: An Overview, in European Women in Business and Management, eds. Davidson, and Cooper, (London, 1993), 13;Google Scholar and Beverly Alimo-Metcalfe and Colleen Wedderburn-Tate, The United Kingdom, in European Women in Business and Management, 25.

⁷⁴ Davidson and Cooper, Overview, 13. There was a doubling in the number of selfemployed women, while the total number of self-employed rose by only 60 percent. Such gains were sometimes perceived at the time as the result of high levels of unemployment and the search for alternative means of support. Sara Carter and Tom Cannon also emphasize the particular problems faced by female entrepreneurs when setting up and sustaining business, in Women in Business, Department of Employment Gazette 96 (Oct. 1988): 570. See also Carter, Sara and Cannon, Tom, Women as Entrepreneurs: A Study of Female Business Owners, Their Motivations, Experiences, and Strategies for Success (New York, 1992).Google Scholar The number of women entering self-employment rose by 70 percent between 1981 and 1987. See Alimo-Metcalfe and Wedderburn-Tate, United Kingdom, 25.

⁷⁵ It also indicates a small percentage decline both before and after this period of rapid growth.

⁷⁶ Carter and Cannon, Women as Entrepreneurs, 8. Men also tended to establish businesses in activities in which they had previously been employed. Alimo-Metcalfe and Wedderburn-Tate, United Kingdom, 28.

⁷⁷ In 1986 when approximately half of women self-employed in services were located in the distribution, hotels, and restaurants (DHR) group, only 30 percent of employed women could be found there, whereas 45 percent of women employed in services worked in the public administration, education, and health (PAEH) group, where only 16 percent of self-employed women were occupied. The 1998 figures indicate more correspondence, especially in DHR where the percentages were around 25 percent for each. Forty-five percent of employees worked in PAEH, and the proportion of self-employed women in that group had risen to 25 percent.

⁷⁸ Sylvia Walby, Mainstreaming Gender into the Analysis of the New Economy and New Employment Forms, paper presented to the ESRC seminar on Gender Mainstreaming, the New Economy, and New Employment Forms, University of Leeds, 3 Sept. 2004, 24.

⁷⁹ Forson and Ozbilgin, Dotcom Women, 3-4.

⁸⁰ Goffee and Scase, Women in Charge, 19-21, 143; Forson and Ozbilgin, Dotcom Women, 7; and Alimo-Metcalfe and Wedderburn-Tate, United Kingdom, 28.

⁸¹ Durbin, Susan, The Gendering of Knowledge Work in Call Centres, paper presented to the ESRC seminar, Gender Mainstreaming, the New Economy and New Employment Forms, University of Leeds, 3 Sept. 2004, 1516.Google Scholar

⁸² For example, they are taken less seriously than men because of their assumed prioritization of home and family, their assumed emotional rather than rational decision-making, and other discriminatory perceptions. They are thus disadvantaged not only in the workplace but also in business, as banks, for instance are more reluctant to lend to women. Alimo-Metcalfe and Wedderburn-Tate, United Kingdom, 28; Carter and Cannon, Women as Entrepreneurs, 45-46.

⁸³ Nenadic, in The Social Shaping of Business Behaviour, argues that the vast majority of businesses in nineteenth century Britain, were small in scale, and unmodernised in their structure and strategy, 625.

⁸⁴ Honeyman, Women, Gender and Industrialisation, 138-47.

⁸⁵ Bennett, Robert, Gendering Cultures in Business and Labour History: Marriage Bars in Clerical Employment, in Working Out Gender: Perspectives from Labour History, ed. Walsh, Margaret (Aldershot, U.K., 1999), 204.Google Scholar

⁸⁶ Jordan, Ellen, The Lady Clerks at the Prudential: The Beginning of Vertical Segregation by Sex in Clerical Work in Nineteenth-Century Britain, Gender and History 8, no. l 1996): 6581.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

⁸⁷ Gamber, Wendy, A Gendered Enterprise: Placing Nineteenth-Century Businesswomen in History, Business History Review 72 (Summer 1998): 191.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

⁸⁸ As Alice Kessler Harris suggests, If we want to approach a multi-dimensional perspective, we need to be aware of the full range of cultural signals that guided decision making at all levels. Ideologies and Innovation: Gender Dimensions of Business History, Business and Economic History 20, 2nd ser. (1991): 51.

⁸⁹ See, for example, Rose, Networks, Values and Business, 30; Brown, Jonathan and Rose, Mary B., Introduction, in Entrepreneurship, Networks, and Modern business, eds. Brown, and Rose, (Manchester, U.K., 1993), 18;Google Scholar Mary B. Rose, Beyond Buddenbrooks: The Family Firm and the Management of Succession in Nineteenth-Century Britain, in Entrepreneurship, Networks and Modern Business, 127-43.

⁹⁰ For example, Morris, Men, Women, and Property, 277-78. This work also demonstrates the fluidity of spheres.

⁹¹ Honeyman, Katrina, Well Suited: A History of the Leeds Clothing Industry, 1850-1990 (Oxford, 2000);Google Scholar Honeyman, Following Suit, 426-46. The female consumer was constructed in a different way, since, for women, consuming or shopping was perceived as an activity consistent with their nature, or as accepted behavior.

⁹² In a recent Guardian interview, Minney said she would like to be remembered as having helped to tip the balance towards sustainability. Guardian Weekend, 7 Aug. 2004. Also relevant is the notion of non-utilitarian satisfactions, identified above in Nenadic's study of the Edinburgh women's garment trades. See Nenadic, The Social Shaping of Business Behaviour, 627.

⁹³ For an overview of recent work, see Popp, Andrew, British Business History: A Review of the Periodical Literature for 2002, Business History 46, no. 2 (2004): 156.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

⁹⁴ During discussion at the Barcelona conference, it was suggested, first, that the distinction I drew between women's history and gender history may have salience in the British historiographical tradition but may have less relevance elsewhere; and, second, that even if such a distinction can be made, both approaches can contribute, albeit in different ways, to the development of gendered business history. I think it is important to emphasize that I am explicitly discussing gendering business history, not feminizing it. Walsh in Gendering Endeavours, believes that business history is becoming more inclusive, 187-95.