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Anti-Venizelist criticism of Venizelos’ policy during the Balkan Wars (1912-13)

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  26 April 2016

Abstract

Although the Balkan Wars are regarded as a defining moment in modern Greek history that led to the expansion of Greek territory, they also constitute an important chapter in the history of internal Greek politics: the Greek prime minister Eleftherios Venizelos consolidated his position as the country’s most competent politician; the Palace, at the head of the victorious Greek army, regained much of its lost prestige after the unsuccessful Greco-Turkish war of 1897; and most importantly, the old parties began to function as a united front against Venizelos. This reaction was majorly triggered by Venizelos’ handling of the country’s foreign affairs in 1912-13. The anti-Venizelists’ rhetoric against Venizelos diplomacy invested heavily in tradition and the role of the king and was a harbinger of the national schism of 1915-16.

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Articles
Copyright
Copyright © The Centre for Byzantine, Ottoman and Modern Greek Studies, University of Birmingham 2015 

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References

1 I would like to thank Professor Vasilios Gounaris for his insightful criticism and comments.

2 This was the political crisis brought on by the publication of a demotic translation of St Matthew’s Gospel in the newspaper .

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8 In December 1911 Cretan deputies sailed to Athens to participate as representatives of Crete in the Greek Parliament. Venizelos strongly disagreed with this development as a dangerous strain on Ottoman-Greek relations. When the deputies refused to accede to his views, Venizelos adjourned the parliamentary proceedings.

9 Hering, Among the few other works on Greek politics during that period are Dafnis, G., 1821-1961 (Athens 1961) 92–134Google Scholar; Ventiris, G., H 1910-1920: (Athens 1980), Dertilis, G. V., 1830-1920, II (Athens 2005) and Maroniti, N., , 1880- 1910 (Athens 2009) 327–449Google Scholar.

10 With few exceptions, the biographies of the anti-Venizelist politicians of the first half of the 20th century were written by politicians and journalists, the majority of whom did not make sufficient use of primary sources. See, for example, Malosis, I., rovvapt], vol. I: 1902-1920 (Athens 1926);Google Scholar Kampanis, A., 1918-1922 (Athens 1946);Google Scholar Vouros, G., (1967-1936) (Athens 1955);Google Scholar Oikonomou, A., (Athens 1971);Google Scholar Rallis, G., ( 1980)Google Scholar; Artemakis, S., Chatzifotis, I., (Athens 1981)Google Scholar. Though not unbiased, Nikolopoulos’ work on Gounaris constitutes an exception since the author elaborated on primary sources: Nikolopoulos, D., (Athens 2006)Google Scholar.

11 The term pre-Venizelists has been used by the historian M. B. Sakellariou in his introduction to Sakellariou, M. G., (1910-1911) (Athens 2009) 40.Google Scholar

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17 A. Souliotis-Nikolaidis, ed. Th. Veremis and K. Boura (Athens and Ioannina 1984) passim, especially 60-71; M. Kaliakatsos, ‘Dragoumis, Macedonia and the Ottoman Empire (1903-913): The Great Idea, Nationalism and Greek-Ottomanism’, PhD diss., University of Birming ham 2008, 160 ff.

18 The idea of cooperation between the Balkan peoples against the Ottomans and even of the formation of a Balkan federation had a long history dating back to the 18 and 19’ centuries. See V. Todorov, Geek Fed eralism during the Nineteenth Century: Ideas and Projects (New York 1995).Google Scholar Venizelos’ approach to the alli ance was closer to that of Charilaos Trikoupis, who unsuccessfully tried to promote a Balkan anti-Ottoman understanding in 1891. S. Sfetas (1878-1900)’, 36 (2007) 139–71; Svolopoulos, C., ‘Charilaos Tricoupis et l’entente Balkanique: réalités et hypotheses formulées a l’occasion de sa visite a Belgrade (Juin 1891)’, in Greek-Serbian Cooperation 1830-1908: Collection of Reports from the Second Greek-Serbian Symposium (Belgrade 1982) 69–74.Google Scholar

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21 Gardikas-Katsiadakis, Greece and the Balkan Imbroglio, 46-52.

22 Historical Archives, Benaki Museum, Georgios Baltatzis Archive, dossier 1910, Gounaris to Baltatzis, Patras, 15 September 1910.

23 Gennadius Library Archives, Stephanos Dragoumis Archive, 113, f. 1, doc. 20, Dragoumis to Kallergis, Chania, 4 February 1913.Google Scholar

24 (Patras), 16 September 1912.

25 Stephanou, S. I., (ed.) I (Athens 1981) 546.Google Scholar

26 29 August 1912. See similar comments in the anti-Venizelist , 17 September 1912.

27 , 23 September 1912.

28 Ibid.; cf. V. Gounaris, (speech commemorating 26 October 2012, forthcoming).

29 23 September 1912; 2 December 1912.

30 (henceforth EΣB), 1st period, session 31, 21 June 1913, 292; 2nd period, session 6, 13 November 1913, 103.

31 Kofos, E., 1875-1881 (Athens 2001) 227–8.Google Scholar

32 Hellenic Literary and Historical Archive, Georgios Streit Archive, dossier 38.3, Lampros to Streit, Rome, 4 October 1912.

33 Hellenic Literary and Historical Archive, Eleftherios Venizelos Archive, 01-001, Gennadius to Venizelos, London, 28 October/10 November 1910.

34 Gennadius eventually supported the alliance in July 1912, though for reasons entirely different than those for which it was concluded. Christopoulos, M., PhD diss., Aristotle University of Thessaloniki 2012, 285–8.Google Scholar

35 had been mild Venizelist until 1912. In 1913 it shifted to the anti-Venizelist camp because of its disappointment with Venizelos’ Balkan diplomacy. Papadimitriou, D., in L. Droulia and G. Koutsopanagou (eds.), I (Athens 2008) 159.Google Scholar

36 24 July 1912.

37 Dousmanis, V., (Athens 1946) 100.Google Scholar

38 , 30 August 1912.

39 Gounaris, V., (Thessaloniki 2007) 218-19.Google Scholar Several newspapers sought to highlight the positive aspects of Bulgaria reproducing or reporting, for example, the impressions of the Venizelist representative Thalis Koutoupis, based on a fact-finding mission to Bulgaria: 22 August 1912; 27, 28 and 29 August 1912.

40 session 3,2 October 1912, 8-9. The government was supported by Mavromichalis, Theotokis, Dimitrakopoulos and Panagiotis Aravantinos. The latter represented the parlia mentary group of the ‘Sociologists’

41 S. Ploumidis, ‘From the old to the new greater Greece’, Etudes Balkaniques 49.2 (2013) 71–3.

42 , 9 October 1912.

43 EΣB, 1st period, session 19, 2 March 1913, 143.

44 Ibid. Venizelos was involved during that period in long negotiations with the Bulgarians and the Serbians for the division of the spoils and had realized that if the Fiorina district and the Greco-Serbian frontier were to be safeguarded he had to give up any claims for the region east of the river Strymon: Gardikas-Katsiadakis, Greece and Balkan Imbroglio, 183-184; Llewellyn Smith, ‘Venizelos’ Diplomacy’, 147.

45 EΣB, 1st period, session 19, 2 March 1913, 146.

46 Ibid., 143-144. Theotokis and Dimitrakopoulos also pointed out the damage done to the ongoing negotiations by Venizelos’ comments: 4 March 1913.

47 EΣB, 1st period, session 19,2 March 1913,145-6. The fate of Greeks residing beyond the Greek borders, who had remained unprotected, was one of the key issues underlying the Opposition’s criticism. In an address to Venizelos, Rallis declared: ‘You see only trophies, while I mourn all the people who have been sacrificed for nothing…’: EΣB, 2nd period, session 6,13 November 1913,104. Ion Dragoumis expressed similar opinions in 3 Continued an article in Noumas entitled Stavridi-Patrikiou, R., in H (1910-1914) (Athens 1993) 250-1.Google Scholar.

48 EΣB, 1st period, session 19, 2 March 1913, 146.

49 EΣB, op. cit. 151; EΣB, 1st period, session 20, 4 March 1913, 176.

50 EΣB, 1st period, session 19, 2 March 1913, 151.

51 , 4 March 1913.

52 , 5 March 1913.

53 Ventiris, 1910-1920, 158-60; Ioannidou-Bitsiadou, G., (Thessaloniki 1988) 85;Google Scholar Chasiotis, L., 1913-1918 (Thessaloniki 2004) 34–5.Google Scholar

54 EΣB, 3rd period, session 40, 24 February 1914, 787.

55 EΣB, 1st period, session 31, 21 June 1913, 288.

56 Ibid., 283.

57 Ibid., 282.

58 Ibid., 283.

59 Ibid., 277-8.

60 The Treaty of Athens was a very moderate settlement of the outstanding differences between Greece and the Ottoman Empire. Its content did not particularly favour Greece as it neither exacted a war indemnity nor ensured the rights of Greeks still living in the empire: Gardikas-Katsiadakis, Greece and the Balkan Imbroglio, 269; S. Antonopoulos, (Athens 1917) 160–75, 202.Google Scholar

61 EΣB, 2nd period B, session 5, 12 November 1913, 39. The Greco-Serbian Treaty provided for a Greco- Bulgarian frontier line in the event of a negotiated settlement (article IV, annex III): 1913-1917: (Athens 1917), documents 2 and 4; Gardikas-Katsiadakis, Greece and the Balkan Imbroglio, 203.

62 Venizelos recognized their rights so as to secure Romania’s support on the question of Kavala: Gardikas- Katsiadakis, Greece and the Balkan Imbroglio, 239.

63 EΣB, 3rd period, session 38, 20 February 1914, 702ff.

64 EΣB, 3rd period, session 62, 9 December 1914, 1391-1392.

65 , session 6, 13 November 1913, 3.

66 See also the observations of Hering, , II, 824.

67 EΣB, 1st period, session 31, 21 June 1913, 280; 2nd period, session 6, 13 November 1913, 104-5.

68 , 6, 7 March 1913; Ploumidis, ‘From the old to the new greater Greece’, 85–6; G. Mavrogordatos, in (1910-1914) 229–30.

69 EΣB, 3rd period, session 40, 24 February 1914, 771.

70 Kampanis, 68.