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Published online by Cambridge University Press: 22 November 2022
Whereas the presence of class divisions in the larger Ionian islands has been well studied, the character of society in smaller Ithaca under Latin rule has been largely ignored. This article examines the evidence for social structures in Ithaca before and after its Venetian capture. Under the rule of the Tocco, the only nobles on Ithaca were the Galati, a family granted privileges for service to the court. The continuation of these privileges into the Venetian period was an exception in a society conditioned by a new agricultural economy following the resettlement of the island in 1504. This article shows how the development of the new economy did eventually allow for inequalities in the mass population to develop, though these were limited by the small size of the island's agricultural economy. The evolution of these structures reflected the tension between the feudal legacy of the Tocco period and the new economy conditioned by the Venetian resettlement. Yet the economic divisions of Venetian Ithaca were not recognized by the state as formal classes.
In the time between I wrote this article and its appearance in print, the reopening of the long-closed Ithacan state archives has given me access to relevant new documentary sources. Not being possible to incorporate the new evidence, this piece represents the state of the available sources before the archive became accessible. I must thank George Paxinos for supplying an old catalogue of the archive (my only insight into its collections at the time of writing) and for his help with all things Ithacological, and Nada Zečević for her advice on the Tocco period.
1 Foscolo, U., Edizione nazionale delle opere di Ugo Foscolo, XIII (Florence 1964) 12Google Scholar (my translation).
2 For Cephalonia, see e.g., Zapanti, S., Κεφαλονιά 1500–1571, η συγκρότηση της κοινωνίας του νησιού (Ioannina, 1999)Google Scholar; Zaridi, D.D., Το Libro d'Oro της Κεφαλονιάς του έτους 1799 (Argostoli 2014)Google Scholar.
3 For an introduction, see A. Papadia-Lala, ‘Society, administration and identities in Latin Greece’, in N.I. Tsougarakis and P. Lock (eds) A Companion to Latin Greece (Leiden 2014) 114–44.
4 The most detailed treatment of the topic is by Zaridi in her work on Cephalonia: Zaridi, Το Libro d'Oro, 44–5. See also Zapanti, S., ‘Η Ιθάκη στα πρώτα χρόνια της Βενετοκρατίας’, Κεφαλληνιακά Χρονικά 7 (1998) 129–33Google Scholar.
5 E.g, Miller, W., Essays on the Latin Orient (Cambridge 1921) 217Google Scholar, 264 and The Latins in the Levant (London 1908) 557; Michalopoulos, F., ‘Η Ιθάκη επί Βενετοκρατίας’, Ελληνική Δημιουργία 74 (1951) 365–8Google Scholar.
6 See Moustoxidis, A., Ελληνομνήμων ή Σύμμεικτα Ελληνικά, 10 (1847) 571Google Scholar; P. Chiotis, Ιστορικά Απομνημονεύματα, II (Corfu 1858) 228; K. Hopf, ‘Griechenland im Mittelalter’, in J.S. Ersch and J.G. Gruber (eds) Allgemeine Encyclopädie der Wissenschaften und Künste (Leipzig 1868) 160.
7 Moschopoulos, G.N., ‘Το Libro d'Oro στην Επτάνησο’, Άνθη Χαρίτων 18 (1998) 395–409Google Scholar; Griva, E.F., Το Libro d'Oro της Ιθάκης (Argostoli 1997)Google Scholar.
8 Miller, Essays, 261–4.
9 Miller, Essays, 263; Zečević, N., The Tocco of the Greek Realm (Belgrade 2014) 33Google Scholar. The date of 1357 is not certain: see Zečević, 175–6.
10 Moustoxidis, Ελληνομνήμων, 10 (1847) 571; Chiotis, Ιστορικά Απομνημονεύματα, II, 228; Zečević, The Tocco, 103 n. 133; Hopf, ‘Griechenland im Mittelalter’, 104–5. Note that Hopf gives Eudokia as the wife of Franculo, which appears to be an error: P. Chiotis, Ιστορικά Απομνημονεύματα, III, 35.
11 Hopf, ‘Griechenland im Mittelalter’, 105–6, 136, 160, 166. I prefer this spelling to Hopf's Pelegano, which which reproduces the corruption likely taken from Chiotis (Πελεγάνος).
12 Moustoxidis, Ελληνομνήμων, 10 (1847) 571; Chiotis, Ιστορικά Απομνημονεύματα, II, 228; Zečević, The Tocco, 103 n. 133; Hopf, ‘Griechenland im Mittelalter’, 104–5.
13 Moustoxidis, Ελληνομνήμων, 10 (1847) 571; Chiotis, Ιστορικά Απομνημονεύματα, 1858, II, 228; Zečević, The Tocco, 103 n. 133; Hopf, ‘Griechenland im Mittelalter’, 104–5. Hopf gives ‘Francesco’ in his diaries: Hopf, K., ‘Reiseberichte’ in Monatsberichte der Königlichen Preussische Akademie der Wissenschaften zu Berlin. Aus dem Jahre 1864 (Berlin 1865) 227Google Scholar.
14 Zečević, The Tocco, 68–9.
15 Zečević, The Tocco, 69.
16 Moustoxidis, Ελληνομνήμων, 10 (1847) 571; Chiotis, Ιστορικά Απομνημονεύματα, II, 228; Zečević, The Tocco, 103 n. 133; Hopf, ‘Griechenland im Mittelalter’, 104–5. Hopf writes that the privileges were confirmed again in 1459, 1479 and 1485 for Franculo's heirs. See also Hopf, ‘Reiseberichte’, 227. The original source cited by Mustoxidi, Hopf and Chiotis was held in the Venetian records at the archive of Zante, destroyed in the earthquake of 1953.
17 Chiotis, Ιστορικά Απομνημονεύματα, II, 228; III, 35.
18 Chiotis, Ιστορικά Απομνημονεύματα, II, 228.
19 Zečević, The Tocco, 176. The dates provided hold only if the grant to Kaisar Galatis was by Leonardo II.
20 Hopf, ‘Griechenland im Mittelalter’, 160; Miller, The Latins, 557. Important for the interpretation of this citation is the journal entry of Hopf for his travels to the Heptanese in 1862–3: Hopf, ‘Reiseberichte’, 227–9 concerning the Palagani and Galati.
21 Hopf, ‘Griechenland im Mittelalter’, 160.
22 B. Hendrickx and T. Sansaridou-Hendrickx, ‘The “Despotate” of the Tocco as “state” (14th-15th century)’, Acta Patristica et Byzantina 19.1 (2008) 135–52 (144).
23 See generally B. Hendrickx and T. Sansaridou-Hendrickx, ‘The military organization and the army of the Despotate of the Tocco (14th–15th cent.)’, Acta Patristica et Byzantina 20.1 (2009) 215–31; C. Gasparis, ‘Land and landowners in the Greek territories under Latin dominion, 13th–14th centuries’, in N.I. Tsougarakis and P. Lock (eds) A Companion to Latin Greece, 73–113; more generally Karapidakis, N., ‘Άρχοντες και αρχοντία 15ος–19ος αι’, Τα Ιστορικά 59 (2013) 282–324Google Scholar.
24 Zečević, The Tocco, 202. More detail in Hendrickx, B., ‘Féodalité et relations féodales et pseudo- ou quasi-féodales dans les territoires des Tocco (14e–15e siècles)’, Εκκλησιαστικός Φάρος 90 (2008) 278–81Google Scholar.
25 Hendrickx and Sansaridou-Hendrickx, ‘The military organization’, 219–20; Zečević, The Tocco, 92–5.
26 See generally Papadia-Lala, ‘Society, administration and identities’, 121, 123, 137.
27 Miller, The Latins, 486.
28 Miller, The Latins, 152, 159–60, 181, 344, 371–2; D.M. Nicol, The Despotate of Epiros, 2nd edn (Cambridge 1984) 43; Lambros, S.P., ‘Η υπό του Ριχάρδου Ορσίνη παραχώρησις της Ιθάκης’, Νέος Ελληνομνήμων 11 (1914) 414–16Google Scholar.
29 Hopf, ‘Griechenland im Mittelalter’, 160, 188; Chiotis, Ιστορικά Απομνημονεύματα, 1863, III, 237; Miller, Essays, 217, 264; Miller, The Latins 557.
30 Chiotis, Ιστορικά Απομνημονεύματα, III, 237.
31 The identification of the first uses is made in Zapanti, Κεφαλονιά, 197. See the first use of the term, in 1502: C.N. Sathas, Documents inédits relatifs à l'histoire de la Grèce au moyen âge, V (Paris 1883) 155. See generally D. Jacoby, ‘Social evolution in Latin Greece’, in K.M. Setton, H.W. Hazard, and N.P. Zacour (eds), The Impact of the Crusades on Europe (Madison 1989) 193 n. 30; Jacoby, D., La féodalité en Grèce médiévale: Les ‘Assises de Romanie’ (Paris, 1971) 295–9Google Scholar. More generally see A. Asdracha and S. Asdrachas, ‘Στη φεουδαλική Κέρκυρα: από τους πάροικους στους vassalli angararii’, Τα Ιστορικά 3 (1985) 77–94.
32 Zapanti, Κεφαλονιά, 197–202.
33 Jacoby, ‘Social Evolution in Latin Greece’, 200; Jacoby, La féodalité, 295–9. See also Gasparis, ‘Land and landowners’, 85–7.
34 See B. Bessi, ‘The Ionian Islands in the Liber Insularum of Cristoforo Buondelmonti’, in A. Hirst and P. Sammon (eds), The Ionian Islands (Newcastle 2014) 245–7.
35 Sathas, Documents, VI (1884) 215–6.
36 Miller, Essays, 203.
37 Sathas, Documents, V, 157; cf. the copies reproduced in Antonios Miliarakis, Γεωγραφία πολιτική νέα και αρχαία του νομού Κεφαλληνίας (Athens 1890) 191. Cf F. Stefani (ed.) I diarii di Marino Sanuto, V (Venice 1881) col. 1009.
38 Tsiknakes, K., Οι εκθέσεις των Βενετών προνοητών της Κεφαλονιάς (16ος αιώνας) (Athens 2008) 22Google Scholar; Sathas, Documents, VI, 285. The improbably small number of sixty families has been countered with good contrary evidence: P.G. Callinicos, Επτανησιακά (κατά το πλείστο Ιθακησιακά) σύμμεικτα, 2nd edn (Athens 1991) 106–7. See nn. 63 and 64 below.
39 Tsiknakes, Οι εκθέσεις, 123.
40 P.G. Callinicos, Επτανησιακά, 104. Cf E. Zavitsanos, Οικονομική και κοινωνική ζωή της Ιθάκης (Athens 1952) 26; Michalopoulos, ‘Η Ιθάκη επί Βενετοκρατίας’, 365; Paxinos, G., Passage to Ithaca (Melbourne 2012) 34Google Scholar; Zapanti, Κεφαλονιά, 23.
41 Compare Cephalonia: Zapanti, Κεφαλονιά, 22–3.
42 Callinicos, Επτανησιακά, 104; Miller, Essays, 262, 265; Stefani (ed.) I diarii, XXX (1891) 35; Sathas, Documents, VI, 215–6, and IX, 166–7; cf. Tsakiri, R., ‘H Ιθάκη μέσα από τις μαρτυρίες των Βενετών αξιωματούχων κατά τον 17ο αιώνα: κρησφύγετο πειρατών, παρανόμων και εξορίστων’ Κερκυραϊκά Χρονικά 8 (2015) 635–44Google Scholar.
43 Stefani (ed.) I diarii, V, col. 883. Compare also col. 874, 967–8. For context, see a discussion of other contemporary records by Marcelo in Zapanti, Κεφαλονιά, 209.
44 Michalopoulos, ‘Η Ιθάκη επί Βενετοκρατίας’; Zapanti, ‘Η Ιθάκη στα πρώτα χρόνια᾽, 130 n. 4.
45 Zapanti, ‘Η Ιθάκη στα πρώτα χρόνια’, 129–30.
46 Zapanti, ‘Η Ιθάκη στα πρώτα χρόνια’, 130 n. 4.
47 For comparison with the land grab in Cephalonia after 1503, see Zapanti, Κεφαλονιά, 209.
48 Zečević, The Tocco, 123–36.
49 Zapanti, Κεφαλονιά, 24. See also Stefani (ed.) I diarii, V, col. 967–8.
50 Chiotis, Ιστορικά Απομνημονεύματα, II, 228 n. 62; Hopf, ‘Griechenland im Mittelalter’, 160. In his journals, Hopf writes that in Zante in May 1863 he met a Gerasimos Galatis, who had moved from Ithaca, and who possessed a copy of the 1558 document: Hopf, ‘Reiseberichte', 229. The existence of the document today is unknown to me.
51 Chiotis, Ιστορικά Απομνημονεύματα, II, 228 n. 62 (my italics). The Venetian recognition of the Galati may be compared to that of the Siguro in Zante: M. Kolyvà, ‘Cittadin e mercadante de lì: the early sixteenth-century Sopracomito in Armata, Jacomo Siguro’ in G. Christ and F.-J. Morche (eds) Cultures of Empire: rethinking Venetian rule 1400–1700 (Leiden 2020) 179–208, particularly 181–2. The Siguro were allowed to benefit from taxes collected which would otherwise go to the state. The same for the counts Dalladecima, whose name comes from the very fact they were entitled to benefit from the tithe of the tenth (decima) collected on Kalamos and Kastos: Lekatsas, Η Ιθάκη, II, 36–7; Karavias Grivas, Ιστορία της Ιθάκης, 101–4.
52 Hopf, ‘Reiseberichte', 229.
53 On the archival documents relating to this episode see Dimitrakopoulos, O., ‘Προεταιριστικές δραστηριότητες του Φιλικού Νικολάου Γαλάτη’, Επετηρίς Εταιρείας Στερεοελλαδικών Μελετών, 5 (1974) 366–70Google Scholar. The only biography, not always fully documented, is Moraitinis-Patriarcheas, Νικόλαος Γαλάτης ο Φιλικός (Athens 2002).
54 Dimitrakopoulos, ‘Προεταιριστικές Δραστηριότητες’, 372. The document is in the UK National Archives, file C.O. 136/381. I thank Dr Hywel Maslen for his assistance in accessing the documents.
55 Sathas, Documents, V, 157; Miliarakis, Γεωγραφία, 191. See also Zavitsanos, Οικονομική, 28–30, 31–4, 35–7; Lekatsas, Η Ιθάκη, II, 20–42, 42–52.
56 Jacoby, La féodalité, 204, 295–9.
57 Zapanti, Κεφαλονιά, 197–202.
58 Sathas, Documents, V, 157. The so-called Prossalendi will is early evidence of testamentary disposition from 1585: P.G. Callinicos, ‘Η διαθήκη ενός Θιακοκερκυραίου του δεκάτου έκτου αιώνα’ in Callinicos, Επτανησιακά, 81–101. In the absence of specific evidence of land grants from 1504 the comparison of contemporaneous grants in Cephalonia (for the same purpose of repopulating the island) might be consulted, see Zapanti, Κεφαλονιά, 208–16.
59 Zapanti, Κεφαλονιά, 382–3.
60 Cf Jacoby, La féodalité, 204; Gasparis, ‘Land and Landowners’, 88; Zapanti, Κεφαλονιά, 215.
61 Zapanti, Κεφαλονιά, 215, 221.
62 ‘benissimo habitada’: Sathas, Documents, V, 202.
63 Partsch, Kefallenia und Ithaka (Gotha 1890) 47; Callinicos, ‘Η Διαθήκη’, 103 n. 3; Zavitsanou, Οικονομική, 25–27. The trend is clear but individual statistics appear inconsistent. Reports of 1604 and 1608 give 1400 and 1500 persons respectively: Bruno Crevato-Selvaggi et al. (eds), Cefalonia e Itaca al tempo della Serenissima (Milan 2013) 116. A report of 1628 gives 1723 persons: Maria Fusaro, Uva passa (Venice 1996) 100. An inconsistency is clear when we compare the 1620 count of 2500 persons: Partsch, loc.cit.; cf. Lunzi, E., Della condizione politica delle isole Jonie (Venice 1858) 348Google Scholar, giving 2500 souls in 1622.
64 This would further support Callinicos’ doubt about a report of 1548 which recorded the island's population as merely 60 families, on the basis that already 18 families are listed in just one will of 1585: Callinicos, Επτανησιακά, 106.
65 Callinicos, ‘Η Διαθήκη’. That the testator Thodoris Prosalentis was himself a settler in the first five years after 1504 is unlikely, though he was possibly the son of such a settler from Corfu.
66 Callinicos, ‘Η Διαθήκη’, 85–7. The properties disposed in the will are listed with their productive capacity in the volumetric unit bacile (βατσέλι), equivalent to a land area of 799 m2 in sixteenth-century Cephalonia: Zapanti, Κεφαλονιά, 208 n. 65. The testator describes several properties of various sizes, most being just 1, 2 and 3 bacile, and two outliers of 7 and 10 bacile. These are clearly fields of small size and several are described with names of persons who appear to be tenant farmers. See n. 64 and text, and n. 69.
67 Callinicos, Επτανησιακά, 87.
68 Zapanti, S., Γεώργιος Βλασόπουλος. Νοτάριος Ιθάκης, 1636–1648 (Thessaloniki 2002) 49Google Scholar. These and other unpublished early notarial records remain to be seriously studied.
69 In addition to the evidence of the Prossalendi will is a land-sale contract of 1565. It does not give the sizes of the various plots it describes, though the number of them together with the names of the neighbouring landowners (including a Thodoris Proselentis and his son) suggests they were of comparably small size to those in the 1585 will: Zapanti, Κεφαλονιά, 382–3.
70 Zapanti, ‘Η Ιθάκη στα πρώτα χρόνια᾽, 133. See also Zaridi, Το Libro d'Oro, 45.
71 Zapanti, Κεφαλονιά, 227–8.
72 Zaridi, Το Libro d'Oro, 45–6; Zapanti, Γεώργιος Βλασόπουλος, passim.
73 Callinicos, ‘Η Διαθήκη’.
74 Hopf, ‘Reiseberichte’, 229. The use of ‘illustrissimo’ in address was not a formal title (like ‘count’) but an honorific.
75 Chiotis, Ιστορικά Απομνημονεύματα, II, 228 n. 62; Hopf, ‘Griechenland im Mittelalter’, 160.
76 See, with extensive bibliography: Zaridi, Το Libro d'Oro, 36–7, 42–4. Also A. Papadia-Lala, ‘Society, administration and identities’, 135–7. The authoritative study of the legal terminology is N. Karapidakis, ‘Η κερκυραϊκή ευγένεια των αρχών του ιζ΄ αιώνα’ Τα Ιστορικά, 2.3 (1985) 95–124, esp. 97–106.
77 Zaridi, Το Libro d'Oro, 40–4, 55; Karapidakis, ‘Η κερκυραϊκή ευγένεια’; D.E. Vlassi, ‘Η αναμόρφωση του συμβουλίου της Κεφαλονιάς από το γενικό προβλεπτή της θάλασσας Giovanni Battista Vitturi (1751)’, in Πρακτικά του ΣΤ΄Διεθνούς Πανιονίου Συνεδρίου, II (Thessaloniki 2001) 332 n. 31.
78 Papadia-Lala, ‘Society, administration and identities in Latin Greece’, 136; Zaridi, Το Libro d'Oro, 40–1; D.E. Vlassi, ‘Κοινωνική και οικονομική συγκρότηση του ορεινού χώρου στη βενετοκρατούμενη Κεφαλονιά’, in K.E. Lambrinos (ed.), Κοινωνίες της υπαίθρου στην Ελληνοβενετική ανατολή (13ος–18ος αι.) (Athens 2018) 126.
79 See generally Papadia-Lala, ‘Society, administration and identities’, 136, 139; Zaridi, Το Libro d'Oro, 47; G. Yannoulopoulos, ‘State and Society in the Ionian Islands, 1800–1830’, in R. Clogg (ed.) Balkan Society in the Age of Greek Independence (London 1981) 48–50. For Corfu, see Ν.E. Karapidakis, ‘Les fiefs de Corfou au cours des temps modernes’, in R. Cancila and A.M., Quaderni (eds), Feudalesimi nel Mediterraneo moderno (Palermo 2015) 84; Karapidakis, ‘Η κερκυραϊκή ευγένεια’. See also Fusaro, Maria, Political Economies of Empire in the Early Modern Mediterranean (Cambridge 2015) 315–22CrossRefGoogle Scholar.
80 G. Pojago, Le Leggi municipali delle Isole Jonie, II (Corfu 1848) 271 (law signed by the Proveditor estraordinario Nicolò Erizzo, 7 August 1786, art XIV); Karapidakis, ‘Η κερκυραϊκή ευγένεια’, 101 and 106ff. Compare entry to the council in Cephalonia, in Papadia-Lala, ‘Society, administration and identities’, 137.
81 Sathas, Documents, VI, 284.
82 Fusaro, Uva passa, 104, 135; Partsch, Kefallenia und Ithaka, 104; Lekatsas, Η Ιθάκη, II, 20; Zavitsanos, Οικονομική, 29.
83 On the Ithacan apparatus, see Sathas, Documents, V, 202, cf. 211 (delegation of judicial process from Cephalonia); Karavias Grivas, Ιστορία της Ιθάκης, 69; Lekatsas, Η Ιθάκη, II, 12–8.
84 The privileges attached to ennoblement were personal (not familial) and heritable only by linear descent (i.e. to sons), not by horizontal relation (i.e. to cousins): see Zaridi, Το Libro d'Oro, 49. Thus it is worth noting that the status of Galati in Cephalonia, who were members of the council, was independent of the status of the family in Ithaca.
85 Chiotis, Ιστορικά Απομνημονεύματα, II, 228.
86 Hopf, ‘Reiseberichte’, 229. The point is really a tautology.
87 The earliest documented appearance of a Galatis in the Venetian administration of Ithaca is in the local office of notary, Thodorin Galati, 1685–93: see E. Griva, ‘The Historical Archive of Ithaca: Catalogue’ (Ithaca 1990, unpublished document supplied to author by G. Paxinos) 2.
88 Zaridi, Το Libro d'Oro, 45. The absence of formal distinction is meant in the sense that the local Ithacan administrators were not cittadini, that is, members of the political community of Cephalonia.
89 Sathas, Documents, V, 202. Note this record does not mention the two locally elected δημογέροντες which Karavias Grivas claims sat beneath the Cephalonian appointee: Karavias Grivas, Ιστορία της Ιθάκης, 69.
90 The petition is described, without any citation, in Lekatsas, Η Ιθάκη, II, 17–8; cf. Karavias Grivas, Ιστορία της Ιθάκης, 70. Yet note the continued presence of an appointee of the Cephalonian council, for example with Nicolo Traulo as ‘Capitanio al Theachi’ in the proceedings of the council, 19 March 1593: Moschonas, N.G., ‘Πρακτικά Συμβουλίου Κοινότητας Κεφαλονιάς: Βιβλίο Α’ (19 Μαρτίου–19 Απριλίου 1593)’, Βυζαντινά Σύμμεικτα 3 (1979) 265–350Google Scholar (277).
91 On the political character of the local nobility, see Zaridi, Το Libro d'Oro, 49, 55; Papadia-Lala, ‘Society, Administration and Identities in Latin Greece’, 137; Vlassi, ‘Η αναμόρφωση’, 332 n. 31; Karapidakis, ‘Η κερκυραϊκή ευγένεια’.
92 Karavias Grivas, Ιστορία της Ιθάκης, 70; Lekatsas, Η Ιθάκη, II, 17–8.
93 Fusaro, Political Economies, 306–7.
94 Ibid 307–8.
95 Crevato-Selvaggi et al, Cefalonia e Itaca, 88.
96 Fusaro, Uva passa, 95–6.
97 Ibid 100.
98 Callinicos, ‘Η Διαθήκη’.
99 Zapanti, Κεφαλονιά, 228, 382–3.
100 Callinicos, ‘Η Διαθήκη’, 85–7, 87.
101 Callinicos, ‘Η Διαθήκη’, 85–7.
102 Callinicos, ‘Η Διαθήκη’, 86, 100. Callinicos reads these as examples of agricultural leases: ‘τα χωράφια αυτά … σπερνόνταν … από τρίτους στους οποίους “τα πάχτωνε”’.
103 Zapanti, Κεφαλονιά, 228. A Cephalonian example of 1575 is recorded in C. Bagionakis, D. Michalaga and M. Bletas (eds), Νικόλαος Καπιάνος: Νοταριακές Πράξεις (1571–1576) (Athens 2008) 55–6; cf. Zapanti, Κεφαλονιά, 378.
104 Fusaro, Political Economies, 301, 326; Fusaro, Uva passa, 59–60, 91–3.
105 Zaridi, Το Libro d'Oro, 45–6. See Zapanti, Γεώργιος Βλασόπουλος passim. Nevertheless note the presence of κυρ already in a sale contract in 1565, indicating merely those wealthy landowners who cultivated their own land: Zapanti, Κεφαλονιά, 228, 382–3.
106 Zavitsanou, Οικονομική, 29–30; Karavias Grivas, Ιστορία της Ιθάκης, 71.
