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Inter-faith relations and their spatial representation in the Late Medieval Aegean: the double-apsed churches of Kythnos in the Western Cyclades

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  13 December 2022

Christianna Veloudaki*
Affiliation:
University of Edinburgh christiannav@hotmail.com

Abstract

This article discusses the double-apsed churches (single-naved churches with two high altars) of Kythnos in the western Cyclades. The reasons for this uncommon configuration, although much debated, are not entirely clear. According to local tradition, during the period of Latin rule (thirteenth–seventeenth centuries) double-apsed churches were designed to accommodate both Orthodox and Catholic liturgies, or even some combination of the two. Combining information from written sources with architectural surveys at Oria Kastro, the island's ruined medieval capital, an attempt is made here to document Kythnos’ double-apsed churches and identify how these small provincial monuments reflect socio-religious conditions and inter-faith relations in the late medieval Aegean.

Type
Article
Copyright
Copyright © The Author(s), 2022. Published by Cambridge University Press on behalf of Centre for Byzantine, Ottoman and Modern Greek Studies, University of Birmingham

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References

1 de Tournefort, J. P., A voyage into the Levant performed by command of the late French king, I (London 1718) 275Google Scholar.

2 Miller, W., The Latins in the Levant, a history of Frankish Greece (1204−1566) (London 1908) 641−4Google Scholar; Slot, B., Archipelagus Turbatus: les Cyclades entre colonisation latine et occupation ottomane c. 1500–1718, 2 vols (Istanbul 1982) 134Google Scholar.

3 E.g. I. Psillas, Ιστορία της Νήσου Κέας από αρχαιοτάτων χρόνων μέχρι των καθ' ημάς (Athens 1921) 147−8; S. Lagouros, Η ιστορία της Τήνου (από των αρχαιοτάτων χρόνων έως σήμερον) (Athens 1965) 37−40.

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5 According to G. Dimitrokallis there are no more than two hundred examples recorded in the global bibliography; 48 of them are in the Cyclades, see G. Dimitrokallis, Οι δίκογχοι χριστιανικοί ναοί (Athens 1976) 160−78 and Παραδοσιακή ναοδομία στην Τήνο (Athens 2004) 47.

6 E.g. C. Enlart, L'art gothique et la Renaissance en Chypre, vol. 1 (Paris 1899) 407; N. Moutsopoulos, Η Παλαιοχώρα της Αιγίνης (Athens 1962) 216, 224−8; D. Vasiliadis, ‘Μονόκλιτες βασιλικές με δύο κόγχες ιερού’, Ζυγός 78−9 (1962) 69−73 and 'Αι επιπεδόστεγαι μεταβυζαντιναί βασιλικαί των Κυκλάδων', Επετηρίς Εταιρείας Κυκλαδικών Μελετών 2 (1962) 103−442 (107−8).

7 E.g. the double-apsed church of 1074 in Corfu dedicated to St Elias and St Merkourios, on which see P. Vokotopoulos, ‘Συμβολή εις την μελέτην των μονόχωρων ναών μετά δύο κογχών ιερού’, Χαριστήριον εις Α. Κ. Ορλάνδον, vol. 4 (Athens 1968) 66−74 (70−4). For an overview of the different views on the subject, see O. Gratziou, Η Κρήτη στην ύστερη μεσαιωνική εποχή. Η μαρτυρία της εκκλησιαστικής αρχιτεκτονικής (Heraklion 2010) 174−7.

8 Dimitrokallis, Οι δίκογχοι χριστιανικοί ναοί, 477−80.

9 Gratziou, Η Κρήτη στην ύστερη μεσαιωνική εποχή; E. Cruikshank Dodd, Medieval Painting in the Lebanon (Wiesbaden 2004) 23−5.

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11 The word kastro (κάστρο) is used here to define fortified settlements and towns established during the medieval and late medieval periods on the Cyclades. On its definition, see Kazhdan, A. P., The Oxford Dictionary of Byzantium (Oxford 1991) 140Google Scholar.

12 Miller, The Latins in the Levant, 641.

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14 C. Veloudaki and D. Theodossopoulos, ‘Oria Kastro on Kythnos: analysis of the built remains’, Proceedings of the 7th Conference of the Construction History Society (Cambridge 2020) 235−48. The modest dimensions of the structures and the use of local materials is common to the contemporary kastra of the Cyclades (e.g. Apano Kastro in Naxos) and does not necessarily indicate a lack of means or ambition on the part of the island's overlords.

15 That was very common in many other island settlements, e.g. Paroikia on Paros; see A. Orlandos, ‘Οι μεταβυζαντινοί ναοί της Πάρου’, in Αρχείον Βυζαντινών Μνημείων της Ελλάδος, vol. 8 (Athens 1961) 119−21.

16 I. C. Eubel, Hierarchia Catholica medii et recentioris aevi, vol. 1 (Monasterii 1913) 333; Veloudaki and Theodossopoulos, ‘Oria Kastro on Kythnos’, 244.

17 A. Vallindas, Κυθνιακά ήτοι της νήσου Κύθνου χωρογραφία και ιστορία μετά του βίου των συγχρόνων Κυθνίων εν ω ήθη και έθη και γλώσσα και γένη κλπ. (Ermoupolis 1882) 31−2; Vallindas, Ιστορία της νήσου Κύθνου, 41−2.

18 Fifteen in 1638 according to F. Lupazzolo (BL Lansdowne MS 792, fo72), about 20 in the 1880s according to Vallindas, Κυθνιακά, 35.

19 The inscription was first transcribed and published by Vallindas in the 1880s: Κυθνιακά, 34.

20 Op.cit., 30

21 1700's report to the Propaganda by A. Giustiniani, bishop of Syros, M. Marcopoli, 'Η Δυτική εκκλησία της πόλεως Κύθνου', Εικονογραφημένη Εστία 16 (1895) 126−7; 1711's report by Smaragdo Rugghieri, deacon of Naxos, S. Simeonidis, ‘H εκκλησιαστική κατάσταση της πότε Λατινικής επισκοπής Κέας, Κύθνου και Σίφνου κατά το 1711’, Κυκλαδικά Θέματα 21 (1987) 150−3.

22 Dimitrokallis, Παραδοσιακή ναοδομία στην Τήνο, 47.

23 Messaria has not been subject to systematic study, so only hypotheses regarding the evolution of the settlement can be made.

24 Vallindas, Ιστορία της νήσου Κύθνου, 51

25 Op.cit., 41−2.

26 Op.cit., 39.

27 A. K. Sarou, ‘Περί μεικτών ναών Ορθόδοξων και Καθολικών εν Χίω’, Επετηρίς Εταιρείας Βυζαντινών Σπουδών ΙΘ’ (1949) 194−208 (202).

28 According to Dimitrokallis, Tenos has twenty examples, Santorini five, Sifnos three; Paros, Andros, Mykonos and Serifos only one each. Naxos according to a more recent study has ten, K. Aslanidis, ‘Βυζαντινή Ναοδομία στη Νάξο. Η μετεξέλιξη από την Παλαιοχριστιανική στη Μεσοβυζαντινή Αρχιτεκτονική’, PhD Thesis, University of Patras 2014, 312.

29 Saulger, R., L'Histoire nouvelle des anciennes ducs et autres souverains de l'Archipel (Paris 1698) 11Google Scholar; N. Tomadakis, ‘Περί Χωροεπισκόπων και Πρωτοπαπάδων των Κυκλάδων νήσων’, Κιμωλιακά 6 (1977) 3−16 (3−4).

30 P. Zerlentis, Ιστορικαί έρευναι περί τα εκκλησίας των νήσων της Ανατολικής Μεσογείου θαλάσσης (Ermoupolis 1913) 15, 43; see also S. Simeonidis, Σιφνιακά, Επετηρίς της ιστορικής ύλης της Σίφνου 11 (Athens 2003) 5, and A. Kasdagli, ‘Custom, tradition and “the law” in the post-medieval Cyclades’, in M. Rhoads (ed.), Imperial Lineages and Legacies in the Eastern Mediterranean: recording the imprint of Roman, Byzantine and Ottoman rule (Farnham 2017) 49−60 (53). Some scholars have even suggested that Greeks were prohibited from building new Orthodox churches during the Latinokratia; see G. Dimitrokallis, ‘Βυζαντινοί και Μεταβυζαντινοί ναοί στη Σίφνο’, Proceedings of the 2nd international Sifnean symposium, Sifnos 27−30 June 2002, vol. 2 (Athens 2002) 33−96 (33).

31 The Gozzadini gradually expanded their rule over Anaphe, Sifnos, a part of Kea, Pholegandros, Sikinos, Gyaros, Kimolos and Polyaigos.

32 Slot, Archipelagus Turbatus, 115.

33 B. Slot, ‘Καθολικαί εκκλησίαι Κιμώλου και των πέριξ νήσων. Ιστορία των Δυτικών ναυτικών κοινοτήτων των ΝΔ Κυκλάδων και των Εκκλησιών των (1600−1893)’, Kιμωλικά 5 (1974) 51−295 (105).

34 Miller, The Latins in the Levant, 628−30.

35 Ersch and Grüber, Allgemeine Encyclopädie, 420.

36 Vallindas, Ιστορία της νήσου Κύθνου, 45−6.

37 Op.cit., 52−3.

38 Only one icon of Virgin Mary with a bilingual inscription (ΜΗΡ-ΘΥ ΙΗ. ΧΡΙ. ΖΩΟΔΟΧΟΣ ΠΗΓΗ and MATER DEI CHRISTUS AQUA RU…) was still preserved in Vallindas’ time in St Panteleimon in Messaria; op.cit., 53.

39 After 1566 when the Duchy islands were either annexed or became tributary to the Porte, the Orthodox Sees were reinstated. The Catholic church fell gradually into decline not only due to the shortage of priests but also because it failed to become legally recognized by the Turkish state. An official document (berat) issued by the sultan was required to maintain the functions and properties of both rites, but contrary to the Orthodox most Catholic prelates did not manage to acquire it; see Slot, ‘Καθολικαί εκκλησίαι Κιμώλου’, 57.

40 Op.cit., 120.

41 Sebastiani, G. M., Viaggio, e nauigatione di monsignor Sebastiani, F. Giuseppe di S. Maria Dell’ Ordine do’ Carmelitani Scalzi (Rome 1687) 120Google Scholar.

42 M. Roussos-Milidonis, Ιησουίτες του 17ου και του 18ου περιγράφουν το Αιγαίο (Athens 1989) 85, and M. Roussos-Milidonis, Το Ελληνικό Αρχιπέλαγος, Α'. Σίφνος, Σέριφος, Κύθνος, Άνδρος, Νάξος, Θήρα (Athens 2002) 28−33.

43 See M. Mersch, ‘Churches as ‘shared spaces’ in the Eastern Mediterranean (fourteenth to fifteenth centuries)’, in G. Christ et al. (eds), Union in Separation, Diasporic Groups and Identities in the Eastern Mediterranean (1100−1800) (Rome 2015) 461−84 for fourteenth and fifteenth-century evidence from Euboea, the Morea, Cyprus and Crete; Gratziou, Η Κρήτη στην ύστερη μεσαιωνική εποχή, 127−83 for textual and material evidence from fourteenth to seventeenth-century Crete; Sarou, ‘Περί μεικτών ναών Ορθόδοξων και Καθολικών εν Χίω’, 194−208 for archival evidence from Chios; D. Lappa, ‘Ma pure vi è questa strada di mezzo: Χριστιανοί του Ανατολικού Δόγματος στην πόλη της Βενετικής Κέρκυρας: Μια θρησκευτικότητα της μεθορίου (16ος-18ος αι.)’, Μνήμων 36 (2019) 83–118 for evidence from Corfu; Cruikshank Dodd, Medieval Painting in the Lebanon, for twelfth and thirteenth-century examples from Lebanon, Palestine and Syria.

44 Cherry, J. F., Davis, J. L. and Mantzourani, E. (eds), Landscape Archaeology as Long-Term History: Northern Keos in the Cycladic Islands (Los Angeles 1991) 353Google Scholar; M. Kontilieris, Νάξος (Athens 1929) 52.

45 M. Foskolos, Τηνιακά Ανάλεκτα, vol. 4 (Athens 2000) 226, 246, 254−5.

46 Op.cit., 257, 259, 277.

47 Op.cit., 230.

48 M. Gedeon, Κανονικαί Διατάξεις, Επιστολαί, Λύσεις, Θεσπίσματα των Αγιωτάτων Πατριαρχών Κωνσταντινουπόλεως, από Γρηγορίου τοῦ Θεολόγου μέχρι Διονυσίου του από Αδριανουπόλεως, vol. 1 (Constantinople 1888) 252−4; Foskolos, Τηνιακά Ανάλεκτα, 231−2, 285−8.

49 See Foskolos, Τηνιακά Ανάλεκτα, 257−8, 265−6, and Dimitrokallis, Παραδοσιακή ναοδομία στην Τήνο, 56, 33, 45.

50 Slot, ‘Καθολικαί εκκλησίαι Κιμώλου’, 117−21.

51 Miller, The Latins in the Levant, 628, 635−6; Saulger, L'Histoire nouvelle des anciennes ducs et autres souverains de l'Archipel, 191.

52 A N. Rottas (1789) is buried in St Sabbas and G. Mazarakis (nineteenth century) in St John; Dimitrokallis, Οι δίκογχοι χριστιανικοί ναοί, 163, 173.

53 Gratziou, Η Κρήτη στην ύστερη μεσαιωνική εποχή, 178−9.

54 To my knowledge, on the other main islands of the Gozzadini, Kea and Sifnos just one and three double-apsed churches respectively have been recorded: see Cherry, Davis and Mantzourani, Landscape Archaeology as Long-Term History, 353 and Dimitrokallis, Οι δίκογχοι χριστιανικοί ναοί, 179−88. However, unlike Oria, the kastra of these islands have evolved into modern settlements and are still in use, so radical alterations may have taken place over the years. Further research may perhaps identify more double-apsed churches.

55 For relevant examples from Crete and Chios, see Gratziou, Η Κρήτη στην ύστερη μεσαιωνική εποχή, 180−2; Sarou, ‘Περί μεικτών ναών Ορθόδοξων και Καθολικών εν Χίω’, 200.

56 O. Vavatsioulas, ’Το κάστρο της Νάξου: οικοδομική ιστορία’, PhD thesis, National Technical University of Athens 2007, 101.

57 Shared use of the altar (albeit unwillingly on the part of the Orthodox) is documented as early as 1215 at the Lateran IV Council, Alberigo, G., Melloni, A. (eds), Conciliorum Oecumenicorum Generaliumque Decreta II/1 (Bologna 2013) 169Google Scholar.

58 Slot, ‘Καθολικαί εκκλησίαι Κιμώλου’, 89.