¹ Farina, La: ‘Cavour's party helped the expedition with every possible means’, Atti Parlamentari, 18 June 1863.Google ScholarNazari-Micheli, I.: ‘Certainly his help had to be given covertly, and even be concealed behind a pretended persecution.… But no-one can deny any longer that Cavour helped the Sicilian insurrection from March 34 onwards, and the expedition of the Thousand from the time of its preparation’, Cavour e Garibaldi nel 1860 (1911), pp. 194–5.Google Scholar See also Bianchi, N., Il Conte Camillo di Cavour (1863), p. 91Google Scholar; Matter, P., Cavour et l'Utdté Italienne (1927), III, 342Google Scholar; Zanichelli, D., Cavour (1926), p. 376Google Scholar.

⁸ Trevelyan, G. M., Garibaldi and the Thousand (1909), p. 198.Google Scholar This is still, after forty years, the best and most readable account of the events of ‘1860.

⁹ This suggestion of a hiatus was maintained by Omodeo, A., Tradizioni Morali e Disciplina Storica (1929), p. 215Google Scholar.

⁴ Two letters to Cavour from Farini, the Minister of the Interior, dated 34 and 35 Apr. 1860: ‘the king told these gentlemen of the Left straight out that his own Ministers meant to keep a tight hold of policy and not let the initiative be taken out of their hands by Garibaldi or anyone’; ‘a crisis at the moment would naturally bring the radicals into power’. Carte Farini, in the Biblioteca Classense at Ravenna.

⁵ Mario, J. W., Agostino Bertani e i suoi Tempi (1888), II, 48.Google ScholarAgrati, C., I Mille nella staria e nella leggenda (1933), p. 16Google Scholar.

⁶ Matter, P., op. cit. III, 348Google Scholar.

⁷ Cavour at the time was at pains to show that Garibaldi's claim to be a General, of Savoy was a mere usurpation: 24 May Canofari to Carafa, and 26 May Cavour to Canofari, A Zazo La Politica estera del Regno delle Due Sicilie nel 1859-60 (1940), p. 317.

⁸ In a despatch of 30 Mar., the French Minister Talleyrand told Thoiivenel that Cavour, when asked what he would do if Sicily revolted against Naples, had replied:’ Si l'insurrection est comprimée nous ne dirons rien: si elle est victorieuse nous interviendrons au nom des principes d'ordre et d'autoriteV (This is precisely what he did do.) Maraldi, C., Documenti francesi sulla caduta del regno meridionale (1935), pp. 30–1.Google Scholar Guerrazzi compared Cavour's action with that of the government which had once allowed Theseus to go and face the Minotaur alone, and only sent help in the form of ropes to leash the monster when tamed. Discorso intorno alla legge dell'annessione, 18 Oct. i860.

⁸ D'Azeglio to Persano 16 July: ‘I should have preferred a more open conduct rather than resorting to so many artful tricks which- have deceived no-one.… Garibaldi went straight ahead, risking his own life, and all credit to him. Whereas we!… By deceit we might win something for the moment, but you lose far more in the long run when no-one can believe you any longer.’ [C. di] Persano, Diario [privato-politico-militare nella campagna navale 1860-1] (2nd ed. 1869), pt. I, p. 81.

¹⁰ Frequent references to this by ministers at the time show that it was a serious possibility. Thus about 8 May Farini wrote to D'Azeglio that ‘the French want to leave Rome, and what will the Pope do then? They say that the Holy Ghost will fight on his side: but we shall see about that later on.’ A fortnight earlier it had seemed even more likely, and Borromeo had written on 24 Apr. to Farini to say ‘now^ that the French are withdrawing from Rome…’. Farini papers, Ravenna.

¹¹ So wrote Cavour's Minister in Paris on 25 Apr. [II Carteggio] Cavour-Nigra (1928), in, 270. On 30 Mar. Cavour had written to Villamarina, his Minister at Naples, that he did not want any revolutionary situation at Naples to be provoked ‘for a few years yet’. Bianchi, N., Storia documentata delta diplomazia europea in Italia (1872), VIII, 283.Google Scholar This seems to have been Official policy at Tirin, and Mordini wrote to Chiappa on 21 Apr. that ‘Victor Emanuel said “no” to any action this year, but as for next year there is Venice to redeem etc. etc’ Archivio Mordini, Barga, Lucca.

¹² 9 May, Talleyrand to Thouvenel: that Cavour had told him ‘quant à Garibaldi, il m'a, trompé grossiérement, brutalement, car il m'avait envoyé sa parole d'honneur de ne pas prendre part à cette expedition de Sicile.… II était le centre des mécontents, et tant qu'il a été dans le pays, je me sentais comme un homme blessé aujourd'hui je suis un homme guéri.’ Maraldi, , Document! francesi, p. 47Google Scholar.

¹³ It is important to show that lack of money (which it would have been easy for the government to provide on the sly) was a serious handicap to the expedition. There were no means to buy ships, so they had to be stolen, and even then there were so many more volunteers at Genoa than ships that many people had to be sent off home again. Cadolini, G., Memorie del Risorgimento dal 1848 al 1862 (1911), pp. 374–6.Google Scholar Another of the organizers, E. Guastalla, wrote to Cadolini on 16 May that ‘if we cannot get more money I do not see how we can fit out another expedition’. Cadolini Papers, in Museo del Risorgimento at Rome.

¹¹ Cavour to Nigra, 24 Apr.: ‘j'ai lieu de croire que Sa Majesty, qui a toujours un faible pour Garibaldi,… cherche sous cape à m'ôter la direction des affaires.’ Cavour-Nigra, III, 369; Cavour to Carignano, 2 May, Ibid. p. 277; letter of Ricasoli to his brother Vincenzo, 29 May, Lettere [e documenti del Barone B.] Ricasoli (ed. Tabarrini e Gotti) v (1890), 101. Cavour never got on well with the King, but he was a little unfair to him here, for as General Turr wrote on 25 Apr. to Bertani, the King had advised the radicals to postpone the Sicilian revolt ‘because for the moment it was impossible for him to make a profitable diversion in their favour. Jessie White Mario Papers, in Museo del Risorgimento at Rome.

¹⁶ Cavour to Farini, 24 Apr., Cavour-Nigra, p. 266.

¹⁶ Talleyrand wrote, 9 May: ‘mes collegues inclinent à penser que c'eût été une dangereuae experience pour M. de Cavour d'entamer à Genes une lutte serieuse pour, empêcher l'embarquement des volontaires… il serait vraisemblablement tombé devant l'animadversion que cette acte aurait soulé’. Maraldi, Documenti franceri, p. 47. See also the comment by the Milanese newspaper La Perseveranza for 18 Apr.; and Hudson's despatch to Russell of 6 Apr., in Russell Papers, P[ublic] R[ecord] Offfice], G.D. 22/66.

¹⁷ Cavour-Nigra, p. 294. Cavour went on: ‘I regret Garibaldi's expedition as much as anyone.… I could not stop him going, for force would have been necessary.… And the Ministry is in no position to face the immense unpopularity which would have been drawn upon it had Garibaldi been prevented.… As the news from Palermo showed that the state of siege there had been lifted and the revolt was on the point of being extinguished, I thought Garibaldi would be obliged to stay at home whether he liked it or not.’

¹⁸ Cavour to Ricasoli, 16 May, Lettere… Ricasoli, v, 64.

¹⁹ Gazzetta Ufficiale del Regno for 18 May. L'Opimone of Turin for 9, 11 and 14 May.

²⁰ 4 May, Russell Papers. P.R.O. G.D. 22/66.

²¹ 28 June, Ibid.

²² Borromeo to Farini, 6 May: ‘when Cavour arrived back here at 4 p.m. yesterday I talked to’ him about the necessity of taking rigorous measures. He seemed to agree all right, and I think he will be speaking about it to the Cabinet today.’ Carte Farini, Ravenna.

²³ It is important to know that the elections must have been a last-minute thought by Cavour, perhaps to win support against the revolutionary activity in Genoa. Thins Depretis, the Governor of Brescia, was told only on 29 Apr. that he would have to prepare for elections on 6 May. Letter of protest of 29 Apr. from Depretis to the Minister of the Interior, in the Depretis Papers at the Archivio di Stato at Rome.

²⁴ Atti Parlamentari, 19 June 1863.Google Scholar And Agrati, C., G. Sirtori (1940,), p, 189Google Scholar.

²⁶ The legend appeared in 1869 during the bitter political controversy provoked by the publication of La Farina's letters and Persano's memoirs in defence of Cavour; to "which Bertani replied in an acrid polemical work which distorted history in the apposite direction. Bertani, A., Ire politiche d'oltre tomba (1869), p. 61.Google Scholar It was given more general currency in the justly popular Guerzoni, G., Garibaldi (1882), II, 30Google Scholar.

²⁶ The Memoirs of Francesco Crispi, ed. Palamenghi-Crispi, , I (1912), 471Google Scholar.

²⁷ Crispi to Scalia, 25 Apr. Crispi: Lettere dall'esilio (ed. Palamenghi-Crispi, , 1918), p. 240Google Scholar.

²⁸ Sirtori (from Turin ) to Acerbi (at Genoa), 2 May, Agrati, C., I Mille nella storio e nella leggenda (1933), p. 53Google Scholar.

²⁹ Garibaldi to II Direttore dei Vapori Nazionali, 5 May, in the Bertani papers, Museo del Risorgimento at Milan.

³⁰ 24 Apr.: ‘it was unanimously decided to refuse Garibaldi the guns he requires for the Sicilian insurrection, lest the European capitals should thereby be alarmed, in view of the imprudent publicity given by him and his friends in Genoa to the preparations he has in hand for Sicily. It was also resolved that any meeting of the emigre's in Genoa should be forbidden.’ It may be significant that no further entry in the minute book is recorded until after Garibaldi had set out on 8 May. The important fact that these Minutes were not only private but almost personal to Cavour is suggested by the fact that he was the first to introduce the idea of Cabinet minutes, and that they were discontiriued during the intervening ministry. Copia di verbali delle adunanze del Consiglio dei Ministri tenuta per uso del Conte di Cavour, Archivio di Stato, Rome.

³¹ Colonel Bruzzesi wrote shortly after this that Frappolli had even threatened to use force to prevent Garibaldi. Memoir published by Raulich, I. in Rivista diRoma (1910), p. 306Google Scholar.

³² Cavour-Nigra, III, 266, letter to Farini. The other letter, to Nigra, remarked that ‘je soupconne le Roi de favoriser imprudemment ces projets. J'ai donné l'ordre de surveiller et d'empêcher si cela est possible ces tentatives désespérées’ (Ibid. p. 269). On 23 Apr. he had written to Nigra (Ibid. p. 264): ‘le Gouvernement du Roi fait des efforts pour empêcher Garibaldi d'aller en Sicile, je ne sais pas si Ton réiissira.’

³³ There is a significant difference of wording in an account which Sirtori himself gave closer to the event in a letter to Conti Giulini of 3 May: ‘what Cavour then said to me led us to hope for help from him.’ Bianchi, N., Storia documentata della diplomazia europea in Italia, VIII (1872), 290Google Scholar.

³⁴ The succession of events was given by Finzi, one of the participants, in a letter to L'Opinione of 12 Sept. 1869, quoted by Fauché, P., Giambattista Fauché e la spedizione dei Mille (1905), pp. 80–9Google Scholar; further by Luzio, A., Garibaldi, Cavour, Verdi (1924), pp. 105–9Google Scholar; and Luzio's analysis of the Finzi papers in II Giornale d'Italia of 5 May 1907, and Il Carriere della Sera of 3 Oct. 1909.

³⁵ Borromeo to Farini, 24 Apr. and Farini to Cavour, 37 Apr., in Farini Papers. Borromeo told Farini that Cavour left the decision entirely to him: ‘Coun t Cavour, to whom I referred the question of Garibaldi's rifles, would like you to give instructions on the convenience or otherwise of the request made by Garibaldi that he should be allowed to withdraw some of them.’

³⁶ Of these weapons, given by the National Society, it was ‘no exaggeration to say that nine out of ten would not fire at all’—note by Garibaldi in Curatulo, G. E., Garibaldi, Vittorio Emanuele, Cavour (1911), p. 177Google Scholar.

³⁷ Bianchi, N., Il Conte Camillo di Cavour (1863), p. 94Google Scholar.

³⁸ Persano, , Diario, pt. 1, p. 14Google Scholar.

³⁹ Telegram from Cavour to Mathieu in Sardinia, 7 May. Nazari-Micheli, I., Cavour e Garibaldi nel i860 (1911), pp. 97–8.Google Scholar On the same day Cavour told Nigra (Cavour-Nigra, p. 287) that ‘aprés avoir promis de renoncer à l'expedition, Garibaldi, sur des fausses nouvelles venues de Sicile, est parti hier à trois heures du matin. Nous avons telegraphié aussiiôt à Cagliari et Sassari pou r qu'on l'empêche d'executer son projet.’

⁴⁰ 11 May, Persano, , Diario, p. 15.Google Scholar See especially Curatulo, G. E., Garibaldi, Vittorio Emanuele, Cavour (1911), pp. 145–8Google Scholar; and 8 May Persano to Cavour, document 3044 in Archivio Curatulo at Milan.

⁴¹ Garibaldi to Barrili, 24 Aug. 1869, Il Movimento of Genoa for 28 Aug. 1869.

⁴² Cavour to Carignano, 11 May, Il Risorgimento Italiano for 1916, p. 249. O n th e same day (4 p.m.) Farini sent a telegram to Baron Ricasoli in cipher: ‘on vous enverra lundi une brigade. Nos bâiments de guerre ont ordre arrester Garibaldi s'ils le trouvent encore dans les eaux de Rome et de Toscane. II faut empficher à tout prix nouvelles expeditions de Livourne, ou des autres ports de la Toscane.’ Carte Bianchi Ricasoli, busta M, fascfcolo B, in Archivio di Stato of Florence.

⁴³ Farini to Ricasoli, 12 May, Ibid.

⁴⁴ Garibaldi himself wrote in 1861: ‘If the Government stopped short of an absolute veto on the Thousand, it did not neglect to raise up an infinity of obstacles to our departure.’ Il Risorgimento Italiano for 1908, I, 7. Perhaps this confirms O. D'Haussonville in Revue ties Deux Mondes for 15 Sept. 1862: ‘…un petit nombre de temoins dont je tiens (que Cavour) voulait tout empêcher. II se proposait de faire arrêter Garibaldi. It était très animé a ce sujet. Et comme on lui objectait l'impossibilité de trouver quelqu'un qui se chargeât de cette mission: “Si personne n'ose”, dit-il au roi, “j'irai moim&ne lui mettre la main sur le collet.’” Chiala accepted this story, though himself one of Cavour's apologists. Chiala, , Lettere di Camilla Cavour (1885), IV, clx.Google Scholar But there has been much criticism of it, notably in Dallolio, A., La Spedizione dei Mille nelle memorie balognesi (1910), pp. 33–7Google Scholar.