¹ Select English Works of John Wyclif, ed. Arnold, T. (3 vols., Oxford, 1869–1871)Google Scholar; The English Works of Wyclif hither to unprinted, ed. Matthew, F. D. (E.E.T.S., Original Series, vol. 74, 1880)Google Scholar. The Camden Society published in its original series An Apology for Lollard Doctrines, attributed to Wicliffe, ed. Todd, J. H. (London, 1842).Google Scholar

² Select English Works, iii, pp. 454–96.Google Scholar

³ Ibid., iii, pp. 119–67, under the title On the Seven Deadly Sins.

⁴ The copy in Douce 274 nevertheless shows noticeable differences with the text edited by Perry, G. G., Religious Pieces in Prose and Verse edited from Robert Thornton's MS (circa 1400) (rev. ed., London, 1889)Google Scholar. Perhaps it would be fair to speak of a Lollard version of the text.

⁵ Select English Works, iii, pp. 441–53Google Scholar. ‘The style and the reference to previous labours in the same field both point to Wyclif as the author’ (p. 441).

⁶ The best account of the conditions in which they were written is McFarlane, K. B., John Wycliffe and the Beginnings of English Non-Conformity (3rd imp., London, 1972).Google Scholar

⁷ It is very striking that even the three most recent examinations of Wyclif's politico-religious views refer to his Latin works alone. See Daly, L. J., The Political Theory of John Wyclif (Chicago, 1962)Google Scholar; Kaminsky, H., ‘Wyclifism as ideology of revolution’, Church History, xxxii (1963), pp. 57–74CrossRefGoogle Scholar; and Tatnall, E. C., ‘John Wyclif and Ecclesia Anglicana’, Journal of Ecclesiastical History, xx (1969), 19–43CrossRefGoogle Scholar. A bibliography on the subject is given by Daly, , ‘Wyclif's political theory: a century of study’, Medievalia et Humanistica, new series, iv (1973). pp. 177–87.Google Scholar

⁸ They are listed in Shirley, W. W., A catalogue of the original works of John Wycliffe (Oxford, 1865)Google Scholar; there is a synopsis of this work in Select English Works, iii, pp. xvii–xxGoogle Scholar. Discussions about authorship are found in Jones, E. D., ‘The authenticity of some English works ascribed to Wycliffe’, Anglia, xxx (1907), pp. 261–8Google Scholar; Deanesly, M., The Lollard Bible and other Medieval Biblical Versions (Cambridge, 1920)Google Scholar; and Workman, H. B., John Wyclif (2 vols., Oxford, 1926)Google Scholar. On the ascriptions, see McFarlane, John Wycliffe, p. iii: ‘Their (the Lollards') extensive vernacular writings are equally anonymous and most modern ascriptions as a rule baseless.’ The methods for ascription used by Jones, Deanesly and Workman were not unsound, but had to rely overmuch on texts corrupted by scribal practices and the unsatisfactory editions of Arnold. See Fristedt, S. L., The Wycliffite Bible, i (Stockholm, 1953), p. 40Google Scholar: ‘It is a well-known fact that medieval copyists in England even transcribed the dialects of their originals into their own idiom.’ A new edition of Lollard texts is under preparation; it will provide the basis necessary for further research on this subject.

⁹ See the articles of Hudson, Anne: ‘A Lollard sermon-cycle and its implications’, Medium Aevum, xl (1971), p. 146Google Scholar, and ‘Some aspects of Lollard book production’, Schism, Heresy and Religious Protest (Studies in Church History: 9, ed. Baker, D., Cambridge, 1972), pp. 147–57.Google Scholar

¹⁰ McFarlane, , John Wycliffe, pp. 25–46Google Scholar. On Despenser's crusade and its effects, see Perroy, E., L'Angleterre et le grand schisme d'Occident (Paris, 1933), pp. 166–209Google Scholar, and Aston, M., ‘The impeachment of bishop Despenser’, B.I.H.R., xxxviii (1965), pp. 127–48.Google Scholar

¹¹ Richardson, H. G., ‘Heresy and the lay power under Richard II’, E.H.R., li (1936), pp. 1–28.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

¹² Select English Works, iii, 119–67.Google Scholar

¹³ Ibid., iii, 242–66.

¹⁴ Ibid., iii, 454–96.

¹⁵ Ibid., iii, 233–41.

¹⁶ Ibid., iii, 230–2.

¹⁷ Ibid., iii, 213–18.

¹⁸ See below, p. 5.

¹⁹ Tractatus de Ecclesia, ed. Loserth, J., WS (London, 1886).Google Scholar

²⁰ De Officio Regis, ed. Pollard, A. W. and Sayle, C., WS (London, 1887).Google Scholar

²¹ De Potestate Papae, ed. Loserth, J., WS (London, 1907).Google Scholar

²² De Civili Daminio, ed. Poole, R. L. and Loserth, J., WS (4 vols., London, 1885–1904).Google Scholar

²³ De Dominio Divino, ed. Poole, R. L., WS (London, 1890).Google Scholar

²⁴ Opera Minora, ed. Loserth, J., WS (London, 1913), pp. 19–73.Google Scholar

²⁵ Trialogus, ed. Lechler, G. (Oxford, 1869).Google Scholar

²⁶ Kaminsky, , ‘Wyclifism as ideology’, p. 71Google Scholar, n. 26.

²⁷ Kaminsky, , ‘Wyclifism as ideology’, pp. 58–9.Google Scholar

²⁸ Aston, M., ‘Lollardy and Sedition, 1381–1431’, Past and Present, xvii (1960), pp. 1–44CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Wilks, M., ‘Reformatio regni: Wyclif and Hus as leaders of religious protest movements’ Schism, Heresy and Religious Protest, ed. Baker, pp. 109–30.Google Scholar

^{page 5 note a} In the margin.

^{page 5 note 29} This is a commonplace of English Wycliffite tracts. See, for instance, the fifteenth chapter of the De Officio Pastorali (English Works of Wyclif, ed. Matthew, , pp. 429–30).Google Scholar

^{page 5 note 30} Jn. 18: 19–21.

^{page 5 note 31} See 1 Cor. 14 which is entirely devoted to this problem.

^{page 5 note 32} This is a clear reference to the De Ecclesia and the De Officio Regis.

^{page 6 note a} Written in the margin.

^{page 6 note b} In the margin: prov' ult'

^{page 6 note c} In the margin: Luc 20. Mt. 20/Mt. IV^o. Mt. IV^o.

^{page 6 note d} The next two words have been added in the margin.

^{page 6 note e} This folio has been given a double number.

^{page 6 note 33} Prov. 31. This comparison is very remarkable and seems quite rare in English Wycliffite tracts.

^{page 6 note 34} See De Officio Regis, p. 1Google Scholar: ‘nam caput ecclesie in persona propria solvit didragma Cesari (Mt. 17) et precepit que sua sunt sibi reddi (Mt. 22). Unde a tribus regibus voluit in suis primordiis adorari (Mt. 2) et a militari ordine sepelliri (Mt. 27)’. The other proofs of Christ's attitude towards the temporal power, the first (based on Lk. 2: 1), the third (based on Mt. 17: 24) and the fourth, are to be found in the Trialogus, IV, 18, p. 309.Google Scholar

^{page 6 note 35} See De Officio Regis, p. 1Google Scholar; ‘Princeps eciam apostolorum (1 Pet. 2: 13–14) docet suos conversos quomodo servarent obedienciam et pacienciam inter gentes. Subiecti, inquit, estote omni humane creature propter deum: non dicit propter mundum vel comodum temporale. Et post pertinenter explicans ordinem subieccionis in tota universitate humanis generis, sic subinfert: sive regi, quasi precellenti, sive ducibus tanquam ab eo missis ad vindictam malefactorum, laudem yero banorum.’

^{page 6 note 36} This is an allusion to Rom. 13: 1–4 and especially 5: ‘ideoque subditi estote nonsolum propter iram, sed propter conscienciam’.

^{page 6 note 37} Rom. 13: 1.

^{page 7 note a} In the margin Nota bene.

^{page 7 note b} Hym is added in the margin.

^{page 7 note c} Be cancelled.

^{page 7 note d} In the margin.

^{page 7 note e} Ellis interlined.

^{page 7 note f} In the margin Nota bene.

^{page 7 note g} In the margin Nota bene.

^{page 7 note h} In the margin Nota bene.

^{page 7 note 38} See De Potestate Pape, pp. 78 and 97Google Scholar, where Wyclif points out that Peter was chosen as Christ's successor because of his humility and meekness.

^{page 7 note 39} 1 Pet. 2: 17.

^{page 8 note a} In the margin Nota bene.

^{page 8 note b} In the margin Nota bene.

^{page 8 note c} In the margin.

^{page 8 note d} More written above moo, cancelled.

^{page 8 note 40} There are several references to this story in Augustine: Enarratio in Psalmum CXXXI (PL, 37, 1716)Google Scholar; Contra Adimantum Manichaei discipulum, XVII, 3 (PL, 42, 161–2)Google Scholar; De Mirabilibus Sacrae Scripture, II, 10 (PL, 35, 2178–9).Google Scholar

^{page 8 note 41} 1 Pet. 2: 18.

^{page 8 note 42} See Augustine, , Quaestiones ex novo testamento, XCI (PL, 35, 2284)Google Scholar: ‘rex enim adoratus in terris quasi vicarius Dei’.

^{page 8 note 43} An allusion to the replacement of the High Priest Abiathar by Zadok (1 Kg. 2: 26–35). See De Civili Dominio, I, 39, p. 291Google Scholar, for another reference to the same story.

^{page 9 note a} In the margin Nota bene.

^{page 9 note b} In the margin notabile.

^{page 9 note c} dide interlined.

^{page 9 note d} lyves cancelled.

^{page 9 note e} þat interlined.

^{page 9 note f} In the margin.

^{page 9 note g} to interlined.

^{page 9 note h} þo interlined.

^{page 9 note 44} I have not traced this quotation. Nevertheless, a similar idea, borrowed from Cyprian is incorporated in On the Wrangfulness of the Clergy holding Secular Office (English Works of Wyclif, ed. Matthew, , p. 393Google Scholar). If Chrysostom is to be credited with it, it would come from the Homiliae in Mattheum.

^{page 9 note 45} Jn. 18: 11. This is also quoted in the De Civili Dominio, IV, 19, p. 397.

^{page 10 a} In the margin.

^{page 11 note a} In the margin Nota bene.

^{page 11 note b} In the margin.

^{page 11 note c} In the margin Nota bene.

^{page 11 note d} Lorde is written in large letters.

^{page 11 note e} Written in red in the margin 2^a.3^a…. C^o regum.

^{page 12 note a} Written in blue in the margin ep^a.32^a. ad Bonefac.

^{page 12 note b} so interlined.

^{page 12 note c} Reversis is written above reserveþ, which is not cancelled.

^{page 12 note d} In the margin.

^{page 12 note 46} See Decretum, pars 11, causa XXIII, qu. V, c. 40: ‘Item Ciprianus in none genere abusionis. Rex debet furta cohibere, adulteria punire, inpios de terra perdere, patricidas et periuros non sinere vivere, filios suos non sinere inpie agere.’

^{page 12 note 47} This is the subject-matter of the Epistula CLXXXV ad comitem Bonifacium, seu De Correctione Donatistarum Liber (Augustine, , Epistulae, CSEL, 57, pp. 1–44).Google Scholar

^{page 12 note 48} Gregory, , Registrum Epistolarum, II, XI, 46.Google Scholar

^{page 12 note 49} Most of the matter of this chapter is in De Officio Regis, pp. 141–3.Google Scholar

^{page 13 note a} Followed by worschip, cancelled.

^{page 13 note b} In the margin Nota bene.

^{page 13 note c} In the margin Nota bene.

^{page 13 note d} In the margin Nota bene.

^{page 13 note e} In the margin.

^{page 13 note 50} 1 Pet. 5: 3.

^{page 13 note 51} This image comes from Augustine, Sermo XXXVII, IX (PL, 38, 227).

^{page 14 note a} of interlined.

^{page 14 note b} A line has been erased at the bottom of fo. 47r.

^{page 14 note c} In the margin. MS has 01.

^{page 14 note d} And and hold interlined.

^{page 14 note e} In the margin Nota bene.

^{page 14 note 52} Mt. 12: 25; Lk. 11: 17.

^{page 15 note a} Destroy cancelled.

^{page 15 note b} In the margin Nota bene.

^{page 15 note c} Red mark before þo.

^{page 15 note d} Followed by may, cancelled.

^{page 15 note e} All interlined; alle in the margin.

^{page 15 note f} In the margin.

^{page 15 note 53} See Daly, , Political Theory of John Wyclif, pp. 54–5Google Scholar, on the Parliament of 1371 and the petition against the role of churchmen in the government of England.

^{page 15 note 54} This is the subject-matter of 1 Cor. 9.

^{page 16 note a} The scribe had written beste, which he corrected.

^{page 16 note b} The original þerinne has been separated.

^{page 16 note c} In the margin Nota bene. Red mark before þo.

^{page 16 note d} Blue mark before þo.

^{page 16 note e} Seintis has been added above men, cancelled.

^{page 16 note 55} Ps. 109: 28.

^{page 17 note a} In the margin Jer', v^to.

^{page 17 note b} In the margin.

^{page 17 note c} not cancelled.

^{page 17 note d} A hand in the margin points to this text.

^{page 17 note 5} 8 Jer. 48: 10.

^{page 17 note 57} Jn. 14: 23.

^{page 17 note 59} Jn. 14: 21.

^{page 18 note a} In the margin.

^{page 18 note b} Followed by wo, cancelled.

^{page 18 note c} en has been interlined.

^{page 18 note d} Followed by cause, cancelled.

^{page 18 note e} suche interlined.

^{page 19 note a} When cancelled: wham in the margin.