¹ Compare Memorials (see Note 3, post), pp. 17, 18, 56–7. See pp. 3, 47, 51, 63, post.

² Compare The Narrative (see next note), Professor Firth's preface, pp. xvii, xxx.

³ English sources cited in the following pages are:—

(1) Memorials of the Professional Life and Times of Sir William Penn, Knt., by Granville Penn, London, 1883, in two volumes. This book is cited simply as Memorials, and Vol. II is meant, invariably.

(2) The Narrative of General Venables, edited by Professor C. H. Firth, London, 1900. This is cited as The Narrative.

(3) The Anonymous Relation, printed as Appendix “D” of The Narrative. Cited as Anonymous Relation, the page being that of The Narrative, of which volume it forms part.

(4) Henry Whistler's Journal, printed as Appendix “E” of The Narrative. Cited under Whistler's name.

(5) The Clarke Papers, edited by C. H. Firth, London, 1899. Cited under the name of White, since Major Thomas White is presumably the author (see The Narrative, pp. vii, 118Google Scholar) of the narrative presented in Vol. III, p. 54 et seq.

(6) Seventh Report of the Royal Commission on Historical Manuscripts, Part I: Report and Appendix, London, 1879. Cited as The Barrington Letters (compare, The Narrative, p. 119).Google Scholar

⁴ See p. 1, post.

⁵ See p. 47, post.

⁶ See p. 51, post.

⁷ See p. 63, post.

⁸ Compare, The Narrative, preface, p. xvii.

⁹ Pp. 37, 43, 48, and Appendix B; 63, 66, post.

¹⁰ See especially p. 47, post.

¹¹ Compare especially pp. 4, 51–2, post.

¹² According to Appendix A, the “cowkillers” (see note No. 19, post) numbered 300. See also A. de I., 54–1–9, Doc. No. 102, Pedro de Carvajal, then president of the audiencia, to the crown, Santo Domingo, May 30, 1662; also Doc. No. 104, same legajo, the archbishop to the crown, reporting on the distribution of 6,000 pesos among 300 of them. The Spanish documents make it plain that these lancers were a good part of the number of fighting men available. It seems safe to infer that the reinforcements which came up from the interior were not more than 500 or 600 men. To estimate the Spaniards at 1,200 is fair; at 1,500, generous.

¹³ The Narrative, p. 18.Google Scholar

¹⁴ Ibid., pp. xv, 22.

¹⁵ P. 34, post.

¹⁶ Pp. 34, 53, 55; but see also p. 66, post.

¹⁷ Memorials, p. 85Google Scholar. Perusal of the Spanish documents leaves no doubt in the student's mind that a timely shelling of the town would have been disastrous to the Spanish. They were in no mental condition to withstand it; as Count de Peñalva makes very plain in his communications to Castillo (A. de I., 53–2–8, see note No. 44, post).

¹⁸ Memorials, p. 84.Google Scholar

¹⁹ See pp. 25, note No. 92; 49, post. “Hear are a sort of Vagabons that are saued from the gallowes in Spaine and the king doth send them heare: These go by the name of Cow killers, and inded it is thayer trad, for thay hue by killing of Cattille for the hides and talow. Thes are those that doue all the mischefe … when you fier at them they will fall doun vpon thayer right knee, and when you have fiered then thay will come one most desperate. (Compare p. 21, and note 85, post.) But if you kep them out, then thay flie for it; but if thay come within you, then stand cleare … these lances are longer than a halfe picke. …”—Whistler, Journal, p. 156.Google Scholar

²⁰ Compare, however. The Narrative, preface, pp. xv, xvi. Penn's earliest recorded offer (Memorials, pp. 84–5Google Scholar) came late enough. Observe Fortescue's remark, ibid., p. 98. See p. 53, note No. 135, post.

²¹ Compare The Narrative, preface, p. xv et seq.

²² Count de Peñalva's orders (A. de I., 53–2–8, to Castillo, April 23 and 24) make it plain that he expected his forces to make a stand at Jayna, and it appears (Memorials, p. 82Google Scholar) that they did cast up a breastwork there which deterred Buller and Holdip from landing, until the Selby (Whistler, pp. 152–3) had shelled said work, “soe that we landed our men without any resistane. …”

²³ The Narrative, Firth's preface, p. xx, and sources there cited.

²⁴ Pp. 6 et seq., 64, etc., post.

²⁵ P. 10, post, and its notes; also pp. 54, 65.

²⁶ The student gathers from the English accounts that lack of water was perhaps the decisive factor in the expedition's defeat.

²⁷ The Narrative, pp. 27, 43, 82.Google Scholar

²⁸ It was at this moment that the Spanish were “beaten” (Ibid., p. 82). See also p. 12, post, et seq. The city—never too confident (see p. 52, post) —was now in panic (see p. 55, post), its defenders having fled the field!

²⁹ Given the circumstances, what could justify this delay?

³⁰ Pp. 15, post, et seq.; 55–6, 65.

³¹ PP. 54–5, post.

³² Pp. 18–19, 56, post.

³³ P. 20, post, et seq., and notes; pp. 48, 56–7, 65.

²⁹ See footnote 29 on previous page.

³⁴ There can be no doubt that the slaughter was shameful! Firth (The Narrative, p. xxxiGoogle Scholar) considers 1,700 too high an estimate of the English total loss at La Española; probably, but perhaps not “much too high,” after all. The Spanish loss is officially stated (p. 60, post) to have been “some 25 men (killed), and as many more … wounded.” Compare pp. 24, 30, 49, 57, 65, post.

³⁵ Pp. 33, 49, 60, 66, post.

³⁶ A. de I., 54–1–9, No. 97, the archbishop to the crown, Santo Domingo, May 24, 1662. See Appendix A, first item.

³⁷ The Narrative is a consideration of the whole matter.

³⁸ Archivo General de Indias, Sevilla, España. Secretaria de Nueva España. Secular. Audiencia de Santo Domingo. Expedientes sobre socorro y defensa del presidio de la isla de Santo Domingo e islas de Barlovento de los años de 1645 a 1673. Estante No. 54, Cajon No. 6, Legajo No. 28. 10 pliegos. Original.

This document is beautifully written, evidently by some clerk. The author's signature appears on the first page at the foot of the introductory communication to His Majesty. The date, at the end, is not in the clerk's hand.

There are in this same legajo other papers appertaining to Captain Pallano, i.e., four communications which he addressed to the Crown from Santo Domingo, April 6, 1659. (See also Appendix “A.”) In one of these communications Captain Fallano asks, in requital of his services rendered at the time of the English attack, that his son, Don Manuel de Foix Tinoco, receive honours, or he himself be given “a dignity or canonicate” in Santo Domingo cathedral. The others concern the fortification of that city.

All of these papers (the relation, the petition for preferment, recommendations as to fortification, proposals, etc.) came before the Council for Indies on February 6, 1660. As will be observed, the relation was referred to king's counsel, who recommended that it be referred to the visitador then at Santo Domingo; but there is no evidence that this was done. The petition for preferment was filed for future consideration. Captain Pallano's opinions on matters of fortification were referred back to the Indies for comment by superior authorities.

In brief, nothing tangible would seem to have resulted from the industry he displayed in writing to court on April 6 (and 26) in 1659, except the preservation for present use of the Pallano relation, which, although written in June, 1655, was not (in this copy at least) sent to Spain until four years later.

³⁹ President of the royal audiencia, a superior court, supreme within its extensive jurisdiction, from which appeal was to the Council for Indies in Spain. To avoid conflicts of jurisdiction it was usual to make its president also governor and captain-general of the Island La Española.

⁴⁰ “It, is unnecessary to discuss the origin of the expedition. … The subject is fully treated by Dr. Gardiner in his History of the Commonwealth and Protectorate (II, 447, 471–9), and in an article by Mr. Frank Strong on ‘The Causes of Cromwell's West Indian Expedition,’ published in the American Historical Review for January 1899.”—Firth's preface, The Narrative, pp. vii–viiiGoogle Scholar. See also Camden Miscellany, Vol. XIV, for more recent literature of the subject.

⁴¹ Spanish reckoning, which is used throughout these documents. By the English calendar it was April 13, 1655.

⁴² See note No. 1. This relation should be read parallel not only with the English narratives (see note No. 3), but with Documents Nos. 3 and 4, pp. 51, 63, post. Reference should also be made to the frontispiece.

⁴³ Compare Memorials, p. 81Google Scholar; White, Narrative, p. 54Google Scholar; Barrington Letter, p. 572Google Scholar. See pp. 48, 51.

⁴⁴ In the year 1662, Damian del Castillo petitioned for requital (see note No. 141, post) of services he rendered when the English attacked, and in evidence of merit presented communications addressed to him at that time by Count de Peñalva, and others. In copy, these letters and orders are preserved in the General Archives of the Indies, 53–2–8, 13 pliegos. Transcript, in the West India Reference Library, Institute of Jamaica, Kingston. They constitute a skeleton record of the Spanish defence; and they bear out Captain Pallano admirably.

It appears plain that when the enemy appeared Captain don Alvaro Garabito was rushed to Jayna. That same day Captain Castillo with still more men was sent to the same post. These two officers were to act together. See pp. 51, 63, post.

⁴⁵ See p. vii, ante, and note No. 21. Compare Anonymous relation, p. 127; White, Narrative, p. 54Google Scholar; Memorials, p. 81Google Scholar. See pp. 52, 64, post.

⁴⁶ “Because that post (Jayna) seems to offer most difficulties, and to be the one which should be most carefully looked to, I am sending you Maestre de Campo don Juan Morfa with a body of men, as reinforcements. He asked to go, to be with you, for he is your friend.”—Count de Peñalva to Castillo, Santo Domingo, April 23, 1655, in A. de I., 53–2–8. See pp. 51, 64, post.

⁴⁷ Castillo was not so commissioned until May 9. He was then made gobernador of the foot and lancers, but not, apparently, of the cavalry, whose captain, it appears through Pallano's relation, enjoyed a considerable degree of independence and prestige. Castillo's commission (copy) exists in A. de I., 53–2–8. See pp. 59, 63, post.

⁴⁸ On receipt of news that the enemy was landing at Nisao, a council of war was held in the city, and it was resolved further to reinforce Jayna with “100 selected men, mostly lancers.” They went forward in three troops, the last carrying supplies. At the same time Castillo was ordered (A. de I., 53–2–8, Peñalva to Castillo, Santo Domingo, April 24, 1655) to attack the enemy with 100 men (see p. 52, post), and to fall back on Jayna, if necessary. Compare Memorials, p. 82Google Scholar (“… appearing only … a small party of horse [supposed not 100], and some few disorganized foot …”). Captains Morfa and Alvaro Garabito, at Jayna, were ordered to be alert, lest the landing at Nisao be merely a diversion (far were the Spanish from expecting the English foolishly to land the bulk of their forces there!). They threw up a work at Jayna (Memorials, p. 82Google Scholar) out of which the Selby easily drove them (see note No. 22, ante).

⁴⁹ In the order mentioned in the foregoing note, Captain Castillo was told to capture an enemy scout, from whom the invaders' intentions might be learned. Compare especially Anonymous relation, p. 127. See pp. 53, 64, post.

⁵⁰ “It seems impossible to doubt that he (Venables) had 8,000 men, without counting the sea regiment.”—Firth, The Narrative, preface, p. xxx. The sea regiment numbered (Memorials, p. 73Google Scholar) “1200 proper stout seamen.” I.e., Venables had 9,200 men. “… so great an Army as England never sent into these parts before. …”—Venables, The Narrative, p. 32Google Scholar. See p. 53, post.

⁵¹ See note No. 22, ante.

⁵² The main body of the English army landed at Nisao; but, as stated. Colonels Buller and Holdip landed at Jayna, and immediately felt the lack of water. Buller therefore marched toward the city, without orders to do so. Compare The Narrative, p. 23Google Scholar; The Barrington Letters, p. 572Google Scholar; p. iii, note No. 23, ante.

⁵³ See notes Nos. 62, 77.

⁵⁴ The author.

⁵⁵ See note No. 53, ante.

⁵⁶ See p. 54, post.

⁵⁷ Compare p. 54, where it is stated that an ambuscade was prepared on the 26th to which the enemy did not come, as anticipated.

⁵⁸ See pp. 54, 64–5, post.

⁵⁹ At this junction of the roads Buller's forces had waited for the army to come up. Compare The Narrative, pp. 23, 95; Barrington Letter, p. 572. The English were not unaware of the proximity of San Geronimo castle. Buller had looked it over, early.

⁶⁰ … dos largas carreras de caballo …

⁶¹ So vivid are the relations of this encounter, the scene stands forth like a brilliantly painted canvas:

The blazing sun—for it was about four o'clock in the afternoon, and mid-April in the semi-tropics. “… Coll. Buller's forces fell in with us, soe we came together into a very large road. …” A “fair broad road,” hemmed in by bush; not jungle, but the dry inhospitable bush of the West Indies —” young wood about 16 foot high.” The hard hot surface of that road scorched unaccustomed feet, and the “reflective” glare from it had more effect upon the invaders than they were aware. Coloured glasses were as yet no part of such an army's equipment. They have since become so.

Down this “very large road, where 20 men might march a brest” came the over-confident English, “marcing carlislie,” led by “a treacherous Irishman,” their general Venables in the van, “a musket on his shoulder.” They were now close under San Geronimo castle.

It was “a white fort of about 9 gunns neare the sea side, which alsoe stood neere that road”—“a stone fort … cloase adjoyneing to the sea, which was in force and bignesse much like to one of the lesser castles in the Downes, onely the middle was square built. … Not … above 10 or 12 gunns at most in it. …” “… a fort about Twenty-five Yards Square, and seven or Eight Yards high at least.”

An ambush was suspected. “The Generall with the engineer and some few more going in a carelesse manner before the forlorne to view the fort, the engineer doubting an ambuscadoe, discovering one of the enemie lying flat on the ground the centinell fired upon him, whereupon they immediately broke out upon our forlornes, and routed them totally, and killed about 20 upon the place. …”

They “… did doue a great deale spoyle vpon our forlorne. …” “… Gennerall Venabeles being one of the foremost, and seeing the ennemie fall one soe desperatly with thayer Lances, he very nobelly rune behinde a tree. …” Cf. Memorials, p. 85.Google Scholar

“Upon the retreat of the forlorne Capt. Pawlet's firelocks that were in their reare shamefully rann, and beate the Reformados into disorder, which they soone recovered, and faced the enemie a great while. …” The enemy, so faced, also drew into order and fired two volleys into the reformados, who were as yet unprepared to reply. “… But their third (volley) was soe answered that they ran from the hearing of it, bearing away theire dead and wounded. …” “As soon as they fled they did play … their cannon out of the fort … though to small purpose. …”

It was at this time that the English ships, watching off shore, perceived “bickerings” about the fort!

“The sea regiment that had the van chaced the enemie a mile to a great sevanno before the towne, and there stood: meane while some cannon from the citty walls fired at them in 2 places.

“In their chace the Generall came out of the wood to them. …” Came out from behind his tree, “very much ashamed.” He “made many exskuces: being so much prosesed with terror that he could hardlie spake. …”

In defence of Venables against this last statement (Whistler's) it should be repeated: sick with dysentery, he was nevertheless at the head of his army, with a musket on his shoulder See p. 54, post, for statement that Count de Peñalva was also on the field—acquitting himself possibly no more creditably! See note No. 63, p. 13.

⁶² Comparing this, what follows, and the notarial account (p. 54, post) with the English accounts, it seems plain that both Captain Pallano and the notary are passing too lightly over what occurred when, recovering from the first effect of the ambuscade, the English rallied and the sea regiment “did fall one most galantlie, and put the ennimie to flie for thayer liues. …”

“Ourfalorne did folow the ennemie clos, killing sume of them,” Whistler continues (p. 154); “vntell they came to one of thayer fortes, but as soune as the ennimi did see our men come one so fast thay fled out of the fort, and rune for the Cittie. …”

“We withdrew to the city,” says Captain Fallano.

“This small fort,” says Whistler, “is within one quarter of a mile of the Cittie.”

“There was about midway from the fort to the sevanno,” according to the Anonymous relation (p. 131), “a small fort, out of which (the) enemie ran, ere wee came neare them. …”

“… a small worke,” insists the author of the narrative credited to Major Thomas White (p. 55). There were cannon in it. “… our men still marching forward, the enemy threw the gunns into a well adjoyneing to the said fort, which our men tooke possession of.”

“We tooke a small sconce, but staid not in it,” says Barrington (p. 272).

Captain Pallano makes no mention of this work, nor of its abandonment, despite the fact that he was present in this engagement. It was, undoubtedly, Pozo del Rey (King's Well), previously mentioned in his relation, and soon to become Spanish headquarters.

“Now all the Commanders did doue all thay could to stop the Armie,” says Whistler (p. 154), “which wose don.”

“There was an expresse command given (as I was credibly informed) not to march forward without orders from the Generall.”—White, Narrative, P. 55.Google Scholar

A council of war was held and the English retired, to the surprise of the Spanish—at least, of Captain Pallano, who describes them as being at this moment “masters of the field.” See p. 16.

Venables gave reasons for this retreat (see The Narrative, pp. 27–8Google Scholar; 43; 82).

⁶³ These seem to have been foot. An endeavour to fit this into the notarial account (p. 54, post) leads to a surmise that Count de Peñalva was with these men.

⁶⁴ “… the citty walls fired … in 2 places. …”—Anonymous relation, p. 131.

⁶⁵ See note No. 50, ante.

⁶⁶ See p. xi, notes Nos. 26, 27, 28, ante. This retreat was disastrous. Captain Pallano's exultation is not entirely unjustified. Compare The Narrative, pp. 27–8, 43, 82Google Scholar; Anonymous relation, p. 132; Whistler's Journal, p. 155Google Scholar; White's Narrative, p. 56Google Scholar; Barrington Letters, p. 572Google Scholar; Memorials, p. 86.Google Scholar

⁶⁷ Compare especially Anonymous relation, pp. 128–9.

⁶⁸ “I hope that this holy image may from Our Lord obtain vengeance upon these dogs.”—Count de Peñalva to Captain Castillo, Santo Domingo, April 30, 1655, in A. de I., 53–2–8. Compare Anonymous relation. Whistler's Journal, pp. 130, 152Google Scholar. See pp. 48, 60, post.

⁶⁹ “18th, Wednesday.—We stood in more nigh to the town than formerly, and some frigates went in within gun-shot, and anchored, notwithstanding they fired many ordnance at them. They seemed to be ill gunners, most of all their shot falling within strange distances from the ships they aimed at.” —Memorials, p. 84. See p. 55, post.

⁷⁰ See p. 55, post.

⁷¹ See Appendix A.

⁷² “19th, Thursday.—This day, the town, from the castle, and fort at the west end of the town, kept playing all day on five of our ships that rode within shot, which answered them in the same language. Little hurt they did the ships.”—Memorials, p. 85. Nor do the Spanish complain that the town suffered! It was now, however (see p. 55, post), that the women left the city.

⁷³ This would seem to refer to the “very gallant sea regiment, consisting of 1200 proper stout seamen, who are headed by their own officers. …” —Memorials, p. 73. But they were among the first landed (Anonymous, relation, p. 127).

⁷⁴ See p. 19, note No. 80, post.

⁷⁵ Compare The Narrative, p. xl.

⁷⁶ See pp. 56, 65, post. Compare Anonymous relation, p. 132; Whistler's Journal, p. 157; White, Narrative, pp. 56–7Google Scholar; Barrington Letter, p. 572Google Scholar; Memorials, p. 86Google Scholar. This incident is referred to (A. de I., 63–2–8) in Count de Peñalva's communications to Castillo, who is also told not to attack the enemy in this fashion. The count felt that at that juncture a reverse would have been disastrous—“given the present state of this res publica.” See Appendix A for further mention of him whom Count de Peñalva lamented as “the good Captain Mantilla” and his enemies described as “a gallant, brave fellow.”

⁷⁷ Count de Peñalva's order to Castillo (A. de I., 53–2–8) is to occupy Pozo del Rey, with the forces to be delivered to him. It is dated May 1. See notes Nos. 53, 62, ante.

⁷⁸ The arrival of these men had been much desired. See pp. 52, 56. On Friday the count had written (A. de I., 53–2–8) to Captain Castillo: “I am hourly expecting men from Santiago. If they should come this night, I will reinforce the troops with some part of them.”

⁷⁹ “Saturday, Sunday and Munday we lay still.”—Anonymous relation, p. 132. This inactivity worried Count de Peñalva. He ordered (A. de I., 53–2–8) Castillo to watch the enemy close, not to attack him as he lay entrenched (as he had done, losing Mantilla), but to harry him into coming out in small bodies, and to ambush his foraging parties.

⁸⁰ A mortar-piece and two field pieces (drakes) were landed. Compare The Narrative, p. 28Google Scholar; Anonymous relation, p. 132; Whistler's Journal, p. 158Google Scholar; Memorials, pp. 50, 87Google Scholar; Harrington Letter, p. 573.Google Scholar

⁸¹ Peñalva's communications (A. de I., 53–2–8) to Castillo mention Cuellar, whose troop the count supposed to consist of 34 men at this time. See p. 56, post.

⁸² Compare Firth's preface to The Narrative, p. xxxiv. Appreciating the situation Count de Peñalva had ordered (A. de I., 53–2–8, May 2) Castillo to send out small parties to prevent foraging. He ordered wells filled p and spoiled, especially some he thought the enemy had not yet discovered.

⁸³ Compare Memorials, pp. 50, 87; Whistler's Journal, p. 158.Google Scholar

⁸⁴ There is an order (A. de I., 53–2–8, May 5) according to which Cuellar was to remain at his post.

⁸⁵ This arrangement, an obviously wise one, is suggested in a communication (A. de I., 53–2–8) from Peñalva to Castillo, dated the very day of the fight. With it the count sent forward fresh reinforcements of musketeers and lancers. “They (the firearms) can protect the lancers against the enemy's first volley, after which the lancers work with greater safety and effect.” Compare Anonymous relation, p. 133: “Ours fired indiscreetly upon them in a volley …” “… our falorne did fier att them all att one, and the ennemie did stoup vntell thay had all shot,. and then fell in amongst our armie with thayer Lances….”—Whistler's Journal, p. 158.Google Scholar

⁸⁶ Again the relations make the picture clear. Once more the English advanced, in the very same order they had had before, marching “in a good full body, shoulder to shoulder and to swords point,” down the same broad road, “where the dead still lay.” The Spaniards having “cleered away all that young wood from before the fort, which before did shrowd it … the lane lay open to the fort.” White in the afternoon sun, it drew most eyes. The forlorn (“… 500 drawn forth of each regiment a like proportion … commanded by Captain Butler and Adjutant-Gen. Jackson …”) led the way. Next to them came the reformados “and Capt. Pawlet's firelocks in their rear, then followed Capt. Carpenter's horse with the Major Generall Hean in the head of them, the Generall's regiment had the van of the armie, thus wee marched….”

The forlorn, the reformados, the firelocks passed the lane. When the horse and the colours reached it, San Geronimo “let flie 7 guns with case and round shot upon us….” Those who led now perceived the ambuscade. “An English officer, with a pike in his hand, laying it lengthwise across the front of his people, seemed to bid them retreat.”

The Spanish fired. The English answered indiscreetly—“our falorne did fier att them allattone….” This was precisely what the Spaniards anticipated. Ere they could reload the lancers were upon them, “and put our falorne to the rout …” “… a disorderly retreat, passing by the Reformados. Hereupon Capt. Pawlet's firelocks that were in their rear, ere they saw the enemie ran, together with the falorne, and left the small spot of Reformados standing, which were soone borne downe, there being left of 55 that charged that day about 18. The enemie together with those that fled disorderly routed the horse that came up to the charge….”

For despite San Ger?nimo the English had still come on, past the clearing. “… they came on in disorder (in fine, like frightened men). …” But they came on.

Meanwhile, the Spanish lancers had mounted “brave English horses” whose owners lay stretched upon the road. They pressed close—those black and yellow “cowkillers” from Santiago and Azua, and not even Major-General Heane could save the day.

Now it was that he, having “charged with the horse, and afterwards in the middst of the rout quitted his horse, … went on alone on foot, being very ill armed …” “… being of a more Nobell Spirit then the rest, (he) did desier our men to stand, but none would; then he did desier but to filles to stand bie him, teling them that he would worent they would rout them, but none would; then he by himselfe caling for 10 or 5 men to stand by him …” “… cried out as he was fighting, ‘Stand but 10 men and we shall beat them! ’” “… But none but 3 would stand with him. …”

“… against whom a big fellow issued from the fort on horseback, … having heard Haynes call for some of his cheery boys to stand by him….” “With nothing but a small walking-sword in his hand,” Heane faced this. Spaniard, who “rode a little into the wood, and brought out eight with him, lancers.

“And Thomas Boys, with an ensign (flag), and one more who was only left alive, but much wounded, stood by the major-general and fell with him. … (“All the prisoners said that this officer was the best soldier in England.”) Boys, when he was so wounded that he perceived he was slain, stripped off his colours, and wrapping himself in them, fell and died.”

“… the Seae Ridgment did oppen to the Right and left, and lett our Armie run thorow them, and then closed, and put the ennemie to retreat, and mad them flie….” “The pursuit of the enemy was not far, though it disordered about two regiments; but in less than half an hour it turned back, being stopped by Capt. Watson, and another captain, with four musketteers of the major-general's regiment….” “After all this slaughter the enemie was beaten back by 4 files of well disciplined men of the Generall's, but were first wearied with killing.” See pp. 57, 65, post.

⁸⁷ See pp. 57, 65, post. In a communication (A. de I., 53–2–8) to Castillo, Peñalva states that San Geronimo castle has “sufficient and very good artillery.”

⁸⁸ See p. 57, post, for statement of the Spanish casualties.

⁸⁹ Major-General Heane died fighting, “his sword sheathed in his enemies bowels” (Barrington Letter, p. 573Google Scholar; Whistler's Journal, p. 158Google Scholar) and “was buried privately” (Memorials, p. 50Google Scholar), near, evidently, where he fell. His colonel (Clark) received two wounds in this engagement, from which he died off Jamaica (Memorials, pp. 99–100Google Scholar) and was buried there. Captain Fallano may have confused these two. See also p. 66.

⁹⁰ “Our Guide was slain in the fight.”‘—Venables, The Narrative, p. 82.Google Scholar

⁹¹ The English do not agree. “… att last they (our Armie) did stop (runing), and did march vp. and came to the place whar the Sea Ridgment had made good the Ground, which wose within shot of the fort playing vpon them cruellie….”—Whistler's Journal, p. 159.Google Scholar

“After this losse received there was 100 men out of each regiment commanded forth to march forward and to take possession of the ground wee had then left, in which party I was commanded with 100 men…. Wee marched upp within musket shot of the fort, and were there commanded to stay, and waited in expectation of orders to march forward to the town of Sto. Domingo till the next norneing at 7 of the clock, dureing which time the enemy did us greate harme with their greate shott.”—White, Narrative, pp. 57–8.Google Scholar

“The enemy did much mischief amongst them by their artillery from the fort.”—Gregory Butler to the Protector, Memorials, p. 50.Google Scholar

“… the Enemy's Cannon from the Fort swept away our Men by eight or nine at a shot.”—Venables, The Narrative, p. 29Google Scholar; see also p. 98.

“… the great guns from the said fort” had galled them much even upon the first occasion.—Anonymous relation, p. 131.

⁹² All fully agree upon the effectiveness of lances in this campaign. Compare Anonymous relation, p. 127; Whistler's Journal, pp. 155–6Google Scholar; Barrington Letter, p. 573Google Scholar. See pp. 49, 57, post; notes Nos. 12, 19, ante.

⁹³ Compare Memorials, p. 89Google Scholar; The Narrative, p. 97Google Scholar; Anonymous relation, p. 133; Whistler's Journal, p. 159Google Scholar. The English, then, underestimated the number of men in the ambuscade, and also underestimated those who pursued—“laid hands on” them, for the highest estimate of the enemy's whole strength (in ambush) was 200 men, and the highest, of the pursuers, 80, while some thought the pursuers not to have exceeded 40.

⁹⁴ The forlorn was 400 or 500 men—400, according to General Venables (The Narrative, p. 97Google Scholar); 500 according to information (Memorials, p. 89Google Scholar) given Admiral Penn. See note No. 50, ante.

⁹⁵ The English evidently came back in good order. Compare The Narrative, pp. 96, 98Google Scholar; Anonymous relation, p. 133; White, Narrative, p. 57Google Scholar. They recovered their lost ground and held it all night, camping very near the fort, and, therefore, very near the Spanish concentrated at Pozo del Rey, a short distance nearer the town.

⁹⁶ Both sides passed an unquiet night. See pp. 57, 65, post. The firing was heard aboard the English ships, off shore (Memorials, p. 88Google Scholar). See also Peñalva to Castillo (A. de I., 53–2–8, communication of May 6). The invaders were alarmed by crabs, by fireflies (Memorials, p. 90Google Scholar; Whistler's Journal, pp. 160–1Google Scholar) and probably also by match (see p. 58, post) which the Spaniards hung on trees and ignited, to draw their fire, fruitlessly!

⁹⁶ See footnote 96 on previous page.

⁹⁷ See pp. 18, 36,48, 56, 57, 65, post, etc.

⁹⁸ The English were burying their dead, planting their mortar-piece, and clearing bush that it might play on Fort San Geronimo. Compare The Narrative, p. 29Google Scholar; Anonymous relation, p. 133; Whistler's Journal, p. 159Google Scholar; Memorials, p. 90Google Scholar; Barrington Letter, p. 573.Google Scholar

⁹⁹ Venables states that this night a council of war was held (see p. 57, post) (“of all the Colls, and several Field Officers”) at which, “no man dissenting,” it was resolved that if the mortar-piece could not be brought into play by sunrise, the army should retire. It is possible to infer that the officers refused to retire without making this one last effort. The mortar and possibly the two drakes as well were planted. But, according to Venables, the mortar was in an exposed position, the guns of San Geronimo were carrying off men in groups, and when sunrise came none could be found to serve the mortar. And the English retreated. Compare The Narrative, pp. 29–30, 82, 98.Google Scholar

“Now many did curs inwardlie which durst not show it outarlie.”— Whistler's Journal, p. 159.Google Scholar

¹⁰⁰ Compare with the original Spanish. See p. 57, post. So uncertain were the Spanish of the enemy's movements—near as the two camps were to each other—that the count offered (A. de I., 53–2–8) a reward for “definite true information,” and for a prisoner. Two were captured (as here stated) the gist of whose deposition is preserved (Ibid.). One of these men was too weak to talk until the Spaniards had restored and revived him.

¹⁰¹ According to orders (A. de I., 53–2–8), Peñalva to Castillo, Santo Domingo, May 6, 1655.

¹⁰² In various communications (A, de I., 53–2–8) the count urges Castillo to fill in certain wells and poison the water with sublimate of mercury. The English supposed (compare note No. 62) King's Well to have been “spoiled” when the Spanish retreated after the first engagement.

¹⁰³ Compare Firth's preface to The Narrative, p. xxxiGoogle Scholar; The Narrative, pp. 97, 99Google Scholar; Anonymous relation, p. 135; Whistler's Journal, p. 159Google Scholar; White, , Relation, p. 57Google Scholar; Barrington Letters, pp. 573Google Scholar. Prof. Firth's estimate of 300 or 400 killed in this second repulse seems low. Captain Pallano's is too high. See pp. 49, 59, 66, post.

¹⁰³ See footnote 103 on previous page.

¹⁰⁴ “… wee buried the shells in the place, and a little way thence fired the carriages, and soe we stole away.”—Anonymous relation, p. 134. Compare Whistler's Journal, p. 159Google Scholar; Memorials, pp. 50, 90Google Scholar. See pp. 49, 57, 65, post. See especially p. 61, post. Evidently the two drakes were also abandoned.

¹⁰⁵ “The losse upon this defeate received was eight feild colloures, (five of the Generall's, one of the Majour Generall's, and two reformed colloures).”—White, Relation, p. 57Google Scholar. See pp. 35, 49, post.

¹⁰⁶ See p. 59, post.

¹⁰⁷ The English were now hopelessly demoralized. Compare especially the Barrington Letter, p. 573Google Scholar; Anonymous relation, p. 134. No matter what divergent opinion there may have been (see Whistler's Journal, p. 159), or how anxious the navy (at this late hour) may have been to bombard (compare Memorials, pp. 92–5Google Scholar), “it was at a councell resolved to attempt St. Domingo noe more….”

The Spanish alarm abated slowly, however. See pp. 58 et seq., post. Count de Peñalva suspected (A. de I., 53–2–8, communications to Castillo) that the English withdrawal might be a ruse. One prisoner assured him that the enemy would attack again; another said the English army was beaten, had retired after a council of war, because of the number of killed, and sick (he said that of 7,000 men landed, only 4,500 answered roll call after the second engagement), had no desire to see more of the Spanish lancers, and could not draw on the fleet for reinforcements for there were no more men to land. Yet ordnance was trundled into the field and the Monte Grande road closed against a third attempt on the city.

It is perfectly plain that nobody, not even the ubiquitous Captain Fallano, entertained any desire to approach the English too closely, as they lay at Jayna. Count de Peñalva may (A. de I., 53–2–8, communications to Castillo dated May 8, 9, 11) have desired to attack them there, but Antonio Hernandez de Cuellar, who went down and looked them over, thought he saw signs of artillery well placed, and other indications, which moved him to advise against any such policy. The count seems to have felt some annoyance, but had to content himself with measures calculated to prevent the enemy from foraging, and so encourage him to embark and weigh. See p. 59, post.

“The enemie during the shipping of our men, never disturbed them in the least, but as the saying is, made them a golden bridge to be gone.”— Anonymous relation, pp. 134–5.

¹⁰⁸ His communication to Castillo, recounting this matter, is preserved (copy) in A. de I., 53–2–8. He reports killing 40 men who had come for meat to Don Francisco de Tapia's sugar estate; his own loss was four wounded. See p. 58, post.

¹⁰⁹ See p. 59, post.

¹¹⁰ See pp. 49, 60, 66, post.

¹¹¹ See p. 59, post.

¹¹² Compare especially Anonymous relation, p. 135; Barrington Letter, p. 573Google Scholar. “… there was an hundred brave English horses destroyed….” See p. 49, post.

¹¹³ Compare p. 59, post.

¹¹⁴ See note No. 34, ante.

¹¹⁵ The English state that Venables opposed Penn's proposals to batter Fort San Geronimo and the town. See The Narrative, Firth's preface, p. xvi and citations there made. “… Gennerall Venabeles wose loft (i.e. loth) that the Cittie should be defased….”—Whistler, p. 157.

¹¹⁶ See pp. 57, 60, post.

¹¹⁷ No warning reached Jamaica.

¹¹⁸ Author of the map, frontispiece. See p. 37, post.

¹¹⁹ Compare The Narrative, Firth's preface, p. xv; pp. 18, 22. Seep, ix, ante.

¹²⁰ The countess was such in her own right; her husband enjoyed the title by marriage. Among Castillo's documents (A. de I., 53–2–8) is a communication (copy) from her to him, congratulating him upon the victory achieved. See also p. 27, ante.

¹²¹ Compare pp. 52, 54, post. See Appendix A.

¹²² See p. 48, post.

¹²³ Compare what follows with frontispiece. Also with Document II, post.

¹²⁴ This page constitutes a cover to the document.

¹²⁶ The foregoing paragraph is a receiving clerk's brief.

¹²⁶ Decree in council. See note 38, ante.

¹²⁷ See Appendix A.

¹²⁸ See Appendix B.

¹²⁹ King's counsel's opinion.

¹³⁰ This suggests that no action was taken upon this relation. See note 38, ante.

¹³¹ Archivo General de Indias, Sevilla, España. Simancas. Papeles pertenecientes á las invasiones que han hecho los enemigos en las islas de Santo Domingo y de la Tortuga. Años 1634 a 1658. Estante No. 2, Cajon No. 5, Legajo No. 1/28. (Patronato.) 2 pliegos. Original.

This letter is badly composed and not too well written. There is every reason to suppose that Count de Peñalva made a report to the crown. The editor has not seen it. The probabilities are that it is not more valuable than this communication, addressed to his majesty's secretary.

¹³² Compare p. 44, ante.

¹³³ Scaling ladders. Compare Memorials, pp. 86–7; Whistler's Journal, 155, etc.

¹³⁴ This document enclosed the Notarial Account which follows. This consists of 4 pliegos and is a copy (copia simple). There is much underscoring done by the same person who made the corresponding marginal notes.

¹³⁵ This is an interesting statement. See p. ix, ante, notes Nos. 17 and 20.

¹³⁶ See pp. 17, 18, ante. The English accounts specifically state (Anonymous relation, p. 132; Whistler, p. 157) that the Spanish attacked them in their camp—“came to us to our very guards.” Peñalva's communications and Castillo bear out this version.

¹³⁷ The editor cannot reconcile this statement with the tenor of Count de Peñalva's communications (A. de I., 53–2–8) to Castillo at this time, which distinctly give the impression that the count felt that Cuellar was now avoiding an encounter; nor especially with Cuellar's own report (Ibid.) to Castillo dated May 9, wherein he states that he showed himself with ten men to the enemy who refused to be so enticed out into an ambuscade. “… they only drew together. They will not move or come out of the works they have thrown up.” But compare p. 16, ante. This would seem to be the encounter to which the notary refers.

¹³⁸ The parts played by negroes on both sides in this campaign should interest some historian of their race.

¹³⁹ See pp. 50, ante; 66, post.

¹⁴⁰ Archivo General de Indias, Sevilla, España. Papeles pertecientes a las invasiones que han hecho los enemigos en las islas de Santo Domingo y de la Tortuga. Años 1634 a 1658. Estante No. 2, Cajon No. 5, Legajo No. 1/28. (Patronato.) 2 pliegos. Original.

¹⁴¹ A. de I., 53–2–8.

¹⁴² This document, 1 pliego, memorandum, is enclosed in the Pallano relation. See p. 45, and note No. 38, ante.

There was presently complaint that because these grants of Indians (encomiendas) to requite services against the English, were made in Venezuela, they were not effective. See p. 71, post. In 1662 Don Pedro de Carvajal y Cobos, then president of the audiencia of Santo Domingo, informed the crown (A. de I., 54–6–28, despatch dated May 26, 1662) that only the 500 ducats appropriated toward the expenses of Don Juan de Cabiedes' children had been paid over, to his daughter. Compare Captain Pallano's remarks, p. 39, ante.

It will be observed that Captain Pallano's name is absent from among those here distinguished. See p. 46, ante. Evidently he was not mentioned in the audiencia's despatches. Compare final paragraph of this document. But his superior officer, Captain Castillo, did not so overlook him, for in A. de I., 55–1–8, is preserved (copy, 2 pliegos, duplicated) a communication from Castillo to the crown, Santo Domingo, April 26, 1656, in which Captain Manuel Gonzalez Pallano is stated to have been present “on all occasions,” and to have shown himself possessed of experience and valour (… se hallo enlodas las ocasiones con muestras de Balor y experiencia …).

¹⁴³ See p. 46, and also note No. 38, ante. This document, 1 pliego, original, is enclosed in the Pallano relation. Obviously, it was composed by Captain Pallano, and it was written by the same clerk who wrote his narrative.

¹⁴⁴ Receiving clerk's summary.

¹⁴⁵ Council's decree. See note No. 38, ante.