In this article, I argue that there is a fundamental contradiction in Hobbes' political theory: the contradiction is between the method (which may be called “realism”) used in the deduction of the commonwealth and sovereign, and the sovereign's alleged obligation to obey the laws of nature. In order to explain how the contradiction arises, I begin by giving a brief account of the laws of nature in Hobbes, and the way in which he deduces the necessity for a sovereign. I then discuss a number of possible ways of avoiding the contradiction, and find them all unsatisfactory. Finally, I propose a solution to the problem. This solution involves some criticisms of Professor C. B. Macpherson's analysis of Hobbes, and also has some bearing on the relationship of the thought of Marx to more orthodox political theory.

In De Corpore Politico, Hobbes says that the laws of nature are “the dictates of natural reason … moral laws, because they concern the manners and conversation of men, one towards another; so are they also divine laws in respect of the author thereof. …” The laws of nature, then, can be seen in three ways: as rational, as moral, and as divine. It is because he says that they are both moral laws and dictates of reason, in that reason dictates on the basis of certain facts, that Hobbes is said to be guilty of the naturalistic fallacy, of attempting to deduce values from facts. And he calls them divine in order to emphasize that they cannot, according to his own account of law, properly be called laws at all except they be commands, in this case the commands of God. “And forasmuch as law, to speak properly, is a command, and these dictates, as they proceed from nature, are not commands, they are not therefore called laws, in respect of nature, but in respect of the author of nature, God Almighty.” Hobbes gives various explanations of just why the laws are moral, and all of them are unsatisfactory in one way or another. In the above passage he says that they are moral because they concern the manners and conversation of men, one towards another; but not everything which concerns the manners and conversation of men is moral.

Almost overnight, regionalism in Canada has become the current fashion and a subject for much intellectual speculation as well as administrative experimentation. This symposium is but one of many testimonials to the growing interest in the subject. In 1964, the Committee on Statistics of the Canadian Political Science Association considered the problem. Early in 1965, Queen's University sponsored a conference on areas of economic stress that was the forerunner to a much larger conference on regionalism convened by the Province of Ontario. The Institute of Public Administration of Canada selected regionalism as the theme for its autumn conference. Recent reports of a royal commission in New Brunswick and of a legislative committee in Ontario are implicitly concerned with regionalism in so far as they propose basic remodelling of the local government services in their respective provinces. The Resources Ministers Council is grappling with the concept, as are also the federal departments of Industry and of Agriculture. On the international plane, the St. Lawrence Seaway and the Columbia River development have projected more grandiose conceptions of regionalism. In short, regionalism, with concomitant regional administrative structures, is being advanced as an answer to the new problems of interdependence that cut across traditional political boundary lines, whether they be municipal, provincial, or national.

The title chosen for this symposium suggests that regional interests are, indeed, a reality within the Canadian federal structure and that policy must accommodate itself not only to the familiar strains of dominion-provincial tensions but to the newer cross-currents of regionalism. The detailed implications of regionalism cannot be considered here, but resort to the analytical tools of the new school of systems analysts may help to develop certain general conclusions.

The paucity of econometric analyses of the demand for consumer durables stands in sharp contrast to the number of studies involving the demand for non-durables, and for agricultural commodities in particular. The neglect of durables undoubtedly reflects in part the greater difficulty of obtaining the necessary data, especially data on stocks, and in part the heterogeneity of most durables, such as houses or automobiles. Econometric analysis in the post-war period has also been centred around the construction of large-scale macro-economic models. Until rather recently, however, such models were relatively highly aggregated, and seldom involved examination of particular durables markets by themselves. Moreover, where an equation for the housing market has been included, it has often been a hybrid of supply and demand forces, intended to serve in a “forecasting” role, presumably in the hope that appreciable structural change would not occur during the forecast period.

The present study will, it is hoped, cast some light on the controversy generated in the United States over the size of demand elasticities for housing with respect to income. The results of the econometric techniques employed here may also assist in evaluating the appropriateness of alternative estimating techniques for the study of demand for durables.

An econometric analysis of the demand for housing immediately raises two questions. First, is it a flow or a stock demand that is to be analysed? Here it is the demand for a long-run equilibrium stock, the “desired stock” of housing, that is the focus of concern.

This paper attempts to fill a gap in Canadian economic statistics. Saving by households is the largest component of net domestic saving in Canada, but lack of data has prevented any detailed examination of the saving behaviour of this sector. The periodical surveys of liquid assets provide information on the income distribution of household savings and some of the forms in which they are held, but no such distribution has been derived for household saving. A first step is made here in the analysis of Canadian household saving behaviour with the construction of income distributions of saving based on data collected by the Urban Family Expenditure Survey for 1959. The survey is not an ideal instrument for this purpose; it was designed primarily to derive detailed information on consumer expenditures, and it is not always possible to separate out, without using approximate methods, data required for saving estimates. In addition, the total sample is relatively small with only a limited number of respondents in the upper income and entrepreneurial categories which contribute substantially to total saving. However, there is no other Canadian source available for this type of study. The results obtained are of interest in themselves and their derivation can point up changes in survey methods and tabulations which would make future survey data more useful for the estimation of household saving.

The 1959 survey was restricted to urban centres with a population of 15,000 or over, but there were no restrictions with respect to family size or income. A probability sample of slightly more than 3000 households was selected for the survey from the eighty-one urban areas which qualified. The sampling rate was 1/1500 in Montreal and Toronto, 1/800 in Vancouver, 1/300 in Newfoundland, and 1/600 in all other areas chosen. To obtain national averages the returns for each region were weighted to allow for differences in sampling and response rates. Response rates varied from 45 per cent in Toronto to 78 per cent in the Prairies, with an over-all average of approximately 62 per cent. No adjustment was made for differences in the response of the various family types. It was noted that “the proportion in the weighted sample of one-person units to families of two or more was below that indicated by available check data.” This lack of adjustment, if differences are significant, would bias the survey results and thus our saving estimates, if the responses varied with family type. Tables IV to VI, given below, indicate that substantial differences exist in the saving patterns of the three family sizes for which estimates were obtained.

This study presents an econometric model designed to project developments in the current account of the Canadian balance of payments. The exposition of the study is divided into three parts; Part I describes the general structure of the model; Part II contains the complete equation system of the model and summarizes the statistical estimates of the behavioral equations; Part III presents the results of testing the model for the years 1962–64, and the results of a projection made from the model for the current account in 1965.

In the model the trading world is divided into four regions: Canada, the United States, Western Europe, and the rest of the world. Merchandise trade transactions between each of these regions are treated by separate equations, as are non-merchandise trade transactions of Canada with each of the other three regions. The non-merchandise or service transactions are separated by category into expenditures for transportation, travel, interest and dividends, and all other services. Also included in the model are equations for gross national product (GNP), consumption, and inventory investment in Canada, the United States, and Western Europe, as well as equations for export prices in each of the four regions. The specification and structure of the model are based largely on a three-region world trade model of the US current account recently employed by Rhomberg. For purposes of the following discussion, the fifty equations contained in the model are consolidated into twelve general equations. The variables used in the equations are shown below: the subscripts 1, 2, 3, and 4 refer to Canada, the United States, Western Europe, and the rest of the world respectively.

Although much interest has been manifested lately in voting behaviour in Canadian elections no recent study attempts to segregate the religious and the ethnic variables. Moreover, when the religious-ethnic variable is considered as a single component, other differences such as socio-economic status, education, median age, and sex-ratio of the groups concerned are commonly slighted. This paper summarizes an attempt to examine the variables of religious affiliation and ethnicity separately, while at the same time controlling for other relevant variables.

The data used in this study were collected in the “North End” district of the city of Hamilton, Ontario, in May and June, 1962, immediately prior to the federal election. The district selected is a working class area inhabited by many English- and some French-speaking Canadians and by immigrants from many European countries. It is relatively homogeneous with regard to income and style of life. Geographically, the area's boundaries are those of census tract 14. It is bordered on the north and west by Lake Ontario and on the south and east by a railway. The area is thus somewhat segregated and distinct from the rest of the city. To make the sample as fully representative as possible the probability sample method was employed. In this method every unit in the sample has an equal opportunity of being selected to be interviewed. It was carried out as follows: (1) All households located in the area to be studied were numbered in the order they are listed in the 1961 Vernon City Directory, i.e., by streets in alphabetical order. There were 2208 households listed. (2) 400 random numbers, without duplications, were selected, all of which fall between 0001 and 2208. (3) Households bearing these numbers (in our numbering of the directory) represent the sample. (4) Case numbers from 1 to 400 were assigned arbitrarily. In households where both resided, male respondents were to be interviewed in households designated by even numbers, and female respondents in households designated by odd numbers. (5) The sample is of households, not of families or buildings or persons.

The conditions under which a man is entitled to inherit the estate of his father play an essential part in two of Locke's principal arguments in the Second Treatise of Civil Government. First, in criticizing those who contend that birth, not consent, makes man a member of an established civil society, Locke argues that inheritance, rather than birth, determines membership, and that consent is a condition of inheritance. Second, in rejecting the view that conquest in a just war confers political power upon the conqueror, Locke argues that this would be incompatible with the right of the descendants of the conquered to their inheritance.

These two arguments appear opposed. If consent to established government is a legitimate condition of inheritance, then is consent to the government of a conqueror not also a legitimate condition? Or, if the right to inherit cannot be limited by requiring obedience to a just conqueror, then can this right be limited by requiring obedience to any existing authority? A close discussion of Locke's arguments should reveal the extent of this opposition, and so determine the consistency of his account of inheritance.

Locke first introduces inheritance in distinguishing paternal from political power. His treatment here anticipates his later account of the relation between inheritance and consent, and so is worth brief attention.

During the nineteenth century and the early part of the twentieth, the value-of-service basis for railway rates ruled unchallenged. Over the last forty years, and especially the last twenty, that system has been undermined from so many directions that it is rapidly becoming untenable. Willy-nilly, railways are being forced over to a cost-of-service basis by the competition of other carriers and by the relocation of industry. So long as they are expected to be self-supporting (and the logical problems of operating nation-wide utilities on any other basis are daunting), any traffic or service that does not pay its full costs must inevitably come under review. The cross-subsidization between different types of traffic which once took place as a matter of course is no longer possible, and railways are compelled to know their own costs and to sell their services in competition at rates based, to an ever-increasing extent, on cost. In the last fifteen years, for example, competition has converted the old class rate structure, which was the heart of value-of-service rates, into a mere shrunken survival, historically interesting, but no longer worthy of serious consideration.

There are other surviving specimens of value-of-service rates, but the Crow's Nest schedule for grain rates is the only one covering a major traffic. For historic reasons, the rates, in terms of current money, are now at or below those first established at September 1899, despite the change in prices and wages in the intervening period. There are, therefore, compelling reasons to examine them now.

The primary purpose of this article is to perform a statistical test of the popular contention that interest rate differentials have been important determinants of the relative decline of the Canadian chartered banks in the competition for personal savings deposits. The Report of the Royal Commission on Banking and Finance, in listing the various factors that influence the distribution of savings deposits among depository institutions, stated that, “the rate paid on deposits is also a very important factor in attracting funds. …” The Commission also commented that the fact that the banks have not paid as high rates as their competitors on personal savings deposits “has without question contributed to their relatively slow rate of growth.” In support of these assertions the Commission stated that, “there is evidence suggesting the force of interest rate competition. As an example, market rates and rates paid on such claims as trust and loan company liabilities rose quite sharply in 1959 while the banks' rate held steady as 2¾%. In that year the share of personal savings deposits in the ‘market’ … declined more sharply than in previous years.”

The Commission's evidence, it may be suggested, falls into the post hoc ergo propter hoc category. For example, the fact that the number of trust company outlets increased 5.3 per cent during 1958–59, compared to only 0.2 per cent on the average during the previous six-year period, can just as easily be presented as the reason for the relative increase of trust company savings in 1959.