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The Ethnic German Minority of Slovakia and the Third Reich, 1938–45

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  16 December 2008

Valdis O. Lumans
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Considered in isolation, the experiences of the ethnic German minority of Slovakia hardly warrant more than a footnote in the history of East-Central Europe during the years of World War II. The wartime experiences of this numerically small German minority, known as the Carpathian Germans, do, however, stand out in vivid contrast to those of the other German minority group of Czechoslovakia, the much-publicized Sudeten Germans of Bohemia and Moravia. And it is this glaring contrast that lends significance to a study of the Slovakian German experiences, both with the Third Reich and with the ephemerally independent Slovak state. The juxtaposition of the estimated 130,000 Carpathian Germans of Slovakia and the more than 3,000,000 Sudeten Germans of central and western Czechoslovakia suggests a natural and dramatic comparison, which reveals that no blanket generalization can be offered regarding the wartime experiences of any of the German minorities of Europe.

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Articles
Information
Central European History , Volume 15 , Issue 3 , September 1982 , pp. 266 - 296
Copyright
Copyright © Conference Group for Central European History of the American Historical Association 1982

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References

1. Winkler, Wilhelm, Statistisches Handbuch der europäischen Nationalitäten (Vienna and Leipzig, 1931), pp. 46–47Google Scholar. Based upon official Czechoslovakian statistics of 1930, 3,318,445 Germans lived in the country, along with 7,349,039 Czechs and 2,407,565 Slovaks.

2. According to Winkler, Wilhelm, Statistisches Handbuch and Deutschtum in aller Welt: Bevölkerungsstatistische Tabellen (Vienna, 1938)Google Scholar, some 9,700,000 Volksdeutsche lived throughout Europe as members of national minorities: Czechoslovakia, 3,318,445; Poland, 1,190,000; Lithuania, 100,000; Alsace-Lorraine, 1,500,000; Belgium, 70,000; Denmark, 30,000–40,000; Italy, over 200,000; Yugoslavia, 700,000; Hungary, 500,000; Rumania, 750,000; Soviet Union, 1,240,000; Latvia and Estonia, 80,000; Danzig, 400,000.

3. Smelser, Ronald M., The Sudeten Problem, 1933–1938: Volkstumspolitik and the Formulation of Nazi Foreign Policy (Middletown, 1975)Google Scholar, essentially agrees with Czech historians Krái, Vaclav, Die Deutschen in der Tschechoslowakei 1933–1947: Dokumentsammlung (Prague, 1964)Google Scholar, and Luža, Radomir, The Transfer of the Sudeten Germans: A Study of Czech-German Relations, 1933–1962 (New York, 1964)Google Scholar, about the fifth column role of this minority group. Smelser, however, disagrees with most others on the degree of control from Berlin. He concludes that the Sudeten Germans acted relatively independently of Berlin.

4. Hitler frequently spoke of the region as a source of economic wealth and an area destined to become an integral part of the new order. For example, in Hitler's Table Talk, 1941–44: His Private Conversations, ed. Cameron, Norman and Stevens, R. H., 2d ed. (London, 1973), p. 53Google Scholar, Oct. 13, 1941, Hitler raved about the economic potential of the area and how it would contribute to the new order. Refer also to Orlow, Dietrich, The Nazis in the Balkans: A Case Study in Totalitarian Politics (Pittsburgh, 1968), pp. 5, 126–28Google Scholar, and Wuescht, Johann, Jugoslawien und das Dritte Reich (Stuttgart, 1969), pp. 251–56.Google Scholar Of the numerous plans and policy statements produced on the future of the Southeast, the following are representative: “Die europäische Neuordnung in Südösteuropa,” Politisches Archiv, Auswärtiges Amt, Bonn (hereafter cited as PA AA), Inland IIg, 239, Bd. 20; “Die Rolle der deutschen Volksgruppen im Rahmen der europäischen Neuordnung in den südöstlischen Karpathen-Räumen nördliche der Donau,” PA AA, Inland IIg, 239, Bd. 20; “Der Donauraum als Verkehrslinie,” Apr. 24, 1941, National Archives Microfilm, Foreign Ministry, series T-12O, reel 2424, serial 4699, frames E226979–85, hereafter cited as T-120/2424/4699/E226979–85; “Der Donauraum im wirtschaftlichen Zusammenhang,” Apr. 26,1941, T-120/2424/4699/E226974–78; VoMi memo, “Zur Umsiedlung der Deutschen im Donauraum,” Nov. 6, 1939, T-120/1305/2334/486865–67. Most of these plans either imply or mention explicitly Hitler's general plan for the future germanization of the region. In comparison to these schemes for the Southeast, one should note the draconian measures proposed in the document setting basic policy in Poland and Russia, “Erlass des Führers und Reichskanzlers zur Festigung deutschen Volkstums,” Oct. 7,1939, Bundesarchiv Koblenz (hereafter cited as BA), R49 25, also in T-120/2424/4699/E227O49–5O, which called for the removal of non-Germans to make room for German settlers.

5. Schieder, Theodor, gen. ed., Dokumentation der Vertreibung der Deutschen aus Ost-Mitteleuropa, 5 vols. (Berlin, 1957), 4/1Google Scholar: Die Vertreibung der deutschen Bevölkerung aus der Tschechoslowakei, pp. 140–41 (hereafter cited as Vertreibung).

6. Ibid.

7. Franz Karmasin, Lebenslauf, SS Officer Personnel File, Berlin Document Center (hereafter cited as SSO BDC).

8. Ibid.

9. Henlein to Karmasin, Oct. 15, 1937, in Král, document no. 76, pp. 130–31; Hoensch, Jörg, Die Slowakei und Hitlers Ostpolitik: Hlinkas Slowakische Volkspartei zwischen Autonomie und Separation, 1938–1939 (Cologne and Graz, 1965), pp. 172–73Google Scholar; also Vertreibung, pp. 142–46.

10. Karmasin to Henlein, Apr. 21, 1938, in Král, no. 126, pp. 198–99.

11. For a thorough discussion of Weimar minority policy, refer to Krekeler, Norbert, Revisionsanspruch und geheime Ostpolitik der Weimarer Republik: Die Subventionerung der deutschen Minderheit in Polen, 1919–1933 (Stuttgart, 1973)CrossRefGoogle Scholar. See also relevant sections in Jacobsen, Hans-Adolf, Nationalsozialistische Aussenpolitik, 1933–1938 (Berlin and Frankfurt a.M., 1968).Google Scholar

12. For a study of the Volksdeutsche Mittelstelle see Lumans, Valdis O., “The Volksdeutsche Mittelstelle and the German National Minorities of Europe” (Ph.D. diss., University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill, 1979).Google Scholar

13. For discussions of this issue refer to Aronson, Shlomo, Reinhard Heydrich und die Frühgeschichte von Gestapo und SD (Stuttgart, 1971)Google Scholar, as well as Smelser and Jacobsen.

14. This subject has been discussed in a paper by the author, “The Military Obligation of the Volksdeutsche Towards the Third Reich,” Duquesne University History Forum, Pittsburgh, Oct. 1980.

15. According to a seniority list of SS officers, of Nov. 9, 1944, in U.S., Chief of Counsel for War Crimes, Trial of War Criminals before the Nuremberg Military Tribunals, 15 vols. (Washington, 1949–1953), 13: 1176–88Google Scholar, Lorenz was the fifteenth ranking officer in the SS, the tenth ranking Obergruppenführer.

16. Lorenz, Lebenslauf and other documents, SSO BDC.

17. Behrends, SSO BDC.

18. Most studies on the SS include VoMi as an SS organ. Refer to Lumans, “The Volksdeutsche Mittelstelle,” for a discussion of this issue. All evidence leads to the conclusion that VoMi remained a party office.

19. Decree of Führer and Reich Chancellor Adolf Hitler, July 2,1938, PA AA, Inland IIg, 232, Bd. 13.

20. Altenburg memo, Foreign Ministry, May 19, 1938, in U.S. Department of State, Documents on German Foreign Policy, 13 vols. (Washington, 1949–1957)Google Scholar, ser. D, vol. 2, document no. 167, pp. 291–92 (hereafter cited as DGFP). See also Hoensch, Die Slowakei, pp. 179, 190.

21. Woermann memo, for State Secretary, Foreign Ministry, Sept. 19, 1938, DGFP, vol. 2, no. 536, pp. 842–43.

22. Report on conference in Budapest on Feb. 11, 1938, dated Feb. 19, 1938, DGFP, vol. 2, no. 58, pp. 133–34; Kunzel report on conversation with Hungarian Minister Daranyi on Feb. 12, 1938, dated Feb. 19, 1938, DGFP, vol. 2, no. 59, p. 135; Kunzel report, dated Feb. 19, 1938, DGFP, vol. 2, no. 60, pp. 136–37.

23. Druffel, Reich Consulate in Bratislava, to Reich Mission in Prague, Oct. 11, 1938, Král, no. 255, p. 348; Tiso to Karmasin, Oct. 26, 1938, Král, no. 258, p. 356.

24. Kundt draft of plan, undated, National Archives Microfilm, Foreign Ministry, series T-120, reel 402, serial 1022, frames 309227–29, hereafter cited as T-120/402/1022/309227–29. See also Lorenz, Foreign Ministry, memo regarding conversation with Luig, VoMi, Oct. 15, 1938, T-120/402/1022/309240–48.

25. Deutschen Nachrichtenbüro interview with Karmasin, Oct. 15,1939, T-120/402/1022/309238–39.

26. Unsigned memo of conversation involving Göring, Ďurčanský, Mach, SeyssInquart, and Karmasin, on either Oct 16 or 17, 1938, DGFP, vol. 4, no. 68, pp. 82–83; Woermann to Consul Druffel, Bratislava, Oct. 17, 1938, DGFP, vol. 4, no. 69, pp. 83–84; Woermann note to Foreign Minister, Nov. 11, 1938, DGFP, vol. 4, no. 112, pp. 142–43.

27. Hewel memo, member of Ribbentrop's staff, Feb. 12, 1939, DGFP, vol. 4, no. 168, pp. 209–13.

28. Hewel memo, regarding conversation attended by Hitler, Tiso, Ribbentrop, Keitel, Brauchitsch, Ďurčanský, and others, but not Karmasin, Mar. 13, 1939, DGFP, vol. 4, no. 202, pp. 243–45.

29. Karmasin to Henlein, Mar. 16, 1939, Král, no. 282, pp. 384–85.

30. Henlein, in Das Schwarze Korps, Apr. 20, 1939, p. 4.

31. The best account of these events is found in Hoensch, Die Slowakei. Refer also to Hoensch's chapter, “The Slovak Republic, 1939–1945,” in Mamatey, Victor S. and Luza, Radomir, eds., A History of the Czechoslovak Republic, 1918–1948 (Princeton, 1973)Google Scholar. See also Jelinek, Yeshayahu, The Parish Republic: Hlinka's Slovak People's Party, 1939–1945 (New York, 1976).Google Scholar

32. Treaty of Protection, signed by Ribbentrop, Tiso, Tuka, and Ďurčanský, on Mar. 18 and 23, 1939, DGFP, vol. 6, no. 40, pp. 42–43. For the economic protocol, see DGFP, vol. 6, no. 40, pp. 44–45.

33. Hoensch, Die Slowakei, pp. 181–85; Luig, VoMi, Rundschreiben no. 44, July 7, 1939, PA AA, Dienststelle Ribbentrop, 16/2 VoMi. For excerpts of the constitution, see Vertreibung, vol. 4/1, pp. 149–51.

34. VoMi, “Deutsche Partei in der Slowakei,” Oct. 26, 1942, Trial of War Criminals at Nuremburg, Transcripts and Documents, NO-3526, Case 8, Prosec. Doc. Book IIB. Hereafter cited as Case 8, along with document identification.

35. VoMi, “Organisations-und Geschäftsverteilungsplan,” Apr. 15, 1943, Berlin Document Center (BDC), Folder RFSS 31.

36. Woermann, Foreign Ministry, to Foreign Minister, Nov. 29, 1939, in Král, no. 298, p. 397.

37. “Zusammenstellung der Etats für das Auswärtiges Amt … Slowakei,” 1941, T-120/2424/4699/E227024.

38. Schwarz to Foreign Minister, Oct. 31, 1941, T-120/736/1257/33864.

39. For the documentation of this problem, see T-120/736/1257/338607–38, for a series of communications between VoMi, Schwarz, and the Foreign Ministry, in late 1941 and early 1942.

40. In Oct. 1939, Hitler announced his intention to resettle Volksdeutsche from Eastern Europe to the Reich. He claimed that it was in the interest of removing a source of conflict from the region. In fact, the only groups to be resettled were those residing in areas designated to fall within the Soviet sphere of interest according to the Nazi-Soviet treaty of Aug. and Sept. 1939. VoMi was in charge of the resettlement operation, which removed Volksdeutsche from Estonia, Latvia, eastern Poland, and Bessarabia and Bukovina in Rumania. The major groups in Southeastern Europe remained in place.

41. Reich Legation, Bratislava, to Foreign Ministry, Berlin, regarding Tuka's speech, Apr. 3, 1940, PA AA, Inland IIg, 235, Bd. 16.

42. VoMi, “Zur Umsiedlung der Deutschen im Donauraum,” Nov. 6, 1939, T-120/1305/2334/486865–67.

43. Killinger, Bratislava, to RFSS Himmler, Jan. 9, 1940, PA AA, Inland IIg, 239, Bd. 20.

44. Ibid.

45. Deutsches Ausland Institut Kommission, Rüdiger, report no. 1, Berlin, Jan. 13, 1940, regarding conversation with Behrends of VoMi, in which it was mentioned that Henniger was in Bratislava. Records of the Deutsches Ausland Institut, T-81/273/2393543–44; Kultur A memo, Foreign Ministry, May 31,1940, regarding meeting with Henniger, PA AA, Inland IIg, 235, Bd. 16.

46. Pancke, Chief of RuSHA, to Himmler, June 18, 1940, in Král, no. 308, pp. 405–8.

47. Bernard memo, Foreign Ministry, “German Remonstrances to Slovakia,” July 22, 1940, DGFP, vol. 10, no. 205, pp. 268–69; Ribbentrop to Killinger, Bratislava, July 29, 1940, DGFP, vol. 10, no. 263, pp. 375–76.

48. Unsigned memo, regarding meeting including Hitler, Tiso, Ribbentrop, Tuka, Mach, and Killinger, on July 28, 1940, DGFP, vol. 10, no. 248, pp. 345–48.

49. Behrends VoMi, to Himmler, Oct. 10, 1941, National Archives, NO-5524; also Brandt to Behrends, Oct. 17, 1941, National Archives, NO-5525.

50. Lackmann, Anlage zum Personalbogen, SSO BDC.

51. Lackmann, Personalbogen, SSO BDC.

52. Karmasin to Himmler, July 28, 1942, in Král, no. 388, pp. 490–91; Lorenz Testimony, Case 8, p. 2630; “Bericht über die Durchschleusung von 91 Slowakeideutschen im Lager Wolfsberg,” Sept. 8, 1943, 81/285/2408158–72; also, Hilberg, Raul, The Destruction of the European Jews (New York, 1973), pp. 458–73.Google Scholar The “asocials” were to be housed in VoMi-administered camps, initially established to house Volksdeutsche resettlers from the various resettlement operations while they were awaiting their final placement. It was common practice to sort out the new arrivals in these camps according to racial and political criteria. Those meeting the highest standards were designated for settlement in the East; the less desirable would remain in the Reich and find employment in war industry. In many cases those deemed political and racial enemies of the Reich were turned over to the authorities. This drastic measure usually meant incarceration in a concentration camp. There is no reason to believe that this procedure was altered for the “asocials” from Slovakia. Since these people were regarded as undesirables by the fact of their deportation to the Reich, it is highly unlikely that any were selected for settlement in the East. One may presume that the more fortunate were placed in war industry, while others were condemned to the concentration camps. For a discussion of the VoMi camp system for Volksdeutsche, see Lumans, “The Volksdeutsche Mittelstelle.”

53. Karmasin to Himmler, July 28, 1942, in Král, no. 388, pp. 490–91.

54. Stein, George H., The Waffen SS: Hitler's Elite Guard at War, 1939–1945 (Ithaca, 1966), pp. 296–98.Google Scholar

55. Rossipaul, Lothar, “Die deutsche Volksgruppe in der Slowakei,” Nation und Staat 12 (12 1939): 741–57Google Scholar; Vertreibung, vol. 4/1, pp. 154–60.

56. Karmasin to Kaltenbrunner, HSSPF Donau, Sept. 6, 1939, in Král, pp. 392–93.

57. Berger to Himmler, Feb. 21, 1940, Records of Reichsführer SS, T-175/128/2654378; Berger to Himmler, July 1, 1940, T-175/128/2654253.

58. Vertreibung, vol. 4/1, pp. 154–55.Google Scholar See also Berger to Himmler, Apr. 30, 1943, T-175/75/2593667–68; Brandt, RFSS Pers. Staff, to Berger, May 19, 1943, T-175/75/2593666.

59. Karmasin to Himmler, Dec. 6, 1940, T-175/75/2593720–23.

60. Karmasin to Himmler, Feb. 27, 1941, T-175/75/25937O2–4.

61. Berger to Himmler, Feb. 28, 1941, T-175/75/2593706; Lorenz VoMi, to Himmler, Sept. 23, 1941, T-175/75/2593694; Luther, Foreign Ministry, to Foreign Minister, Oct. 18, 1941, T-120/2424/4699/E227030–31.

62. Berger to Himmler, June 14, 1941, T-175/75/2593697–99; Berger to Himmler, Oct. 2, 1941, T-175/75/2593692; Brandt to Berger, Oct. 10, 1941, T-175/75/2593691; Himmler to Berger, Oct. 17, 1941, T-175/75/2593689; Berger to Himmler, Dec. 12, 1940, T-175/75/2593718.

63. Karmasin, “Aufruf des Volksgruppenführers zur Annahmeuntersuchung für die Waffen SS,” Nov. 20, 1942, T-120/2562/52477/E312060; Lipták, L'ubomir, “Role of the German Minority in Slovakia in the Years of the Second World War,” Studia Historica Slovaca 1 (1963): 150–78Google Scholar; Berger to Himmler, Dec. 1, 1942, National Archives, NO-1655.

64. Undated memo, PA AA, Inland IIg, 235, Bd. 16; “Slowakei,” Dec. 28, 1943, NO-2015, Prosec. Doc. Book VIA, Case 8; Stein, p. 173.

65. Berger to Himmler, Apr. 30, 1940, National Archives, NO-3O65.

66. Karmasin, SSO BDC.

67. SS Ersatzinspektion Südöstraum, Wien-Pressburg, Letsch to Berger, Berlin, Jan. 19, 1944, National Archives, NO-3067.

68. Report from Berger to Himmler, Jan. 24, 1944, National Archives, NO-3067; Karmasin to Čatlos, Slovak Defense Minister, Oct. 5, 1943, in Král, no. 420, p. 515; Berger to Himmler, Jan. 24, 1944, T-175/75/2593652–53.

69. Vertreibung, vol. 4/1, pp. 151–53Google Scholar; Stein, pp. 173–74.

70. Undated memo, regarding the Waffen SS in Slovakia, PA AA, Inland, IIg, 235, Bd. 16; “Slowakei,” status of military, Dec. 28, 1943, NO-2015, Prosec. Doc. Book VIA, Case 8.

71. Himmler to Karmasin, and to VoMi, Aug. 15, 1944, T-175/66/2581924.

72. Karmasin to Himmler, Aug. 19, 1944, T-175/66/2581917–18.

73. SS Ersatzinspektion Südöstraum, Sept. 2, 1944, T-120/1003/1658/393262; Reich Military Authority in Slovakia, Sept. 3, 1944, T-120/1003/1658/393264; Sichelschmidt, VoMi, report no. 21, Oct. 11, 1944, T-120/1757/3579/EO25412–17. For background on the uprising, see Josko, Anna, “The Slovak Resistance Movement,” in A History of the Czechoslovak Republic, pp. 362–86.Google Scholar

74. Vertreibung, vol. 4/1, pp. 158–65.Google Scholar

75. Sichelschmidt, VoMi, to Foreign Ministry, Goecken, Sept. 6, 1944, T-120/1318/2380/D498416–17; Wrangell, Foreign Ministry, to Bratislava, Sept. 6, 1944, T-120/1757/3579/E025198; Sichelschmidt, VoMi, report no. 21, Oct. 11, 1944, T-120/1757/3579/E025412–17; Lorenz, VoMi, to OKW, Nov. 6, 1944, PA AA, Inland IIg, 266.

76. Reich Military Authority in Slovakia, Sept. 3, 1944, T-120/1003/1658/393264; VoMi, report no. 33, Nov. 8, 1944, T-120/1025/1762/405303–4.

77. VoMi report from Slovakia, Sept. 1944, T-120/1146/2068/449415–43; VoMi report, Slovakia, no. 36, Nov. 17, 1944, PA AA, Inland IIg, 271.

78. Zimmer, VoMi, report no. 37, Nov. 28, 1944, PA AA, Inland IIg, 271.

79. Vertreibung, vol. 4/1, p. 171.Google Scholar

80. For accounts of the treatment of the Germans of Slovakia after the reestablishment of Czechoslovak rule, refer to relevant sections in Vertreibung, vol. 4/1. See also Luža, The Transfer of the Sudeten Germans.