1. Buber, Martin, “Das Ende der deutsch-jüdischen Symbiose,” in Jüdische Weltrundschau 1 (10 03 1939)Google Scholar and in Bulletin des LBI 51 (1975): 122–65 cited in Maurer, Trude, Die Entwicklung der jüdischen Minderheit in Deutschland (1780–1933): Neuere Forschungen und offene Fragen (Tübingen, 1992), 167.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

2. Straus, Herbert, “Emancipation History,” Yearbook of the Leo Baeck Institute (hereafter LBIYB) 37 (1992): 108Google Scholar; Moses, Siegfried, 2nd president of the Leo Baeck Institute, use of term in LBIYB 1 (1956): xv.Google Scholar See also Benz, Wolfgang, “The Legend of a German-Jewish Symbiosis,” in LBIYB 37 (1992): 95–102.Google Scholar

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4. See for example: Berding, Helmut, Moderner Antisemitismus in Deutschland (Frankfurt am Main, 1988)Google Scholar; Blaschke, Olaf, Katholizismus und Antisemitismus im Deutschen Kaiserreich (Göttingen, 1997)Google Scholar; Harris, James, The People Speak! Anti-Semitism and Emancipation in Nineteenth-Century Bavaria (Ann Arbor, 1994)Google Scholar; Katz, Jacob, From Prejudice to Destruction: Anti-Semitism 1700–1933 (Cambridge, Mass., 1980)Google Scholar; Pulzer, Peter, The Rise of Political Anti-Semitism in Germany and Austria (Cambridge, Mass., 1988)Google Scholar; Rose, Paul Lawrence, German Question—Jewish Question (Princeton, 1992). Even when Blaschke finds friendships, he reminds us (correctly) that friendships with “strangers” do not eradicate hostility toward strangers but he is less willing to acknowledge the mitigating effects of these friendships (pp. 228–35) and skirts over his own observations that Jewish businesses would have folded had there not been a gap between the antisemitic norms and actual practice (p. 230). Harris's is the most convincing of these studies because of its grassroots focus, but deals with the era before 1871.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

5. Sorkin, David, The Transformation of German Jewry, 1780–1840 (New York, 1987). esp. 113.Google ScholarKatz, Jacob, Out of the Ghetto: The Social Background of Jewish Emancipation, 1770–1870 (Cambridge, Mass., 1973).Google ScholarLiedtke's, RainerJewish Welfare in Hamburg and Manchester, 1850–1914 (Oxford, 1998) argues this (using welfare organizations).CrossRefGoogle Scholar

6. Two particularly fine studies stand out: van Rahden, Till, Juden und andere Breslauer: Die Beziehungen zwischen Juden, Protestanten und Katholiken in einer deutschen Grossstadt von 1860 his 1925 (Göttingen, 1999)Google Scholar and Schüler-Springorum, Stefanie, Die jüdische Minderhiet in Königsberg/Preussen, 1871–1945 (Göttingen, 1996).Google ScholarHenry, Frances, an anthropologist, focused on this topic even earlier: Victims and Neighbors: A Small Town in Nazi Germany Remembered (South Hadley, Mass., 1984).Google Scholarvan Rahden, Till makes another, related point in his review essay, “Ideologie und Gewalt: Neuerscheinungen über den Antisemitismus in der deutschen Geschichte des 19. und frühen 20. Jahrhunderts,” Neue politischie Literatur 41 (1996): 11–29, esp. 11, 23, suggesting that German historians have, until very recently, focused on antisemtism as the forerunner to the Holocaust whereas Jewish historians leave antisemitism “to the Germans” since they see it as the problem of the host society. Van Rahden suggests that local histories may serve as a bridge connecting German-Jewish history with the history of antisemitism. I would add that unless one investigates actual Jewish-German interactions, one is left with an “all and nothing” approach: all antisemitism and no interaction.Google Scholar

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10. Sorkin, , Transformation.Google Scholar

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12. Helimut Walser Smith quotes contemporaries who spoke of “peaceful segregation” between the denominations with Catholics organized in a “dense web of Catholic organizations” and Protestants joining members of their faith in social groups. Smith, , “Religion and Conflict: Protestants, Catholics, and Anti-Semitism in the State of Baden in the Era of Wilhelm II.” Central European History 27, no. 3 (1994): 293.CrossRefGoogle ScholarSmith, presents a careful analysis of intra-Christian tensions in German Nationalism and Religious Conflict: Culture, Ideology, Politics, 1870–1914 (Princeton, 1995).CrossRefGoogle Scholar

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43. For Baden, H. W. Smith shows that political antisemitism in Baden, “was mainly a Protestant phenomenon.” “Religion and Conflict,” 304.Google Scholar Others argue that antisemitism exerted as powerful an influence on Catholics as on Protestants. For Baden, see Riff, Michael, “The Government of Baden Against Antisemitism: Political Expediency or Principle,” LBIYB 32 (1987).Google Scholar See also Blackbourn, David,”Catholics, the Centre Party, and Anti-Semitism,”Google Scholar in idem, Populists and Patricians: Essays in Modern German History (Boston, 1987)Google Scholar and Blaschke, , Katholizismus und Antisemitismus, esp. 131–15. The debate, “Who was more antisemitic, Protestants or Catholics?” has been discussed up to now from the perspective of the antisemites, using voting data, the speeches, and pronouncements ot religious and political leaders, and denominational periodicals. But, voting data did not always translate into grassroots nastiness — or even unfriendliness (see note 52 below). It is time for researchers to look into Jewish views ofand experiences with the two denominations.Google Scholar

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52. Labsch-Benz, Elfie, Die jüdische Gemeinde Nonnenweier (Freiburg im Breisgau, 1981), 45.Google Scholar Nonnenweier was a Protestant village in Baden. Coinciding with these neighborly gestures, about half of Nonnenweier's voters supported antisemitic candidates in the 1890s and incidences of violence against Jewish homes occurred in 1892. Smith, H. W., “Religion and Conflict,” 303, 308.Google Scholar These moments fit Olaf Blaschke's thesis that antisemitism occurred despite good relations (Antisemitismus trotz Juden — trotz guter Beziehungen” (his emphasis). Katholizismus und Antisemitismus, 235. While his argument is surely true in many cases, the thesis of my essay is that good relations could also occur despite antisemitism.Google Scholar

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67. Between 1897 and 1901, for example, 64 to 80 percent of Jews migrating from Baden were men, leaving young Jewish women with few potential spouses. Zeitschrift für Demographie und Statistik des Judentums (hereafter, ZDSJ) 2, no. 2 (February 1906): 23.

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69. See for example, Kukatzki, Bernhard, “… das einzige Hotel in der ganzen Gegend das koscher geführt wurde: Das Hotel Victoria in Rülzheim” (Schifferstadt, 1994), 18.Google Scholar

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111. In's Casino, laut Stadutte

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Percentage of Mixed Marriages Contracted by Jewish Grooms and Brides in Prussia

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For Prussia:

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