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The German Empire, 1871–1914: Reflections on the Direction of Recent Research

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  16 December 2008

Volker R. Berghahn
Affiliation:
Columbia University

Extract

This rather brief essay represents an attempt to raise a problem relating to the direction that much of recent research on Imperial Germany has taken. The deliberations that follow emerge from a renewed and quite extensive reading of the secondary literature on the history of the German Empire that I undertook in connection with my contribution to the 1806–1918 volume of the 10th edition of Gebhardt's Handbuch der Deutschen Geschichte, edited by Jürgen Kocka. Although my research interests had moved into other fields of German and European history following my work on the sociopolitical history of the Wilhelmian period, I confess that, like so many fellow historians, I continue to be fascinated by those decades before 1914. So, even if I have not been back to the archives, I have been trying to follow the no doubt rich “post-Bielefeld” output of what are by now at least two consecutive generations of younger scholars in this field.

Type
An Exchange on the Kaiserreich
Copyright
Copyright © Conference Group for Central European History of the American Historical Association 2002

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References

1. Fischer, Fritz, Griff nach der Weltmacht (Düsseldorf, 1964)Google Scholar; Wehler, Hans-Ulrich, The German Empire, 1871–1918 (Leamington Spa, 1986)Google Scholar.

2. Evans, Richard J., ed., Society and Politics in Wilhelmine Germany (London, 1978), 23Google Scholar, where the “Bielefelders” are said to treat “political processes, changes and influences … as flowing downwards—though now from the elites who controlled the State, rather than from the socially vaguer entity of the State itself—not upwards from the people. The actions and beliefs of the masses are explained in terms of the influence exerted on them by manipulative elites at the top of society. The German Empire is presented as a puppet theatre, with the Junkers and industrialists pulling the strings, and the middle and lower classes dancing jerkily across the state of history towards the final curtain of the Third Reich.”

3. Eley, Geoff and Blackbourn, David, The Peculiarities of German History (Oxford, 1984)Google Scholar.

4. See, e.g., Wehler, Hans-Ulrich, “Deutscher Sonderweg oder allgemeine Probleme des westlichen Kapitalismus?” in Merkur 35 (1981): 478–87Google Scholar.

5. See, e.g., Peukert, Detlef, “Neuere Alltagsgeschichte und historische Anthropologie,” in Historische Anthropologie, ed. Süssmuth, H. (Göttingen, 1984), 5772Google Scholar; Lüdtke, Alf, ed., The History of Everyday Life (Princeton, 1995)Google Scholar, and Wehler's response, e.g., in: “Der Bauernbandit als neuer Heros,” in Die Zeit, 18 January 1981, p. 44, and “Geschichte von unten gesehen” in ibid., 3 May 1985, p. 64.

6. Moeller, Robert G., “The Kaiserreich Recast?” in JSH 17 (1984): 655–83CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Retallack, J. N., “Social History with a Vengeance?” in German Studies Review 7 (1984): 423—50Google Scholar; R. Fletcher, “Recent Developments in West German Historiography,” in ibid., 451—80.

7. See Kocka, Jürgen, “Nach dem Ende des Sonderwegs: Zur Tragfähigkeit eines Konzepts,” in Doppelte Zeitgeschichte, ed. Bauernkämper, A. et al. (Göttingen, 1998), 364–75, esp. 370Google Scholar.

8. See Wehler, Hans-Ulrich, “A Guide to Future Research on the Kaiserreich?” in Central European History 29, no. 4 (1996): 541–72Google Scholar, and Eley's reply ibid., 31, no. 3 (1998): 197–227.

9. Nolte, Paul, “Die Historiker der Bundesrepublik: Rückblick auf eine ‘lange Generation’,” in Merkur 5 (05 1999): 431Google Scholar. The situation was different in this respect in the English-speaking world where generational change was much less slow.

10. Anderson, Margaret L., Practicing Democracy: Elections and Political Culture in Imperial Germany (Princeton, 2000)Google Scholar.

11. Ibid., 415.

12. Ibid., 419.

13. Ibid., 429.

14. Ibid., 437. Ferguson, Niall, The Pity of War (New York, 1999)Google Scholar.

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16. Sagarra, E., A Social History of Germany, 1648–1914 (London, 1977), 242Google Scholar: “An incident experienced by my father as a student visiting Berlin in 1913 aptly illustrates the militarization of German society which foreigners found so strange. He had come to Berlin to meet and bring the greetings of Irish colleagues to Kuno Meyer, the renowned professor of Gaelic, at the Humboldt University. Walking together along the Kurfürstendamm, they were approached by a young officer with a crimson stripe on the trousers, denoting membership of the General Staff. Meyer stepped down on to the roadway as he passed; my father, protected by his ignorance of the language and the custom of the country, walked on. He was less astonished when he had understood what was going on, by the anger of the officer upbraiding him than the anxiety of the professor to explain to the young blood that my father was a foreigner and knew no better.”

17. Witt, P.-C., Die Finanzpolitik des Deutschen Reiches von 1903 bis 1914 (Lübeck, 1970)Google Scholar; Kroboth, R., Die Finanzpolitik des Deutschen Reiches während der Reichskanzlerschaft Bethmann Hollwegs und die Geld- und Kreditmarktverhältnisse 1909–1913/14 (Frankfurt am Main, 1986)Google Scholar; Hagen, William, Germans, Poles, and Jews (Chicago, 1980)Google Scholar; Murphy, R. C., Guestworkers in the German Reich (Boulder, 1983)Google Scholar.

18. Jelavich, Peter, Munich and Theatrical Modernism (Cambridge, Mass., 1985), 6fGoogle Scholar.: “This development discredited both liberalism and political Catholicism in the eyes of the modernists, whose own political views became increasingly polarized and radicalized.” And p. 9: “To be sure, the three decades that preceded the outbreak of World War I were certainly ‘golden’ in comparison with events after August 1914, but the horrors of war and its aftermath should not blind one to the political and cultural conflicts of Munich's modernist community at the turn of the century. It was not some ineffable gemütlich quality of Bavarian life that led to Munich's modernist fluorescence, but rather the myriad of tensions, uncertainties, and frustrations.”

19. Daum, A. W. in: Bulletin of the German Historical Institute 27 (2000): 193fGoogle Scholar.