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Orpheus in Berlin: A Reappraisal of Johann Georg Sulzer's Theory of the Polite Arts

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  16 December 2008

Johan van der Zande
Affiliation:
UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA, SANTA BARBARA

Extract

In 1771 Johann Georg Sulzer, a well-established member of the Prussian Academy of Sciences and Belles-Lettres, published the first volume of his long awaited lexicon A General Theory of the Polite Arts (Allgemeine Theorie der schönen Künste). Although the work sold well, not many critics were convinced of its major tenet that the production and enjoyment of works of art should serve to promote the civic awareness of the citizenry of the modern state. And while Sulzer's influence on the aesthetic theories of Kant and Schiller is generally recognized and he consequently has kept a relatively high profile in histories of aesthetics, his lexicon did not survive the century in which it was written.

Type
Articles
Copyright
Copyright © Conference Group for Central European History of the American Historical Association 1995

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References

1. Sulzer, Johann Georg, Allgemeine Theorie der Schönen Künste, in einzeln, nach alphabetischer Ordnung der Kunstwörter auf einander folgenden, Artikeln, 2 vols. (Leipzig, 17711774), 2:720 (article Lobrede). In the following this work will be referred to as the Lexicon; articles of the Lexicon are referred to in the text between square brackets.Google ScholarBurney, Charles, The Present State of Music in Germany, The Netherlands and the United Provinces, 2 vols. (London, 1773), 1:208–9.Google ScholarCf. Kristeller, Paul Oskar, “The Modern System of the Arts,” in his Renaissance Thought and the Arts (2nd exp. ed., Princeton, 1990), 163227, here 210. German authors, but not Sulzer, often used the term Politur, polish (from Latin politura) to distinguish the development of man as citizen-subject (culture, manners) from that of man as man (intellectual enlightenment).Google Scholar

2. To the same generation belonged Moses Mendelssohn and to the second generation among others Christian Garve, who encouraged Sulzer to publish his philosophical essays, and Johan Jakob Engel. See Engel's, anonymous review of the Lexicon in: Neue Bibliothek der schönen Wissenschaften und freyen Künste 15, no. 1 (1773): 3285.Google Scholar See also Engel, , “Von dem moralischen Nutzen der Dichtkunst,” in his anthology Der Philosoph für die Welt (Leipzig, 1777), 2:6580.Google Scholar

3. Review of the first volume of Sulzer's Lexicon by Merck, Johann Heinrich, Frankfurter Gelehrte Anzeigen (11 02 1772), ed. Dahnke, Hans-Dietrich and Müller, Peter (rpt., Leipzig, 1971), 5055;Google Scholar and Goethe's review of the separately published article on Polite Arts, ibid. 344–50 (18 December 1772). See also Vaget, Hans Rudolf, Dilettantismus und Meisterschaft. Zum Problem des Dilettantismus bei Goethe: Praxis, Theorie, Zeitkritik (Munich, 1971), 2334.Google Scholar

4. Sulzer, to Bodmer, , 10 12 1771, in Briefe der Schweizer Bodmer, Sulzer, Gessner: Aus Gleims literarischem Nachlasse, ed. Körte, Wilhelm (Zurich, 1804), 400;Google ScholarSulzer to Zimmermann, 7 December 1771,Google Scholar in Bodemann, Eduard, Johann Georg Zimmermann: Sein Leben und bisher ungedruckte Briefe an denselben (Hanover, 1878), 207.Google Scholar See also Vierhaus, Rudolf, “Die aufgeklärten Schriftsteller: Zur sozialen Charakteristik einer selbsternannten Elite,” in Über den Prozess der Aufklärung in Deutschland im 18. Jahrhundert: Personen, Institutionen und Medien, ed. Bödeker, Hans Erich and Hermann, Ulrich (Göttingen, 1987), 5365.Google Scholar

5. Vollert, Ernst, Die Weidmannsche Buchhandlung in Berlin, 1680–1930, 2nd ed. (Hildesheim, 1983), 4344.Google ScholarCf. Buchner, Karl, Wieland und die Weidmannsche Buchhandlung (Berlin, 1871), 40.Google Scholar On Reich see Lehmstedt, Mark, Philipp Erasmus Reich (1717–1787): Verleger der Aufklärung und Reformer des deutschen Buchhandels (Leipzig, 1989).Google Scholar

6. Sulzer to Zimmermann, November 1773, in Bodemann, Zimmermann, 230.Google Scholar

7. Sulzer to Zimmermann, 4 and 12 December 1774; 8 March 1777, in Bodemann, Zimmermann, 242, 244, 263; Sulzer to Bodmer, 19 11 1774, in Körte, ed., Briefe der Schweizer, 418.Google Scholar

8. Herder to Zimmermann, 12 1774, in Bodemann, Zimmermann, 324. Herder's review of the Lexicon inGoogle ScholarHerder Sämtliche Werke, ed. Suphan, Bernard, 40 vols. (rpt. Hildesheim, 1967), 5:377400Google Scholar; Herder's eulogy, Ibid., 15:51–55.

9. Goethe, , Italienische Reise in Werke (Hamburg edition), 14 vols. (Munich, 1974), 11:137, 207.Google ScholarGoethe: Begegnungen und Gespräche, ed. Grumach, Renate, 5 vols. (Berlin, 1985), 4:109.Google Scholar Goethe to Carl F. Zelter, 20 August 1831, Goethe, , Goethe's Letters to Zelter, ed. Coleridge, A.D. (London, 1887), 462,Google Scholar apparently referring to Taylor, W., Historic Survey of German Poetry, 3 vols. (London, 1830), 1:245–46 where the Lexicon entries on the ode and the epic are used for an analysis of Klopstock's poetry, and 1:349 where Sulzer is mentioned as “the author of an admirable Dictionary of the Theory of Fine Arts”—this at a time when in Germany the Lexicon was already all but forgotten.Google Scholar

10. Kant, , Grundlegung zur Metaphysik der Sitten (1785), Werkausgabe, ed. Weischedel, Wilhelm, 12 vols. (Frankfurt am Main, 1977), 7:39 and the note in which Kant referred to Sulzer's letter.Google Scholar

11. Bachmann-Medick, DorisDie ästhetische Ordnung des Handelns: Moralphilosophie und ästhetik in der Popularphilosophie des 18. Jahrhunderts (Stuttgart, 1989).CrossRefGoogle Scholar See also Bödeker, Hans, “Von der ‘Magd der Theologie’ zur ‘Leitwissenschaft’: Vorüberlegungen zu einer Geschichte der Philosophie des 18. Jahrhunderts,” Das Achtzehnte Jahrhundert 14, no. 1 (1990): 1957;Google Scholar and van der Zande, JohanIn the Image of Cicero: Germany Philosophy Between Wolff and kant,” Journal of the History of Ideas 56, no. 3 (1995): 419–42.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

12. Sulzer, , Kurze Einleitung zu nützlicher Betrachtung der schweizerischen Naturgeschichte, nebst einer Uebersetzung von Carl Linné's Anleitung, nach welcher ein Naturforscher die Historie eines jeden natürlichen Dinges genau, und mit gutem Fortgange verfertigen kann, in Neuer Historischer Mercurius, ed. Ziegler, Johan Rudolf (Zurich, 1741).Google Scholar

13. Sulzer, , ed., Johann Jakob Scheuchzer's Naturgeschichte des Schweizerlandes samt seinen Reisen über die Schweitzerrischen Gebürge, 2 vols. (Zurich, 1746).Google Scholar

14. Sulzer, , Moralische Betrachtungen über die Werke der Natur, in Neuer Historischer Mercurius, ed. Ziegler, Johann Rudolf (Zurich, 1740, 1742, 1743).Google ScholarSulzer, , Gespräch von den Cometen (Zurich, 1742).Google Scholar

15. Of the older literature only Lobmeier, Georg, Johann Georg Sulzer in seinem Verhältnis zur physikalischen Geographie (Borna and Leipzig, 1907) deals with Sulzer's scientific interests.Google Scholar

16. Merian, Johann Bernhard and Nicolai, Friedrich, eds., Johann Georg Sulzer's Lebensbeschreibung, von ihm selbst aufgesetzt (Berlin and Stettin, 1809), 29 n. In 1754 Sulzer published his Gedancken von dem vorzüglichen Werthe der epischen Gedichte des Herm Bodmer. Bodmer's merit clearly lay elsewhere. Peter Reill credits him for having initiated “a revaluation in historical judgment which found its final culmination in the triumph of historicism in Germany.”Google ScholarReill, Peter, The German Enlightenment and the Rise of Historicism (Berkeley, 1975), 210.Google Scholar

17. Sulzer to Bodmer, 19 November 1774, in Körte, ed., Briefe der Schweizer, 413. See for this neglected aspect of Sulzer's life Maximilian Dähne, Joh. Georg Sulzer als Pädagog und sein Verhältnis zu den pädagogischen Hauptströmungen seiner Zeit (Königssee, 1902).Google Scholar

18. Hirzel, Hans Kaspar, An Gleim über Sulzer den Weltweisen, 2 vols. (Zurich and Winterthur, 1779), 1:74.Google Scholar

19. Sulzer, , Versuche einiger moralischen Betrachtungen über die Werke der Natur, nebst einer Vorrede von dem Königlichen Preussischen Consistorialrath Herrn Sack (Berlin, 1745).Google Scholar A new edition of this publication was combined with Sulzer's Unterredungen über die Schönheiten der Natur (Berlin, 1750),Google Scholar and published twice under the title Betrachtungen über besondere Gegenstände der Naturlehre, nebst derselben moralischen Betrachtungen über besondere Gegenstände der Naturlehre, (Berlin 1770, 1774).Google Scholar On Sulzer and the Gymnasium see Joost, Siegfried, Das Joachimsthaler Gymnasium (Wittlich, 1982), 26.Google Scholar

20. Quoted in Möller, Horst, Vernunft und Kritik: Deutsche Aufklärung im 17. und 18. Jahrhundert (Frankfurt am Main, 1986), 254.Google Scholar

21. Hirzel, , Über Sulzer, 1:143.Google Scholar See also Nicolai, Friedrich, Beschreibung der Königlichen Residenzstädte Berlin und Potsdam (Berlin, 1786), 72.Google Scholar

22. von Harnack, Adolf, Geschichte der Königlich Preussischen Akademie der Wissenschaften zu Berlin, vol. 1, bk. 1 (1900, rpt. Hildesheim and New York, 1970), 331–38.Google Scholar On Maupertuis see also Terrall, Mary, “The Culture of Science in Frederick the Great's Berlin,” History of Science 28 (1990): 333–64.CrossRefGoogle ScholarAarsleff, Hans, “The Berlin Academy under Frederick the Great,” History of the Human Sciences 2 (1989): 193206, emphasizes the contribution of the speculative class but does not mention Sulzer.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

23. Merian et al., eds., Sulzer's Lebensbeschreibung, 39–40.Google Scholar

24. Leo, Johannes, Zur Entstehungsgeschichte der “Allgemeinen Theorie der schönen Künste” J. G. Sulzers (Berlin, 1906), 56, n. 19. Benjamin Franklin's Experiments and Observations on Electricity had been published the previous year. On Sulzer's recommendation Berlin's first lightning rods were attached to an ammunition factory not far from his summer house in 1777. See Nicolai, Beschreibung, 143.Google Scholar

25. Der Montagsklub in Berlin, 1749–1899; Fest- und Gedenkschrift zu seiner 150sten Jahresfeier (Berlin, 1899), 7, 112–13.Google Scholar

26. Hirzel, , Über Sulzer, 2:103–4.Google ScholarCf. Geschichtslandschaft Berlin, Orte und Ereignisse: Tiergarten, vol. 2, Moabit, ed. Engel, Helmut et al. (Berlin, 1987), 155. See also Nicolai, Beschreibung, 58.Google ScholarSulzer published a biographical essay on his late wife “Ehrengedächtnis seiner Gattinn,” in Neujahrsgeschenk für Frauenzimmer (1761) which was reprinted in his Vermischte Philosophische Schriften 2 vols. (orig. Leipzig, 17731781, rpt. Hildesheim and New York, 1974), 2:129–44.Google Scholar

27. Hirzel, , Über Sulzer, 2:209.Google ScholarGarve had encouraged Sulzer to publish his Academy lectures in German and promised to supply them with his comments. These translated lectures form the first volume of Sulzer's Vermischte Philosophische Schriften (1773). Unfortunately, Garve's deteriorating health prevented the implementation of the other half of his plan.Google Scholar

28. Wegelin, Jacob, “Etwas über Sulzer'n,” Deutsches Museum (July 1780): 10–19, here 15. Wegelin was a Swiss historian whom Sulzer had invited to come to Berlin as his colleague at the Ritterakademie.Google Scholar

29. In the 1760s Sulzer patronized with Gleim the poetical career of Anna Karschin, a lower-class woman, and his friend Zimmermann relates that he later allowed himself the weekly company of a Berlin shoemaker.Google Scholar See Zimmermann, Johann Georg, Ueber Friedrich den Grossen und meine Unterredungen mit ihm (Leipzig, 1788), 295.Google Scholar

30. Schaffner, Paul, “Gedächtnisrede auf Johann Georg Sulzer,” (1929), in his Studien und Ansprachen (Winterthur, n.d.), 99115, here 110.Google Scholar

31. Merian et al., eds., Sulzer's Lebensbeschreibung, 16–17.Google Scholar

32. Berckenhagen, Ekhart, ed., Anton Graff: Leben und Werk (Berlin, 1967), 351.Google Scholar

33. Altmann, Alexander, Moses Mendelssohn (Tuscaloosa, Ala., 1973), 754–55.Google Scholar

34. Hirschfeld, C. C. L., Theorie der Gartenkunst, 5 vols. (Leipzig, 17791785), 2:6061.Google ScholarEberle, Matthias and von Büttlar, Adrian, “Landschaft und Landschaftgarten,” in Kunst: Die Geschichte ihrer Funktionen, ed. Busch, Werner and Schmoock, Peter (Weinheim, 1987), 390418, here 415. Sulzer had encouraged the publication of Hirschfeld's work and Hirschfeld, emulating in the title the example of the Lexicon, dedicated the work to him, writing in the preface of the first volume that Sulzer was the first in Germany to have added landscape gardening to the polite arts.Google Scholar

35. Merian et al., eds., Sulzer's Lebensbeschreibung, 56–57; cf. Sulzer to Zimmermann, November 1773, in Bodemann, Zimmermann, 229;Google Scholar and Hirzel, , Über Sulzer, 2:130, 155–56.Google Scholar

36. Sulzer to Kleist, 14 01 1757, in Körte, ed., Briefe der Schweizer, 279.Google Scholar

37. Briefe, die neueste Litteratur betreffend, Letter 78 (17 01 1760): 51–52.Google Scholar

38. Sulzer to Bodmer, 21 June 1757, in Körte, ed., Briefe der Schweizer, 290. See also his letter to Gleim, 15 May 1757,Google Scholaribid., 284–85. Cf. Kristeller, “The Modern System of the Arts,” 216–20.

39. Sulzer to Gleim, 23 October 1756, in Körte, ed., Briefe der Schweizer, 276. On Bodmer's admiration for Dante see Reill, German Enlightenment, 211–12.Google Scholar

40. Sulzer to Bodmer, 1 December 1772, in Körte, ed. Briefe der Schweitzer, 412.Google Scholar

41. Justi, Carl, Winckelmann und seine Zeitgenossen, 3 vols. (1898; 5th ed., Cologne, 1956), 3:340–42.Google Scholar

42. Henry Fuseli to Felix Nüscheler, 2 December 1763, quoted in Schiff, Gert, Johann Heinrich Füssli (Zurich and Munich, 1973), 4950.Google Scholar Later, when in England, Fuseli severed the ties between art and morals and in 1768 declared that Sulzer was dead for him. See Fuseli to Levater, 1 03 1768, Heinrich Füssli: Briefe, ed. Muschg, Walter (Klosterberg, 1942), 142.Google Scholar On Wieland's supposed contribution see Hirzel, Ludwig, Wieland und Martin und Regula Künzli (Leipzig, 1891), 133,Google Scholar n.; Leo, Entstehung, 67. On Wieland's article “Naiv” see Kronauer, Ulrich, Rousseaus Kulturkritik und die Aufgabe der Kunst: Zwei Studien zur deutschen Kunsttheorie des 18, Jahrhunderts (Heidelberg, 1978), 9396.Google Scholar

43. Sulzer to Bodmer, 27 October 1762, quoted in Leo, Entstehung, 38.Google Scholar But see Hirzel, Hans Kaspar, Über Sulzer, 2:71;Google Scholar and Fuseli to J. K. Hirzel, 11 May 1763, and to Hess, Felix, 7 12 1763, in Muschg, , ed., Heinrich Füssli: Briefe, 67, 87.Google Scholar

44. Musik in Geschichte und Gegenwart: Allgemeine Enzyklopädie der Musik [MGG], (Kassel, 19491986), 7:955 (article Johann Philipp Kirnberger).Google ScholarCf. Leo, Entstehung, 34–35.Google ScholarKirnberger's, book Die Kunst des reinen Satzes in der Musik (Berlin and Königsberg, 17711779, rpt. Hildesheins, 1968)Google Scholar has been translated by Beach, David and Thym, Jürgen as The Art of Strict Musical Composition (New Haven and London, 1982).Google Scholar

45. On the beautifully decorated music salon of Krause's spacious house see Nicolai, Beschreibung, 856. Burney's eighteenth-century German translator remarked in a note that J. F. Agricola had contributed much to the first volume of the Lexicon and that Kirnberger was contributing at the time to the second volume.Google Scholar This was apparently based on wrong information: Burney, Charles, Tagebuch einer musikalischen Reise in 1772–1773, ed. Klemm, Eberhard, 3 vols. (Kassel and New York, 1959, rpt., 3 vols. in 1. Wilhelmshaven, 1980), 425.Google Scholar

46. Cf. MGG, 12:251 (article Johann Abraham Peter Schulz);Google ScholarBorris-Zuckermann, Siegfried, Kirnbergers Leben und Werk und seine Bedeutung im Berliner Musikkreis um 1750 (Ohlau, 1933), 100.Google Scholar

47. MGG 12:251. Dahlhaus, Carl, ed., Die Musik des 18. Jahrhunderts (Laaber, 1985), 229.Google Scholar Bellamy Hosner, noticing in the article “Symphony” an openness to new ideas previously lacking in the Lexicon, attributes this to a crisis in Sulzer, not taking into account that Schulz had assumed the editing of the music articles: Hosler, Bellamy, Changing Aesthetic Views of Instrumental Music in 18th-Century Music: (Ann Arbor, 1981), 144–65.Google Scholar See also Aesthetics and the Art of Musical Composition in the German Enlightenment: Selected writings of Johann Georg Sulzer and Heinrich Christoph Koch, ed. Baker, Nancy K. and Christensen, Thomas S. (Cambridge, UK, 1995).Google Scholar

48. Cf. Dobai, Johannes, Die bildenden Künste in Johann Georg Sulzers Ästhetik (Winterthur, 1978), 68, 159. Dobai expertly discusses all articles pertaining to architecture, landscape gardening, and the visual arts.Google Scholar

49. Bibliothek der schönen Wissenschaften und der freyen Künste 1 (1757): 222–29, here 226.Google Scholar

50. Lehmann, Ernst H., Geschichte des Konversationslexicons (Leipzig, 1934), 2935.Google ScholarKossmann, Bernard, “Deutsche Universallexica des 18. Jahrhunderts: Ihr Wesen und ihr Informationswert, dargestellt am Beispiel der Werke von Jablonski und Zedler,” Archiv für Geschichte des Buchwesens 9 (1969): 1553–96.Google Scholar See also Göpfert, Herbert G., “Zedlers ‘Universal-Lexicon,’” in his Vom Autor zum Leser: Beiträge zur Geschichte des Buchwesens (Munich, 1977), 6375;Google ScholarRaabe, Paul, Bücherlust und Lesefreuden: Beiträge zur Geschichte des Buchwesens im 18, und frühen 19. Jahrhundert (Stuttgart, 1984), 90105.Google Scholar

51. Lacombe, Jacques, Dictionnaire portatif des Beaux Arts, vu abrège de ce qui concerne I' architecture, la scuplture, la peinture, la gravure, la poésie & la musique, avec la definition de ces arts, I' explication des termes… (Paris, 1752), reprinted in 1753 and 1755.Google Scholar The article “art” in the second edition of the Encyclopédie (1781) was extended to great length by extracts and summaries from Sulzer's Lexicon. See Boas, George, “The Arts in the ‘Encyclopédie’The Journal of Aestheticism and Art Criticism 23, no. 1 (1964): 97107, here 100–1.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

52. Hirzel, , Über Sulzer, 1:219–20. But in a letter to Albrecht von Haller of 12 September 1759, Sulzer said that he had been working on the Lexicon for six years: quoted inGoogle ScholarWolf, Rudolf, Biographien zur Kulturgeschichte der Schweiz, 4 vols. (Zurich, 1860), 3:291–316, here 202–3, n. 20.Google Scholar

53. Briefe, die neueste Litteratur betreffend, Letter 78 (17 01 1760): 54–61.Google Scholar

54. Ibid., 61.

55. Sulzer, , “Untersuchung über den Ursprung der angenehmen und unangenehmen Empfindungen” (1751), Vermischte Philosophische Schriften, 1:1119.Google Scholar

56. Sulzer, , “Anmerkungen über den verschiedenen Zustand, worinn sich die Seele bey Ausübung ihrer Hauptvermögen, nämlich des Vermögens, sich etwas vorzustellen und des Vermögens zu empfinden, befindet” (1763), Vermischte Philosophische Schriften, 1:229.Google Scholar

57. See Zelle, Carsten, Das angenehme Grauen: Literaturhistorische Beiträge zur Ästhetik des Schrecklichen im achtzehnten Jahrhundert (Hamburg, 1987), 358–78.Google Scholar

58. Sulzer, “Untersuchung,” 68–70.Google Scholar

59. Ibid., 85, 89–90.

60. Ibid., 35.

61. Springorum, Friedrich, “Über das Sittliche in der Ästhetik Johann Georg Sulzers,” Archiv für die gesamte Psychologie 72 (1929): 142, here 30.Google Scholar Popular philosophy as such has been characterized as a “basically changed attitude toward sensuality”: Widmaier, Franz Th., Die Weltanschauung und Ästhetik der Popularphilosophie und ihr Einfluss auf Friedrich Schiller (Berkeley, 1969),Google Scholar microfilm, 49; on Sulzer: 116–55. But Sulzer's glorification of the body can also be understood to mean the rejection of the body as the self-obliterating sign to the mind. Lavater's physiognomic theories, which borrowed from Sulzer, have been interpreted this way. See Gray, Richard T., “Lavater's Physiognomical ‘Surface-Hermeneutics’ and the Ideological (Con-)Text of Bourgeois Modernism,” Lessing Yearbook 23 (1991): 127–48.Google Scholarcf. Lavater, Johann Caspar, Physiognomische Fragmente, 4 vols. (Leipzig and Winterthur, 17751778), 1:3738, where Sulzer's lexicon entry Porträt is quoted in support of Lavater's own work; Lavater on Sulzer: 2:53, 78.Google Scholar

62. Wolff, Christian, Vernünfftige Gedancken von Gott, der Welt und der Seele des Menschen (Halle, 1720), §957.Google Scholar

63. Baumgarten, Alexander Gottlieb, Theoretische Ästhetik: die grundlegenden Abschnitte aus der “Aesthetica” (1750/1758), ed. Schweizer, Hans Rudolf (Hamburg, 1983),Google Scholar §560. Meier, Georg Friedrich, Betrachtungen über die Shrancken der menschlichen Erkenntnis (Halle, 1755), §§2526.Google Scholar See on this theme Jäger, Michael, Die Ästhetik als Antwort auf das Kopernikanische Weltbild (Hildesheim, 1984), 5562.Google Scholar

64. Hume, David, Philosophische Versuche über die Menschliche Erkenntnis, ed. Sulzer, J. G. (Hamburg and Leipzig, 1755), 333–41.Google Scholar See also Sulzer's academy lecture of 1770 “Entwicklung des Begriffs vom ewigen Wesen,” Vermischte Philosophische Schriften 1:377–89.Google Scholar

65. Sulzer, “Anmerkungen,” 239.Google Scholar

66. Sulzer, , “Gedanken über den Ursprung und die verschiedenen Bestimmungen der Wissenschaften und schönen Künste,” (1757), Vermischte Philosophische Schriften, 2:110–28.Google Scholar

67. Sulzer, “Gedanken,” 118. See also the Lexicon article Schöne Künste, and “Philosophische Betrachtungen über die Nützlichkeit der dramatischen Dichtkunst,” (1760), Vermischte Philosophische Schriften, 1:146–65.Google Scholar

68. Horace, Ars poetica, 391–92. Loeb's Classical Library (1978). Actually Horace did not say anything about moral duty in this context to which Sulzer referred with the exact Latin quotation. In translation the text reads: “While men still roamed the woods, Orpheus, the holy prophet of the gods, made them shrink from bloodshed and brutal living.” Cf. the article Schöne Künste where Orpheus is invoked to use some “gentle pressure” in his civilizing task: Civilization comes at a price, it takes violence to liberate from violence.Google Scholar

69. Sulzer extended here to all great artists what Cicero said about the orator and the general as the two important brands of great men: Cicero, Oratio pro L. Murena, 239. Loeb's Classical Library (1976); Sulzer quoted Cicero to that effect in the article Redner.Google Scholar

70. The older literature on Sulzer often could not resist the temptation to make a connection to Wagner's concept of the Gesamtkunstwerk. Wagner's point of departure, however, was the music, in majorem musicae gloriam as Nietzsche said, while Sulzer's emphasis was always on the intelligible word accompanied by music; it is doubtful whether he would have recognized a new Orpheus in the composer of the Ring.Google Scholar

71. Formey, J. H. S., Eloge de M. Sulzer (Berlin, 1779), 30.Google Scholar

72. von Blankenburg, Friedrich; Einige Nachrichten von dem Leben und den Schriften des Herrn Johann Georg Sulzer,” in Sulzer, Vermischte Philosophische Schriften 2:111–14 (separate pagination).Google Scholar

73. Sulzer, “Gedanken,” 120. The Seven Years’ War also inspired Thomas Abbt, like Sulzer a popular philosopher and not a native Prussian, to write his Vom Tode fürs Vaterland (On Death for the Fatherland, 1761). Abbt shared many of Sulzer's concerns.Google Scholar See Bödeker, Hans-Erich, “Thomas Abbt: Patriot, Bürger und bürgerliches Bewusstsein,” in Bürger und Bürgerlichkeit im Zeitalter der Aufklärung, ed. Vierhaus, Rudolf (Heidelberg, 1981), 221–53.Google Scholar

74. Hirzel, , Über Sulzer, 2:2223.Google Scholar

75. Keller, Gottfried, Der grüne Heinrich (1853–1855; Munich, 1978), 203.Google Scholar