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Žižka's Drum: The Political Uses of Popular Religion

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  16 December 2008

Thomas A. Fudge
Affiliation:
Baylor University

Extract

Now Žižka had appointed a time to assemble for the purpose of attacking Sigismund when, near the castle of Přibyslav, by divine inspiration, if you will, that detestable, cruel, horrible and savage monster was stricken with an infectious disease and died. The one whom no mortal hand could destroy was extinguished by the finger of God. As he lay ill he was asked where he wished to be buried after his death. He ordered that his body be flayed, the flesh discarded for the birds and animals, and a drum be fashioned from his skin. With this drum in the lead they should go to war. The enemies would turn to flight as soon as they heard its voice.

Type
Articles
Copyright
Copyright © Conference Group for Central European History of the American Historical Association 2003

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References

1. Piccolomini, Aeneas Sylvius, Historia Bohemica, ed., Martínková, Dana, Hadravová, Alena and Matl, Jiří (Prague, 1998), 138Google Scholar.

2. Heymann, Frederick G., John Žižka and the Hussite Revolution (New York, 1969), 437–43Google Scholar. Heymann is the best and most comprehensive source on Žižka in English.

3. Kronika velmi pěkná o Janovi Žižkovi, čeledínu krále Vácslava, ed., Šůla, Jaroslav (Hradec Králové, 1979), xxiiiGoogle Scholar.

4. This is part of the definition used in the explication of the wider Hussite myth in Fudge, Thomas A., The Magnificent Ride: The First Reformation in Hussite Bohemia (Aldershot, 1998), 123–77Google Scholar.

5. On the ostensible dilemma of the term “popular religion” see Bob Scribner's comments in Scribner, Bob and Johnson, Trevor, eds., Popular Religion in Germany and Central Europe, 1400–1800 (London, 1996), 23CrossRefGoogle Scholar where he concludes that it is “almost impossible to evade some kind of polarised conceptualisation.”

6. For example, the depiction of the magical Satan with clawed feet dressed in a monk's gown in the Jena Codex, Prague, National Museum Library MS. IV B 24 fol. 71v is indicative of this conviction.

7. See the 74th chapter of the November 1349 statute in Zelený, Rostislav, “Councils and Synods of Prague and their Statutes 1343–1361,” Apollinaris 45 (1972): 72Google Scholar.

8. On these synods see von Höfler, Konstantin, ed., Prager Concilien in der vorhusitischen Periode (Prague, 1862)Google Scholar; Polc, Jaroslav, “Statutes of the Synods of Prague, 1362–1377,” Apollinaris 52 (1979): 495527Google Scholar; Polc, , “Councils and Synods of Prague and their Statutes, 1362–1395,” Apollinaris 52 (1979): 200–37Google Scholar; Polc, , “Statutes of the Synods of Prague (1360–1386),” Apollinaris 53 (1980): 131–66Google Scholar; Polc, , “Statutes of the Synods of Prague (1386–1395),” Apollinaris 53 (1980): 421–57Google Scholar and Kadlec, Jaroslav, “Synods of Prague and their Statutes 1396–1414,” Apollinaris 54 (1991): 227–93Google Scholar.

9. Konrad of Waldhauser noted that boys enjoyed tossing small objects at the girls while he was preaching. See Menčík, Ferdinand, “Konrad Waldhauser, Pojednání,” Královská česká společnost nauk 6 (1881): 4Google Scholar. Tomáš of Štítný claimed that men persisted in looking at the ladies throughout the service. Erben, Karel J., ed., Knížky šestery o obecných věcech křest' anských (Prague, 1852), 203Google Scholar. On Hus see Daňhelka, Jiří, ed., Magistri Iohannis Hus Opera Omnia, vol. 1 (Prague, 1975), 186Google Scholar. Rokycana's comment comes in the context of discussing illness. Šimek, František, ed., Postilla, vol. 2 (Prague, 1929), 567Google Scholar. For Chelčický, see his Sít' víry, ed., Smetánka, Emil (Prague, 1912), 314Google Scholar. The only useful study thus far on popular religion in Bohemia is Šmahel, František, “Silnější než víra: magie, pověry a kouzla husitského věku,” Sborník vlastivědných prací z Podblanicka 30 (1990): 3151Google Scholar. I owe the references in this order and context to him. A German version of this essay has now appeared. Stärker als der Glaube: Magie, Aberglaube und Zauber in der Epoche des Hussitismus,” Bohemia 32 (1991): 316–37Google Scholar.

10. Šmahel, “Silnější než víra,” 39.

11. On the owl see ibid., 39. On the mouse see Hudson, Anne, “The Mouse in the Pyx: Popular Heresy and the Eucharist,” Trivium 26 (1991): 4053Google Scholar.

12. Occurrences such as these permitted the enemies of the Hussite movement to denounce the heretics as practitioners of sorcery and diabolic magic. This was the impetus of the denunciation made by Master Martin Talayero, one of Sigismund's representatives, who wrote to the Polish king, Władysław Jagiełło in April 1421. Kadlec, Jaroslav, “Magister Martin Talayero aus Tortosa im Kampf gegen die Hussiten,” Annuarium historiae conciliorum 12 (1980): 305Google Scholar.

13. The midnight sexual orgies from around 1409–1410 were reported by Jan Žídak, a priest of Chvojnov, a hamlet just north of Pelhřimov, to Archbishop Zbyněk. The priest called these gatherings “Sabbath orgies” and claimed to have firsthand knowledge of them. This letter is included in Novotný, Václav, ed., M. Jana Husi korespondence a dokumenty (Prague, 1920), 346–49Google Scholar.

14. For example the radical Hussite priest Jan Čapek composed a song around 1417 poking fun at what he called “old wives” tales. See Svejkovský, František, “Z básnické činnosti Jana Čapka,” Listy filologické 85 (1962): 288–90Google Scholar.

15. This is Šmahel's conclusion that can hardly be contested. “Silnější než víra,” 44.

16. For example, in terms of visual representations which shall be treated below, it is intriguing that Jan Hus is absent from some major collections of Hussite iconography. This is true of the illustrated codex in Göttingen, Universitätsbibliothek MS. Theol. 182.

17. Noted in the preface to his Historia Bohemica, 6.

18. See Heymann, John Žižka and the Hussite Revolution, 16–91.

19. Fudge, Thomas A., The Crusade against Heretics in Bohemia, 1418–1437: Sources and Documents for the Hussite Crusades (Aldershot, 2002), 126Google Scholar.

20. Vavřinec of Březová, “Historia Hussitica” in Fontes rerum bohemicarum, ed. Goll, Jaroslav (Prague, 1893), 532–34Google Scholar. This chronicle breaks off in mid sentence just as the chronicler was narrating the events of the battle of Kutná Hora. For the rest of the event one must turn to other Czech sources. Heymann covers this efficiently in John Žižka and the Hussite Revolution, 290–99.

21. Fudge, , The Crusade against Heretics in Bohemia, 3638Google Scholar.

22. Sylvius, Aeneas, Historia Bohemica, 126Google Scholar.

23. Vavřinec of Březová, “Historia Hussitica,” 362.

24. Sylvius, Aeneas, Historia Bohemica, 124Google Scholar.

25. A letter, dated 22 November 1423, from Priest Ambrož of Hradec Králové informed Žižka of the plot. The letter is extant and edited in Palacký, František, ed., Archiv český, 6 vols. (Prague, 18401872), 3:302Google Scholar.

26. Fudge, , The Crusade Against Heretics in Bohemia, 85Google Scholar.

27. Heymann, , John Žižka and the Hussite Revolution, 218–19Google Scholar.

28. Kaminsky, Howard, A History of the Hussite Revolution (Berkeley, 1967), 420Google Scholar.

29. See his letters in Heymann, , John Žižka and the Hussite Revolution, 485–92Google Scholar.

30. Fudge, , The Crusade against Heretics in Bohemia, 9496Google Scholar.

31. The text of “Žižkův vojenský řád” in the original Czech in is Svejkovský, František, ed., Staročeské vojenský řády (Prague, 1952), 2327Google Scholar. There is a translation in Heymann, , John Žižka and the Hussite Revolution, 492–97Google Scholar.

32. Demonization frequently included social outcasts, the despised, the hated, the contemptible, and the feared. This might include criminals, or those who violated rules and regulations; “perverts,” such as prostitutes or homosexuals, those who violated social mores and moral principles; those who were regarded as cultural or ethnic outsiders, such as Jews and Gypsies, and those who were ill and weak, like lepers and lunatics. Heretics were also a category of people who were routinely demonized.

33. Vavřinec of Březová, “Historia Hussitica,” 364.

34. von Höfler, Konstantin, ed., Chronicon veteris collegiati Pragensis, in Geschichtsschreiber der Husitischen Bewegung in Böhmen, vol. 1 (Vienna, 1856), 87Google Scholar.

35. Sylvius, Aeneas, Historia Bohemica, 162Google Scholar.

36. Aeneas Sylvius visited Tábor in 1451 and described that Hussite community as the lowest depths of hell. This in a letter to Cardinal Juan Carvajal, 21 August 1451 in Der Briefwechsel des Eneas Silvius Piccolomini, vol. 3, ed. Wolkan, Rudolf, in Fontes rerum austriacarum, vol. 68 (Vienna, 1918), 56Google Scholar.

37. Fudge, , The Crusade against Heretics in Bohemia, 127Google Scholar.

38. Sylvius, Aeneas, Historia Bohemica, 132Google Scholar.

39. Scriptores rerum bohemicarum, 3:58–61.

40. This has been conclusively demonstrated by Tomek, Václav Vladivoj, Dějepis města Prahy, second edition (Prague, 1898), 4:498500Google Scholar.

41. “Chronicle of Bartošek of Drahonice,” ed., Goll, Jaroslav in Fontes rerum bohemicarum, vol. 5 (Prague, 1893), 605–6Google Scholar. Or the brief overview in Bartoš, František M., The Hussite Revolution 1424–1437, trans., J. Weir, ed. Klassen, John M. (New York, 1986), 7475Google Scholar.

42. Anti-Hussites likewise took up the Moses motif facetiously and referred to Žižka as “Moses… the executioner.” See for example the anonymous literary debate “Václav, Havel a Tábor čili Rozmlouvání o Čechách,” in Svejkovskš, František, Veršované skladby doby husitské (Prague, 1963), 142Google Scholar.

43. Vavřinec of Březová, “Historia Hussitica,” 529.

44. For example, there is a folk carving of him in the Regional Museum in Netolice, a walking stick in the collection at Orlík Castle, and the work of Mikoláš Aleš featured frequently Hussite motifs as well as Žižka.

45. Kronika velmi pěkná o Janovi Žižkovi, Čeledína Krále Vácslava, xxiii.

46. Sylvius, Aeneas, Historia Bohemica, 138Google Scholar. The oldest stone likeness of Žižka is the “little head from Tábor” from around 1500 now preserved in the National Museum in Prague.

47. See below note 54 on the “sainthood” of Hus.

48. He is called a “snöden man” in the contemporary biography of Sigismund. Windecke, Eberhard, Denkwürdigkeiten zur Geschichte des Zeitalters Kaiser Sigmunds, ed., Altmann, Wilhelm (Berlin, 1893), 197Google Scholar.

49. All three date from the second half of the fifteenth century and survive in Prague museums. Two of the tiles have been reproduced in Kejř, Jiří, The Hussite Revolution, trans. Gottheinerová, Till (Prague, 1988), 74, 78Google Scholar. A third can be found in Všetečka, Jiří and Klučina, Petr, Praha Husitská (Prague, 1986), unpaginated textGoogle Scholar.

50. Göttingen, Universitätsbibliothek MS. Theol. 182, p. 75.

51. Jistebnice Gradual, Prague, National Museum Library MS. XII F 14 fol. 61r. The drawing, once discernable, has now been completely obliterated save for the upper parts of the banner. The most recent codicological studies place this gradual in the second half of the fifteenth century. There are no indications internally to help date the text more precisely.

52. The Czech inscription reads “Žižka, bratr náš věrný” in the Jena Codex, Prague. National Museum Library MS. IV B 24, fol. 76r. Another depiction of Žižka with his troops is a woodcut in the Czech version of Sylvius's, AeneasHistoria Bohemia by Mikuláš Konáč of Hodiškov (Prague, 1510), fol. 48rGoogle Scholar.

53. Jena Codex, Prague, National Museum Library MS. IV B 24, fols. 5v–6r.

54. See Holeton, David R., “‘O felix Bohemia — O felix Constantia’: The Liturgical Commemoration of Saint Jan Hus,” in Jan Hus: Zwischen Zeiten, Völkern, Konfessionen, ed., Seibt, Ferdinand (Munich, 1997), 385403Google Scholar. Based on more than a dozen liturgical manuscripts Holeton includes a variety of the common texts for the liturgical propers for the commemoration ot Hus and other Czech martyrs. There exists further a complete text of the feast of Hus. This has been edited and published by Holeton as “The Office of Jan Hus: An Unrecorded Antiphonary in the Metropolitical Library of Estergom” in Time and Community, ed. Alexander, J. Neil (Washington. 1990), 137–52Google ScholarPubMed.

55. For example, the illumination of Hus's transformation from condemned heretic to resident of paradise. Litoměřice Gradual, Terezín, Regional Archives MS. IV C 1 fol. 244v.

56. Alciati, Andrea, Liber Emblematum (Louvain, 1551), 184Google Scholar. The picture is reproduced in Šmahel, František and Vacková, Jarmila, “Odezva husitských Čech v evropském malířství 15. století,” Uměnís 30 (1980): 318Google Scholar.

57. Cited in Urbánek, Rudolf, Žižka v památkách a úctě lidu českého (Brno, 1924), 53Google Scholar.

58. Reproduced in Urbánek, Rudolf, ed., Sborník Žižkův, 1424–1924 (Prague, 1924), Plate 18Google Scholar.

59. It is a Baroque painting and appears in Kejř, The Hussite Revolution, 153. There are a variety of other examples in Urbánek, ed., Ibid.

60. See Fudge, Thomas A., “‘The Shouting Hus’: Heresy Appropriated as Propaganda in the Sixteenth Century,” Communio Viatorum 38 (1996): 197231Google Scholar.

61. Particularly the implementation and enforcement of the “St. James Day Mandate” against the Unity of the Brethren. See Fudge, Thomas A., “The Problem of Religious Liberty in Early Modern Bohemia,” Communio Viatorum 38 (1996): 7175, 78–79, 81–83Google Scholar.

62. “Böhmischer Jesuiten Kehraus und teutsche Weckuhr. Wunderliche Geheimnusse umb nachdenkliche des römischen Reiches.” Formerly Marburg, Westdeutsche Bibliothek, Plate no. 51, now Berlin, Staatsbibliothek.

63. The pope is shown mouthing these words: “Ich bin Successor Petri und Vicarius aller Reich. Ich hab macht Konig ab und ein Zusetzen.”

64. The Bohemian king was often referred to as a Lion. The image appears in popular songs of the fifteenth century. See for example, “A Song about Archbishop Zbyněk” in Nejedlý, Zdeněk, Dějiny husitského zpěvu (Prague, 19541956), vol. 3, 442–43Google Scholar and “When the Lion Died of Right Desire” in Ktož jsú boží bojovníci; čtení o Táboře v husitském revolučním hnutí, ed. Macek, Josef (Prague, 1951), 5052Google Scholar. There are partial translations of both songs in Fudge, The Magnificent Ride, 199–200.

65. “Böhmischer Unruh Schauspiegel in Welchem ein artiche und Eigendliche Transgiguratio und Abbildung aller deren Handlungen, Aufstand und Thätlichkeiten, so im vergangenen 1618 Jarh, auch biss noch auff dato in dem Hochlöblichen Königreich Böhmen verloffen, zu sehen.” Formerly Marburg, Westdeutsche Bibliothek, Plate no. 58, now Berlin, Staatsbibliothek.

66. Klesl was Ferdinand's Jesuit confessor as well as an imperial advisor. He seems out of place in this broadsheet depiction for he had been somewhat of an advocate for religious liberty and on this account had been arrested on 20 July 1618 by Ferdinand for his views on this very point. Klesl was deported to Tyrol where he was incarcerated at the Ambras Fortress.

67. The Church at Karlov was established around 1350 by Charles IV. The present vaulting dates from the late fifteenth century, while the main nave must be dated to 1575. Architecturally, the star-shaped vaulted main nave is of considerable interest. The Hussites did not succeed in destroying the building.

68. See the discussion in Urbánek, , Žižka v památkách a úctě lidu českého, 53Google Scholar.

69. I cite the correspondence from Caha, Arnošt, Žižkův sborník (Brno, 1924), 92Google Scholar.

70. Fudge, , The Crusade against Heretics in Bohemia, 400Google Scholar.