¹ See, for example, Weitz, Eric D., Weimar Germany: Promise and Tragedy (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 2007), 5, 92–101;Google ScholarGerwarth, Robert, “The Past in Weimar History,” Contemporary European History 15, no. 1 (2006): 8–10;CrossRefGoogle Scholar and Sontheimer, Kurt, Antidemokratisches Denken in der Weimarer Republik. Die politischen Ideen des deutschen Nationalismus zwischen 1918 und 1933 (Munich: Nymphenburger Verlagshandlung GmbH, 1962), 81, 181–183, 185–186, 211–214, 235–236, 246–248.Google Scholar

² See Die Programme der politischen Parteien Deutschlands (Leipzig: Körner & Sohn Verlag, 1932), 31 and 67–68. It is worth noting that the DVP, true to its liberal roots, officially called for the establishment of a constitutional monarchy whose initial head of state would be determined through popular vote. The DNVP in contrast, called for the reestablishment of the Hohenzollern dynastic state.

³ The term Geschichtspolitik refers to “the politically motivated use of historical narratives within the pubic discourse” (Robert Gerwarth), or, alternately, the “political use of history in the public sphere, in order to achieve mobilizing, politicizing, or legitimizing effects in political debate” (Edgar Wolfrum). See Gerwarth, Robert, The Bismarck Myth: Weimar Germany and the Legacy of the Iron Chancellor (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 2005), 4–5;Google Scholar and Wolfrum, Edgar, “Geschichte als Politikum—Geschichtspolitik. Internationale Forschungen zum 19. und 20. Jahrhundert,” Neue Politische Literatur 41, no. 3 (1996): 376–401, quote on 377.Google Scholar

⁴ Gerwarth, “The Past in Weimar History,” 2, 4. The phrase “Bürgerkrieg der Erinnerungen” was apparently coined by Friederich Stampfer, quoted in Gerwarth, Robert, “Republik und Reichsgründung. Bismarcks kleindeutsch Lösung im Meinungsstreit der ersten deutschen Demokratie,” in Griff nach der Deutungsmacht. Zur Geschichte der Geschichtspolitik in Deutschland, ed. Winkler, Heinrich August (Göttingen: Wallstein Verlag, 2004), 115.Google Scholar

⁵ “Löwe-Gedenkfeier,” Das Reichsbanner, April 1, 1927, 55.

⁶ Falck, C., “Verfassungsfeier,” Das Reichsbanner, September 15, 1926,Google Scholar Gau-supplement Berlin Brandenburg. Quote from W., “Der Weg des Reichsbanners,” Berliner Volkszeitung, February 20, 1927.

⁷ For but a few examples of the multitude of scholarly works exploring the theoretical issues behind the use of historical narration in the search for political meaning and on political culture more generally, see Rohe, Karl, “Politische Kultur und ihre Analyse. Probleme und Perspektiven der politischen Kulturforschung,” Historische Zeitschrift 250, no. 2 (April 1990): 321–346;CrossRefGoogle ScholarSmith, Rogers M., Stories of Peoplehood: The Politics and Morals of Political Membership (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2003);CrossRefGoogle ScholarDörner, Andreas, Politischer Mythos und symbolische Politik. Sinnstiftung durch symbolische Formen am Beispiel des Hermannsmythos (Opladen: Westdeutscher Verlag GmbH, 1995);Google ScholarAssmann, Jan, Das kulturelle Gedächtnis. Schrift, Erinnerung und politische Identität in frühen Hochkulturen (Munich: Verlag C. H. Beck, 1992);CrossRefGoogle ScholarConnerton, Paul, How Societies Remember (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1989);CrossRefGoogle ScholarBrysk, Alison, “‘Hearts and Minds’: Bringing Symbolic Politics Back In,” Polity 27, no. 4 (Summer 1995): 559–585;CrossRefGoogle Scholar and Henry, Barbara, “Identities of the West: Reason, Myths, Limits of Tolerance,” in Identities, Difference, and Boundaries, ed. Friese, Hedrun (New York: Berghahn Books, 2002).Google Scholar

⁸ For some examples, see Frye, Bruce B., Liberal Democrats in the Weimar Republic: The History of the German Democratic Party and the German State Party (Carbondale, IL: Southern Illinois University Press, 1985), 85–86;Google ScholarGay, Peter, Weimar Culture: The Outsider as Insider (New York: W. W. Norton & Co., 2001), 88;Google ScholarWinkler, Heinrich August, Der lange Weg nach Westen, vol. 1 (Munich: Verlag C. H. Beck, 2001), 406, 553;Google ScholarWinkler, Heinrich August, Weimar, 1918–1933. Die Geschichte der ersten deutschen Demokratie (Munich: Verlag C. H. Beck, 1998), 103;Google ScholarMommsen, Hans, The Rise and Fall of Weimar Democracy, trans. Forster, Elborg and Jones, Larry Eugene (Chapel Hill, NC: University of North Carolina Press, 1989), 60–61;Google ScholarGuben, Berndt, Schwarz, Rot und Gold. Biographie einer Fahne (Berlin: Verlag Ullstein GmbH, 1991);Google ScholarHattenhauer, Hans, Deutsche Nationalsymbole. Zeichen und Bedeutung (Munich: Günter Olzog Verlag, 1984), 9–71;Google Scholar and Jasper, Gotthard, Der Schutz der Republik. Studien zur staatlichen Sicherung der Demokratie in der Weimarer Republik, 1922–1930 (Tübingen: J. C. B. Mohr, 1963), 240–241,Google Scholar though Jasper argues that support for the black-red-gold tricolor during the 1919 National Assembly was primarily an expression of Social Democratic and Center Party opposition to the black-white-red flag of the Kaiserreich (241).

⁹ Gay, Weimar Culture, 87–88; Mommsen, The Rise and Fall of Weimar Democracy, 61, 87; Speitkamp, Winfried, “‘Erziehung zur Nation.’ Reichskunstwart, Kulturpolitik und Identitätsstiftung im Staat von Weimar,” in Nationales Bewußtsein und kollektive Identität. Studien zur Entwicklung des kollektiven Bewußtseins in der Neuzeit, ed. Berding, Helmut (Frankfurt am Main: Suhrkamp, 1994), 569.Google Scholar

¹⁰ See Manuela Achilles, “Re-Forming the Reich: Symbolics of the Republican Nation in Weimar Germany” (Ph.D. diss., University of Michigan, 2006), 99–100, 109, 342, 346; Buchner, Bernd, Um nationale und republikanische Identität. Die deutsche Sozialdemokratie und der Kampf um die politischen Symbole in der Weimarer Republik (Bonn: Verlag J. H. W. Dietz Nachf., 2001), 172–184, 361–364;Google Scholar Daniel Bussenius, “Eine ungeliebte Tradition. Die Weimarer Linke und die 48er Revolution 1918–1925,” in Griff nach Deutungsmacht, ed. Winkler, 90–114, quote on 112; Gerwarth, The Bismarck Myth, 59; Gerwarth, “The Past in Weimar History,” 11, 13–16; and Schmidt, Walter, “Die Revolutionsrezeption in den Jubiläumsjahren 1873–1898–1923,” in Demokratie und Arbeiterbewegung in der deutschen Revolution von 1848/49, ed. Bleiber, Helmut, Dlubek, Rolf, and Schmidt, Walter, (Berlin: Trafo Verlag, 2000), 262–265.Google Scholar

¹¹ Koch, Fritz, “Reichsbanner Schwarz-Rot-Gold,” in Das Reichsbanner Schwarz Rot Gold, ed. Schwarz-Rot-Gold, Reichsbanner (Magdeburg: Reichsbanner Schwarz-Rot-Gold, 1924), 17–18;Google ScholarHörsing, Otto, “Ein Jahr Reichsbanner,” in Zur Erinnerung an den Gründungstag, Magdeburg 22. Februar 1925, ed. Schwarz-Rot-Gold, Reichsbanner (Magdeburg: Reichsbanner Schwarz-Rot-Gold, 1925), 2;Google ScholarMeyer, Martin, “Vertiefung unsrer Ideen,” Das Reichsbanner, January 15, 1927, 14;Google Scholar and speeches by Lipinski, Richard and Wirth, Josef, published in “Nächtliche Kundgebung,” Das Reichsbanner, September 1, 1927, 137–138.Google Scholar

¹² See the essays by Paul Löbe, Fritz Koch, and Dr. März in Das Reichsbanner Schwarz Rot Gold, ed. Reichsbanner Schwarz-Rot-Gold; Ministerialdirektor Spiecker, Carl, “Das Werk von Weimar,” in Reichsbanner Gaufest im 1000 jährigen Brandenburg. Pfingsten 1928, ed. Reichsbanner Schwarz-Rot-Gold Gau Berlin-Brandenburg (Brandenburg an der Havel: O. Sidow & Co., 1928), 24–25;Google ScholarHaas, Ludwig, “Das Reichsbanner, eine republikanische Notwendigkeit,” in Bundesverfassungsfeier des Reichsbanners Schwarz-Rot-Gold. Vom 11. bis 13. August 1928. Frankfurt am Main. 1848–1928 80 Jahre, ed. Schwarz-Rot-Gold, Reichsbanner (Frankfurt am Main: Union-Druckerei und Verlagsanstalt G.m.b.H., 1928), 21.Google Scholar

¹³ Philipp Scheidemann, “Schild und Schwert der Republik,” in Bundesverfassungsfeier des Reichsbanners, ed. Reichsbanner Schwarz-Rot-Gold, 13.

¹⁴ Quote from “Zum Kampf entschlossen!,” Das Reichsbanner, October 15, 1924; Hörsing, “Ein Jahr Reichsbanner,” 2.

¹⁵ Paul Wendt, “Wilkommen im 1000 jährigen Brandenburg,” in Bundesverfassungsfeier des Reichsbanners, ed. Reichsbanner Schwarz-Rot-Gold, 5; Ludwig Haas, “Verteidigung ist Ehrenpflicht,” in Bundesverfassungsfeier des Reichsbanners, ed. Reichsbanner Schwarz-Rot-Gold, 23; and Karl Bröger, “Heimkehr und Gelöbnis,” in Zur Erinnerung, ed. Reichsbanner Schwarz-Rot-Gold, 4. The last line of the poem reads: “Deutsche Republik, wir alle schwören: Letzter Tropfen Blut soll dir gehören!”

¹⁶ Rohe, Karl, Das Reichsbanner Schwarz Rot Gold. Ein Beitrag zur Geschichte und Struktur der politischen Kampfverbände zur Zeit der Weimarer Republik (Düsseldorf: Droste Verlag, 1966), 73.Google ScholarZiemann, Benjamin, “Republikanische Kriegserinnerungen in einer polarisierten Öffentlichkeit,” Historische Zeitschrift 267, no. 2 (1998): 369–370;CrossRefGoogle ScholarMintert, David Magnus, “Sturmtrupp der Deutschen Republik.” Das Reichsbanner Schwarz-Rot-Gold im Wuppertal (Wuppertal: Droste Druckerei, 2002), 9–10.Google Scholar Ziemann estimates that the Reichsbanner averaged between one to two million members through its existence, while Mintert argues for Rohe's figures.

¹⁷ Mintert, “Sturmtrupp,” 29; Ziemann, “Republikanische Kriegserinnerungen,” 367, 370. Mintert notes that in the case of Wuppertal, no less than sixty percent of those in the Reichsbanner were veterans.

¹⁸ Becker, Robert, Der Wahrheit die Ehre! Das Reichsbanner Schwarz-Rot-Gold, die vergessene “Judenschutztruppe” der Weimarer Republik (Wiesbaden: Dr. Böttinger Verlags-G.m.b.H., 2000), 39;Google ScholarChickering, Roger Philip, “The Reichsbanner and the Weimar Republic, 1924–26,” Journal of Modern History 40, no. 4 (December 1968): 528–532;CrossRefGoogle Scholar Ziemann, “Republikanische Kriegserinnerungen,” 367–368; and Mintert, “Sturmtrupp,” 9, 29–31. For an extensive discussion of the Reichsbanner's relationship to the parties of the Weimar coalition, as well as the partisan leanings of its members, see Rohe, Das Reichsbanner, 44–55, 69–71, 249–250, 266–354, 392–403. Rohe and Ziemann both estimate that the vast majority of Reichsbanner men, ranging from eighty to ninety-five percent, were working class, and overwhelmingly industrial workers at that. It may be best then to consider the Reichsbanner a left, working-class organization.

¹⁹ Mintert, “Sturmtrupp,” 29–30, note 30; Rohe, Das Reichsbanner, 267–268; “Die Gaugeneralversammlung,” Das Reichsbanner, April 15, 1927, supplement for Gau Groß-Thüringen. For example, in Wuppertal, from 1927 through 1931, on average thirty percent of members did not belong to a union and just under forty percent did not belong to a political party. In 1927, reports on a survey of Reichsbanner members' party and union enrollment were presented to the general assembly for the association's Greater Thuringia regional branch and revealed that in one local group, only thirty-nine percent of members belonged to a political party and sixty percent to a union. Of course, depending upon organizational overlap between parties and union membership, the numbers presented in this Thuringian Reichsbanner's general assembly could yield a figure ranging between one percent and forty percent of the reported local's members whose sole political affiliation was the Reichsbanner.

²⁰ “Löwe-Gedenkfeier,” Das Reichsbanner, April 1, 1927, 55. Quote from “Triumphtage in Frankfurt a.M.,” Das Reichsbanner, August 19, 1928, 218. Also speech by Otto Hörsing, reprinted in “Die Verfassungsfeier am Sonnabend,” Das Reichsbanner, August 19, 1928, 221. Schmidt, “Revolutionsrezeption,” 265.

²¹ Bussenius, “Eine ungeliebte Tradition,” 110–111, quote on 111.

²² Rohe, Das Reichsbanner, 229–240, quote on 229.

²³ Quote from Eduard David, speech reprinted in “Die Verfassungsfeier am Sonnabend,” Das Reichsbanner, August 19, 1928, 221; Wendel, Hermann, “Reichsverfassung von 1849. Zum achtzigsten Jahrestag ihrer Annahme,” Das Reichsbanner, March 23, 1929, 93;Google ScholarSteinberger, Ludwig, “Monarchismus und Staatsgedanke in Deutschland,” part one of two, Das Reichsbanner, April 11, 1931, 119;Google Scholar and Steinberger, Ludwig, “Monarchismus und Staatsgedanke,” Das Reichsbanner, April 18, 1931, part two of two, 125.Google Scholar

²⁴ Quote from “Der 18. Januar?,” Das Reichsbanner, January 15, 1928, 1. Also C., “Für den Einheitsstaat,” Das Reichsbanner, May 15, 1927, 73; “Eines Volkes Opfergang,” Das Reichsbanner, March 15, 1928, 41; Geißler, Gerhard, “Reichskritik zu Bismarcks Zeit,” Das Reichsbanner, January 31, 1931, 33;Google ScholarSolmitz, Fritz, “Das Vaterland des Republikaners,” in Republikanischer Tag—Lübeck—24. Mai 1925, ed. Schwarz-Rot-Gold, Reichsbanner (Lübeck: Meyer, [1925]), 11.Google Scholar

²⁵ Quote from “Vom Sinn unsrer Verfassungsfeiern,” Das Reichsbanner, July 1, 1928, 157. See also Otto Hörsing, “1848–1928,” in Bundesverfassungsfeier des Reichsbanners Schwarz-Rot-Gold, ed. Reichsbanner Schwarz-Rot-Gold, 17. Gebauer, P., “1848–1928,” Das Reichsbanner, March 15, 1928,Google Scholar Gau-Supplement Müller, Berlin-Brandenburg. K., “Staatsfeindlichkeit einst und jetzt,” Das Reichsbanner, April 8, 1928, 62.Google Scholar

²⁶ Sontheimer, Antidemokratisches Denken in der Weimarer Republik, 115–139; Mosse, George L., Fallen Soldiers: Reshaping the Memory of the World Wars (New York: Oxford University Press, 1990), 159–181;Google Scholar and Ziemann, “Republikanische Kriegserinnerungen,” 371–372.

²⁷ Quote from Karl Karstädt, “Ludwig Uhland, der Großdeutsche und Demokrat,” Das Reichsbanner, September 15, 1925. Also “Uhlandfeier,” Das Reichsbanner, December 1, 1925.

²⁸ For just two examples, see Karstädt, “Ludwig Uhland”; Steinberger, “Monarchismus und Staatsgedanke in Deutschland,” 119. This is the first half of a two-part article.

²⁹ Wendel, Hermann, “Hurra, du Schwarz, du Rot, du Gold!,” Das Reichsbanner, March 15, 1926, 40–41;Google Scholar “Freiligrathfeier in Berlin,” Das Reichsbanner, April 15, 1926, 62; and “Aus den Gauen,” Das Reichsbanner, April 15, 1926, 62.

³⁰ “Löwe-Gedenkfeier,” Das Reichsbanner, April 1, 1927, 55.

³¹ Quote from Gebauer, “1848–1928”; “Scheidemann vor dem Reichsbanner,” Vorwärts, March 17, 1928, evening ed.; and “Berlin feiert die Märzopfer!,” Vorwärts, March 19, 1928, evening ed.

³² David, speech reprinted in “Die Verfassungsfeier am Sonnabend,” Das Reichsbanner, August 19, 1928, 222; “Eines Volkes Opfergang,” Das Reichsbanner, March 15, 1928, 41; Elsner, Wilhelm, “Schwarzrotgold in Schleswig-Holstein von 1815 bis 1848,” Das Reichsbanner, October 1, 1925.Google Scholar

³³ “Berlin feiert die Märzopfer!,” Vorwärts, March 19, 1928, evening ed.

³⁴ David, speech reprinted in “Die Verfassungsfeier am Sonnabend,” Das Reichsbanner, August 19, 1928, 222; “Eines Volkes Opfergang,” Das Reichsbanner, March 15, 1928, 41; Elsner, Schwarzrotgold in Schleswig-Holstein von 1815 bis 1848.

³⁵ Gebauer, “1848–1928”; Lipinski, Richard, “Die junge Deutsche Republik,” in Mitteldeutscher Republikanischer Tag am 3. und 4. Juli 1926 in Leipzig (Leipzig: Verlag Karl Schrörs, 1926), 21;Google Scholar “Berlin feiert die Märzopfer!,” Vorwärts, March 19, 1928, evening ed. In this last article, the author noted how the Reichsbanner assembly commemorating the eightieth anniversary of the March 18, 1848, insurrection in Berlin was held under the very balcony on which Friedrich Wilhelm IV had felt forced to doff his hat publicly in honor of rebellious Berliners killed in combat with his soldiers.

³⁶ Behrenbeck, Sabine, Der Kult um die toten Helden. Nationalsozialistische Mythen, Riten und Symbole 1923 bis 1945 (Vierow bei Greifswald: SH-Verlag, 1996), 66–67.Google Scholar

³⁷ Gebauer, “1848–1928.”

³⁸ “Eines Volkes Opfergang,” Das Reichsbanner, March 15, 1928.

³⁹ Buchner, Republikanische Identität, 168–177; Bussenius, “Ungeliebte Tradition,” 111; Mintert, “Sturmtrupp,” 15 and 33; Schmidt, “Revolutionsrezeption,” 252–253, 257; “Verfassungsfeiern im Reiche,” Das Reichsbanner, August 15, 1924; “Das Reichsbanner im Kampfe,” Das Reichsbanner, December 15, 1924; and Bouvier, Beatrix W., “Die Märzfeiern der sozialdemokratischen Arbeiter. Gedenktage des Proletariats—Gedenktage der Revolution. Zur Geschichte des 18. März,” in Öffentliche Festkultur. Politische Feste in Deutschland von der Aufklärung bis zum Ersten Weltkrieg, ed. Düding, Dieter, Friedemann, Peter, and Münch, Paul (Reinbek bei Hamburg: Rowohlt Taschenbuch Verlag GmbH, 1988), 334–351.Google Scholar

⁴⁰ Eduard David, speech to the Reichstag, Akten des Reichstages. Stenographische Berichte, May 12, 1926, vol. 390, 7206; and Buchner, Republikanische Identität, 174. The most visible evidence for this is the Bauhaus memorial to workers killed in Thüringia during the Kapp Putsch, which was called the Märzgefallenen-Denkmal.

⁴¹ “Den Toten des Volkes,” Illustrierte Reichsbanner Zeitung, March 13, 1926, 163; and “Aus dem Gau,” Das Reichsbanner, April 15, 1926, Gau-supplement for Berlin-Brandenburg.

⁴² See, for example, the report on a memorial held in Finsterwalde in “Aus dem Gau,” Das Reichsbanner, April 15, 1926, Gau-supplement for Berlin-Brandenburg. “Aus den Gauen,” Das Reichsbanner, March 30, 1929, 100; and “Hannöversche Märztage,” on page 104 of the “Jungbanner” supplement in the same issue.

⁴³ “Magdeburg und Umgebung,” Das Reichsbanner, January 1, 1926, Gau-supplement for Magdeburg-Anhalt.

⁴⁴ “Scheidemann vor dem Reichsbanner,” Vorwärts, March 17, 1928, evening ed.; and “Berlin feiert die Märzopfer!,” Vorwärts, March 19, 1928, evening ed.

⁴⁵ “Berlin feiert die Märzopfer!,” Vorwärts, March 19, 1928, evening ed.; Wendel, “Reichsverfassung von 1849,” 93; and Lipinski, “Die junge Deutsche Republik,” 21. These criticisms, voiced by left socialist members of the Reichsbanner, bear some similarity to some KPD narratives of 1848–49 which saw in the revolution another example of bourgeois betrayal of the revolutionary proletariat. See Bussenius, “Ungeliebte Tradition,” 97–99, as well as Gerwarth, “The Past in Weimar History,” 10.

⁴⁶ “Scheidemann vor dem Reichsbanner,” Vorwärts, March 17, 1928, evening ed.; “Berlin feiert die Märzopfer!,” Vorwärts, March 19, 1928, evening ed.; and Ludwig Haas, Paul Lobe, and Josef Wirth, “Die Zeit drängt!,” in Republikanischer Tag—Lübeck—24. Mai 1925, ed. Reichsbanner Schwarz Rot Gold—Lübeck (Lübeck: Meyer, [1925]), 5–9.

⁴⁷ “Berlin feiert die Märzopfer!,” Vorwärts, March 19, 1928, evening ed.

⁴⁸ Wendel, Hermann, “Die Maikämpfe von 1849. Die Erhebungen in Sachsen und Preußen,” Das Reichsbanner, May 11, 1929, 149.Google Scholar Wendel frequently wrote and spoke about 1848–49 both in his capacity as a Reichsbanner activist and as a socialist.

⁴⁹ Ibid., 149.

⁵⁰ “Den Toten von 1849,” Das Reichsbanner, September 15, 1924.

⁵¹ Wendel, Hermann, “Reichsverfassungskampagne 1849. Kämpfe für Schwarzrotgold,” Das Reichsbanner, June 1, 1929, 174.Google Scholar

⁵² Behrenbeck, Der Kult um die toten Helden, 67.

⁵³ Speech by Wilhelm Hollbach, reprinted in “Den Toten von 1849,” Das Reichsbanner, September 15, 1924. Hollpach's speech was given at a Reichsbanner memorial ceremony at the grave site of five revolutionaries executed in 1849 in Mannheim. Wendel, “Die Maikämpfe,” 149; Wendel, “Reichsverfassungskampagne 1849”; and Lipinski, “Die junge Deutsche Republik,” 21–22. Also speech by Hermann Hummel, reprinted in “Löwe-Gedenkfeier,” Das Reichsbanner, April 1, 1927, 55.

⁵⁴ Wendel, Hermann, “Die für die Freiheit starben. Zur Erinnerung an die Standrechtsopfer in Baden Anno 1849,” Das Reichsbanner, August 31, 1929, 289.Google Scholar

⁵⁵ Ibid., 289.

⁵⁶ Ibid.

⁵⁷ Lipinski, “Die junge Deutsche Republik,” 21–22.

⁵⁸ Bovensiepen, Rudolf, “Fürsten und Nation,” Das Reichsbanner, June 15, 1926, 89.Google Scholar

⁵⁹ Bussenius, “Eine ungeliebte Tradition,” 111; Rohe, Das Reichsbanner, 229.

⁶⁰ See, for instance, Wendel, Hermann, “Hurra du Schwarz, du Rot, du Gold! Zu Ferdinand Freiligraths fünfzigstem Todestag,” Das Reichsbanner, March 15, 1926, 40;Google Scholar Karl Karstädt, “Rektor Weidig,” Das Reichsbanner, April 15, 1926, 62; Meckauer, Fritz, “Vergessene schlesische Freiheitsdichter,” Das Reichsbanner, December 15, 1926, 187–189;Google Scholar “Löwe-Gedenkfeier,” Das Reichsbanner, April 1, 1927, 55; Riemann, Rob, “Leisnig und Würkert,” Das Reichsbanner, September 1, 1927, 139;Google ScholarWendel, Hermann, “Ein Sänger von Schwarzrotgold. Friedrich Stoltze,” Das Reichsbanner, August 12, 1928, 213;Google Scholar and Strohbach, Horst, “Elfried von Taura. Ein republikanischer Kämpfer der Revolutionsjahre 1848/49,” Das Reichsbanner, April 26, 1930, 130.Google Scholar

⁶¹ Riemann, “Leisnig und Würkert,” 139.

⁶² Strohbach, Horst, “Elfried von Taura. Ein republikanischer Kämpfer der Revolutionsjahre 1848/49,” Das Reichsbanner, April 26, 1930, 130.Google Scholar

⁶³ Quote from Frohmann, Herbert, “Helden der Republik. Zur Karl-Schurz-Hundertjahrfeier,” Das Reichsbanner, March 2, 1929, 65.Google Scholar Also “Lebenserinnerungen von Karl Schurz. Deutsche Freiheitsjahre,” page 69 of same issue.

⁶⁴ Quotes from Frohmann, “Helden der Republik,” Das Reichsbanner, March 2, 1929, 65. Also “Lebenserinnerungen von Karl Schurz. Deutsche Freiheitsjahre,” page 69 of same issue.

⁶⁵ “Reichsbanner und Karl-Schurz-Feier. Die Hundertjahrfeier in Liblar,” Das Reichsbanner, March 9, 1929, 75.

⁶⁶ “März-Porträts,” Das Reichsbanner, April 1, 1925. Quote from Robert Riemann, “Robert Blum,” in Mitteldeutscher Republikanischer Tag. Leipzig. 3. und 4. Juli 1926, 32–35. Hermann Wendel, “Ein Held der Freiheit. Robert Blum, 1848–9. November 1928,” Das Reichsbanner, November 11, 1928, 318.

⁶⁷ “März-Porträts,” Das Reichsbanner, April 1, 1925; Riemann, “Robert Blum,” 32–35. Quote from Wendel, “Ein Held der Freiheit,” 318.

⁶⁸ Wendel, “Ein Held der Freiheit,” 318.

⁶⁹ “März-Porträts,” Das Reichsbanner, April 1, 1925; Riemann, “Robert Blum,” 35; and Wendel, “Ein Held der Freiheit,” 318.

⁷⁰ Quote from Riemann, “Robert Blum,” 35. Wendel, “Ein Held der Freiheit,” 318; Kapp, Arno, “Robert Blums letzte Stunden,” Das Reichsbanner, November 11, 1928, 318–319.Google Scholar

⁷¹ Riemann, “Robert Blum,” 35; Wendel, “Ein Held der Freiheit,” 318; and Kapp, “Robert Blums letzte Stunden,” 318–319.

⁷² “März-Porträts,” Das Reichsbanner, April 1, 1925; Riemann, “Robert Blum,” 32–35; Lipinski, “Die junge Deutsche Republik,” 21; Wendel, “Ein Held der Freiheit,” 318; Kapp, “Robert Blums letzte Stunden,” 319; David, speech reprinted in “Die Verfassungsfeier am Sonnabend,” Das Reichsbanner, August 19, 1928, 222.

⁷³ For some examples, see “Den Toten von 1849,” Das Reichsbanner, September 15, 1924; “Das Reichsbanner im Kampfe,” Das Reichsbanner, December 15, 1924; “Uhlandfeier,” Das Reichsbanner, December 1, 1925; “Am Grabe Freiligraths,” Das Reichsbanner, April 1, 1926, 53; “Löwe-Gedenkfeier,” Das Reichsbanner, April 1, 1927, 55; Riemann, “Leisnig und Würkert,” 139; “Kranzniederlegungen,” Das Reichsbanner, August 19, 1928, 224; “Kranzniederlegungen,” Das Reichsbanner, August 17, 1929, 272; and Ziemann, “Republikanische Kriegserinnerungen,” 387–389.

⁷⁴ “Am Grabe Freiligraths,” Das Reichsbanner, April 1, 1926.

⁷⁵ “Löwe-Gedenkfeier,” Das Reichsbanner, April 1, 1927, 55.

⁷⁶ Riemann, “Leisnig und Würkert,” 139.

⁷⁷ Bundesarchiv Berlin-Lichterfelde (hereafter BArch) R 1501/125001: 2–3, 8, 12, 20, 24, 31. “Freiligraths Sohn in Not,” Das Reichsbanner, January 1, 1926, Gau-supplement Eastern Westphalia-Lippe. Buchner, Republikanische Identität, 179. Hörth, Otto, Gedenkfeiern. 1873/1898/1923, Die Paulskirche. Eine Schriftenfolge (Frankfurt am Main: Frankfurt Societäts-Druckerei GmbH, 1925), 58, 61.Google Scholar The pension was announced through a press release issued for March 18, 1926, the fiftieth anniversary of Ferdinand Freiligrath's death. The decision was hailed by a number of supporters, some of whom took the time to write to the Reich Ministry of the Interior applauding the government for honoring Ferdinand Freiligrath's son. Though his pension was intended to last for the remainder of Freiligrath's life, at some point in 1931 or 1932 his pension was halved as part of broader budget cuts. After the Prussian Minister of the Interior complained in May 1932, Reich Minister of the Interior Groener apologized, claiming that the reduction was accidental and promised that Freiligrath's pension would be restored to its previous level. See BArch R 1501/125001: 147–148, 149.

⁷⁸ “Wolfgang Freiligrath,” Das Reichsbanner, September 15, 1925; “Am Grabe Freiligraths,” Das Reichsbanner, April 1, 1926, 53; and “Triumphtage in Frankfurt a.M.,” Das Reichsbanner, August 19, 1928, 218.

⁷⁹ Bussenius, “Eine ungeliebte Tradition,” 111; Rohe, Das Reichsbanner, 240. Quote from “Die Fahne von Greetsiel,” Das Reichsbanner, October 15, 1924.

⁸⁰ Though in some cases flags were brought to events held at multiple locations over the years.

⁸¹ For one example of the presence of historic flags at a ceremony honoring the war dead, see “Aus den Gauen,” Das Reichsbanner, October 15, 1924. The report describes a commemorative assembly held in Stendal and notes that the speaker's podium at the event was decorated with a black-red-gold cloth that had once decorated the Paulskirche during the Frankfurt National Assembly. Also present was a “vintage 48er Bürgerwehr flag.”

⁸² “Die Fahnen in Magdeburg,” Illustrierte Reichsbanner Zeitung, February 28, 1925, 134; and “Reichsbanner-Bilder,” Illustrierte Reichsbanner Zeitung, March 21, 1925, 187. Historic flags appeared in the Reichsbanner's very first Constitution Day celebrations in 1924, as demonstrated by their use in Magdeburg and Altenburg. See “Verfassungsfeiern im Reiche,” Das Reichsbanner, August 15, 1924.

⁸³ “Verfassungsfeiern im Reiche,” Das Reichsbanner, August 15, 1924.

⁸⁴ “Verfassungssonntag in Berlin,” Das Reichsbanner, August 17, 1929, 270; and “Die neue Weihe einer alten 48er Fahne im Fischerdorf Greetsiel (Ostfriesland), im Kreise Emden,” photo printed in Illustrierte Reichsbanner Zeitung, February 21, 1925, 123. The photo depicts a simple outdoor gathering of between fifty and one hundred Reichsbanner members and sympathizers, including some women, listening to a speaker who is holding the 1848 flag on a small table.

⁸⁵ “Die Fahne von Greetsiel,” Das Reichsbanner, October 15, 1924.

⁸⁶ “Die Herrschau der Republik,” Das Reichsbanner, September 1, 1927, 142. Berliner Tageblatt quote in “Im Spiegel der Presse,” Das Reichsbanner, August 24, 1929, 28.

⁸⁷ Hermann Oncken, “Die Paulskirche and die deutsche Nation,” Deutsche Allgemeine Zeitung, Reich-edition, May 18, 1923; “Auch eine Gedenkfeier,” Völkischer Beobachter, May 20–21, 1923, 1; and Max Maurenbrecher, “Totenbeschwörung in der Paulskirche,” Deutsche Zeitung, May 18, 1923.

⁸⁸ “Auch eine Gedenkfeier,” Völkischer Beobachter, May 20–21, 1923; and “Vor hundert Jahren,” Völkischer Beobachter, May 20–21, 1923, 6.

⁸⁹ “Die Frankfurter Studentenschaft gegen die Feier des 18. Mai,” Pommersche Tagespost, May 17, 1923.

⁹⁰ Quote in “Demokraten feiern,” Völkischer Beobachter, March 20, 1923, 2. “Auch eine Gedenkfeier,” Völkischer Beobachter, May 20–21, 1923; and St-g., J., “Dr. Becker sucht republikanische Hymnen,” Völkischer Beobachter, January 4, 1928,Google Scholar “Münchner Beobachter” supplement. See also Bz., “Nach-März,” Deutsche Allgemeine Zeitung, March 18, 1928.

⁹¹ “Die Offensive der Pazifisten. Verfassungsfeier des Reichsbanners,” Völkischer Beobachter, August 11, 1928, “Münchner Beobachter” supplement.