Last updated 10th July 2024: Online ordering is currently unavailable due to technical issues. We apologise for any delays responding to customers while we resolve this. For further updates please visit our website https://www.cambridge.org/news-and-insights/technical-incident
We use cookies to distinguish you from other users and to provide you with a better experience on our websites. Close this message to accept cookies or find out how to manage your cookie settings.
Published online by Cambridge University Press: 23 May 2011
The morning of May 23, 1912, witnessed the christening of a new German icon. For many Germans, it was a wonder of the modern age, a powerful symbol of the nation's achievements in industry, engineering, and technology. For others, it was the embodiment of all the evils wrought by political, social, and cultural transformation. Some said it expressed the character of the German people, in a manner similar to Cologne Cathedral and Sanssouci, the palace of Frederick the Great. But there were those who thought it “appeared as a typical manifestation of the new Germany, with its huckstering and obtrusive manners, more a snobbism than a symbol of German competence.” The Kaiser was fascinated by this expression of the ambition, ingenuity, and might of an Empire in which he believed power rested with himself, the Prussian nobility, and a powerful military complex. And yet Hamburg's mayor, Johann Heinrich Burchard, echoed the feelings of many when he described this new wonder as “above all … the product of a flourishing, self-conscious German middle class.” Although extolled as a symbol of German unity, Social Democrats denounced the modern leviathan as an expression of class inequality and lamented that ten men were killed and one hundred injured while constructing it. With this in mind, how could Germany be proud of what it had achieved?
1 See the opinions of Fock, Gorch in Bracker, Jörgen, “Dampfer Imperator. Das riesige Friedenschiff,” in Industriekultur in Hamburg. Des Deutschen Reiches Tor zur Welt, ed. Plagemann, Volker (Munich: C. H. Beck Verlag, 1984), 64Google Scholar.
2 Leser, Max, “Ausklang,” in Hamburg-Amerika Linie, Imperator Auf See. Gedenkblätter an die erste Ausfahrt des Dampfers am 11. Juni 1913 (Hamburg: Hamburg-Amerika Linie, 1913), n.p.Google Scholar
3 Hugo Freiherr von Freytag-Loringhoven quoted in Cecil, Lamar, Albert Ballin: Business and Politics in Imperial Germany, 1888–1918 (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1967), 110CrossRefGoogle Scholar.
4 “Der Stapellauf des Imperator,” Hamburger Nachrichten, May 23, 1912.
5 “Zum Stapellauf des ‘Imperator,’” Hamburger Echo, May 23, 1912.
6 Technical data on ships built during this period often vary from publication to publication in historical scholarship. The figures provided here are those released by HAPAG at the time of the Imperator's maiden voyage.
7 See, for example, Dawson, Philip, The Liner: Retrospective and Renaissance (New York and London: W. W. Norton, 2005)Google Scholar; Burgess, Douglas R., Seize the Trident: The Race for Superliner Supremacy and How it Altered the Great War (New York: McGraw-Hill, 2005)Google Scholar; Maxtone-Graham, John, The Only Way to Cross (New York: Macmillan, 1972)Google Scholar; and Brinnin, John Malcolm, The Sway of the Grand Saloon (London: Arlington Books, 1971)Google ScholarPubMed. See also Kludas, Arnold, Die Geschichte der deutschen Passagierschiffahrt, 5 vols. (Hamburg: Ernst Kabel Verlag, 1986–1994)Google Scholar, vol. 1, Die Pionierjahre von 1850 bis 1890; vol. 2, Expansion auf allen Meeren 1890 bis 1900; vol. 3, Sprunghaftes Wachstum 1900 bis 1914 (1988); vol. 4, Vernichtung und Wiedergeburt 1914–1939; vol. 5, Eine Ära geht zu Ende 1939 bis 1990; here vol. 3.
8 Exceptions include Rieger, Bernhard, Technology and the Culture of Modernity in Britain and Germany, 1890–1945 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2005)Google Scholar; Ferguson, Niall, Paper and Iron: Hamburg Business and German Politics in the Era of Inflation, 1897–1927 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1995)CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Plagemann, Volker, ed., Übersee. Seefahrt und Seemacht im deutschen Kaiserreich (Munich: C. H. Beck Verlag, 1988)Google Scholar; Cecil, Albert Ballin.
9 There is a large amount of literature on the German navy, including Steinberg, Jonathan, Yesterday's Deterrent: Tirpitz and the Birth of the German Battlefleet (London: Macdonald, 1965)Google Scholar; Herwig, Holger, “Luxury” Fleet: The Imperial German Navy, 1888–1918 (London and Boston: Allen & Unwin, 1980)Google Scholar; Lambi, Ivo Nikolai, The Navy and German Power Politics, 1882–1914 (Boston: Allen & Unwin, 1984)Google Scholar; Epkenhans, Michael, Die Wilhelminische Flottenrustung, 1908–1914. Weltmachtstreben, industrieller Fortschritt, soziale Integration (Munich: R. Oldenbourg Verlag, 1991)Google Scholar; Berghahn, Volker, Germany and the Approach of War in 1914, 2nd ed. (London: Macmillan, 1993)Google Scholar; Hobson, Rolf, Imperialism at Sea: Naval Strategic Thought, the Ideology of Sea Power, and the Tirpitz Plan, 1875–1914 (Boston: Brill Academic Publishers, 2002)Google Scholar. An important study of the Navy League is Eley, Geoff, Reshaping the German Right: Radical Nationalism and Political Change after Bismarck, 2nd ed. (Ann Arbor, MI: University of Michigan Press, 1991)CrossRefGoogle Scholar.
10 Rüger, Jan, The Great Naval Game: Britain and Germany in the Age of Empire (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2007)Google Scholar.
11 Jefferies, Matthew, Politics and Culture in Wilhelmine Germany: The Case of Industrial Architecture (Oxford and Washington, D.C.: Berg Publishers, 1995), 6Google Scholar.
12 Miller, William H., The First Great Ocean Liners in Photographs (New York: Dover Publications, 1984), 9Google Scholar. HAPAG was extremely sensitive to the role played by the international press in the success of its vessels. It attempted to keep a tight control on information that might damage the Imperator's image, denying reports of mishaps and complications with the vessel, and blaming the foreign press for deliberately attempting to injure the ship's reputation when such reports appeared in British and American newspapers.
13 I have borrowed the term “optical characteristics” from Koshar, Rudy, From Monuments to Traces: Artifacts of German Memory, 1870–1990 (Berkeley, CA: University of California Press, 2000), 75Google Scholar.
14 Miller, The First Great Ocean Liners, 35.
15 HAPAG operated more than sixty steamship services. For the history of these services and those offered by other German shipping companies, see Kludas, Die Geschichte der deutschen Passagierschiffahrt, 5 vols.
16 The letter receives only a short bibliographical note in Zeising, Andreas, Studien zu Karl Schefflers Kunstkritik und Kunstbegriff. Mit einer annotierten Bibliographie seiner Schriften (Tönning: Der Andere, 2006)Google Scholar.
17 These are too numerous to list here. An excellent overview of the cultural and artistic history of the German Empire, with bibliography, is Jefferies, Matthew, Imperial Culture in Germany, 1871–1918 (Houndmills: Palgrave Macmillan, 2003)CrossRefGoogle Scholar.
18 Ibid., 221. For a concise overview of middle-class reform movements, see Dickinson, Edward Ross, “The Bourgeoisie and Reform,” in Imperial Germany 1871–1918, ed. Retallack, James (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2008), 151–173Google Scholar.
19 More recent studies include Barclay, David E. and Glaser-Schmidt, Elisabeth, eds., Transatlantic Images and Perceptions: Germany and America since 1776 (New York and Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1997)CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Schmidt, Alexander, Reisen in die Moderne. Der Amerika-Diskurs des deutschen Bürgertums vor dem Ersten Weltkrieg im europäischen Vergleich (Berlin: Akademie Verlag, 1997)Google Scholar; Adam, Thomas and Gross, Ruth, eds., Traveling Between Worlds: German-American Encounters (College Station, TX: Texas A & M University Press, 2006)Google Scholar; Schramm, Martin, Das Deutschlandbild in der britischen Presse 1912–1919 (Berlin: Akademie Verlag, 2007)CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Geppert, Dominik and Gerwarth, Robert, eds., Wilhelmine Germany and Edwardian Britain: Essays on Cultural Affinity (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2008)Google Scholar.
20 Kludas, Die Geschichte der deutschen Passagierschiffahrt, vol. 2, Expansion auf allen Meeren, 162.
21 Dawson, The Liner, 52.
22 Linie, Hamburg-Amerika, Turbinen-Schnelldampfer Imperator (Hamburg: Hamburg-Amerika Linie, n.d.)Google Scholar.
23 Staatsarchiv der Freien und Hansestadt Hamburg (hereafter St.A.H.) 622-1. Merck, II 8, Johannes Merck, Konv. 2b, “Meine Erinnerungen an die Hamburg-Amerika Linie und an Albert Ballin, 1896-1918” [1920], 106.
24 Broeze, Frank, “Albert Ballin, the Hamburg-Bremen Rivalry, and the Dynamics of the Conference System,” International Journal of Maritime History 3, no. 1 (1991): 19–20CrossRefGoogle Scholar.
25 St.A.H. 622-1. Merck, II 8, Johannes Merck, Konv. 2b, “Meine Erinnerungen” [1920], 111.
26 This expression is used by Huldermann, Bernhard, Albert Ballin (Oldenburg and Berlin: Gerhard Stalling, 1922), 176Google Scholar.
27 The best biography of Ballin is Cecil, Albert Ballin.
28 Ibid., 22. Biographies written in the 1920s by those who worked with Ballin portrayed him as a man of compromise and a promoter of international peace who put Germany's interests ahead of those of HAPAG. See Huldermann, Albert Ballin, and Stubmann, Peter-Franz, Ballin. Leben und Werk eines deutschen Reeders, 2nd ed. (Berlin-Grunewald: Hermann Klemm, 1926)Google Scholar. Cecil provides a more objective assessment, but one that is in keeping with an image of Ballin as a mediator of cooperation in international shipping. In the 1990s, in the work of Frank Broeze, a very different portrait emerged of a ruthless businessman and maritime Social Darwinist who put the interests of his company above all else and who aggressively challenged foreign and domestic competitors. See Broeze, “Albert Ballin, the Hamburg-Bremen Rivalry”; Broeze, Frank, “Albert Ballin, The Hamburg-American Line, and Hamburg: Structure and Strategy in the German Shipping Industry (1886-1914),” Deutsches Schiffahrtsarchiv 15 (1992): 135–158Google Scholar; Broeze, Frank, “Shipping Policy and Social Darwinism: Albert Ballin and the Weltpolitik of the Hamburg-America Line 1886-1914,” The Mariner's Mirror 79, no. 4 (1993): 419–436CrossRefGoogle Scholar.
29 Ferguson, Paper and Iron, 39.
30 St.A.H. 621-1 HAPAG - Reederei 2656 Band 3. Verträge und Vereinbarungen zu Schiffsneubauten Band 3: D “Imperator” 1910-1914 MUG 128A 04 05 A - Bau-Offerte und Bauvertrag.
31 See, for example, Line, Hamburg-American, Imperator (New York: Hamburg-American Line, 1913), n.p.Google Scholar
32 See, for example, Hamburg-Amerika Linie, Turbinen-Schnelldampfer Imperator; Linie, Hamburg-Amerika, Dampfer Imperator. Das Größte Schiff der Welt (Hamburg: Hamburg-Amerika Linie, n.d.)Google Scholar.
33 “The Imperator,” Shipbuilding and Shipping Record 4, no. 15 (1914): 351Google Scholar.
34 See St.A.H. 622-1. Merck, II 8, Johannes Merck, Konv. 2b, “Meine Erinnerungen” [1920].
35 Broeze, “Albert Ballin, the Hamburg-Bremen Rivalry,” 25.
36 Hamburg-Amerika Linie, Turbinen-Schnelldampfer Imperator, 25.
37 St. A. H. 621-1 HAPAG - Reederei 2656 Band 3. Verträge und Vereinbarungen zu Schiffsneubauten Band 3: D “Imperator” 1910-1914 MUG 128A 04 05, G – Ausstattungsarbeiten.
38 Dawson, The Liner, 57.
39 St. A.H. 621-1 HAPAG - Reederei 2656 Band 3. Verträge und Vereinbarungen zu Schiffsneubauten Band 3: D “Imperator” 1910-1914 MUG 128A 04 05 - A - Bau-Offerte und Bauvertrag.
40 Miller, The First Great Ocean Liners, 66.
41 Dawson, The Liner, 57.
42 Hans Ossig, “Die erste Imperatorfahrt - II,” Neue Hamburger Zeitung, June 16, 1913.
43 Kurt Junghanns, Der Deutsche Werkbund. Sein erstes Jahrzehnt (Berlin: Henschelverlag Kunst und Gesellschaft, 1982), 37.
44 See Schaefer, Karl, “Der Norddeutsche Lloyd und die Moderne Raumkunst,” Die Kunst 11, no. 2 (1907): 76–90Google Scholar; Heiderich, Günter, “Hier wähnt man sich tatsächlich nicht auf dem Meere. Die Vereinigten Werkstätten und die Neue ‘Raumkunst an Bord,’” in Übersee, ed. Plagemann, , 180–83Google Scholar; Kludas, Die Geschichte der deutschen Passagierschiffahrt, vol. 3, Sprunghaftes Wachstum, 200–202.
45 See Jahrbuch des Deutschen Werkbundes, 1914, Der Verkehr, 84-86; Kludas, Die Geschichte der deutschen Passagierschiffahrt, vol. 3, Sprunghaftes Wachstum, 212-13.
46 Hamburg-Amerika Linie, Imperator Auf See.
47 See ibid.
48 “The Imperator,” The Times, June 12, 1913; “The Imperator: World's Largest Liner: Her Maiden Voyage,” The Daily Telegraph, June 13, 1913; “The Imperator,” The Morning Post, June 13, 1913.
49 “The Imperator,” The Times, June 12, 1913.
50 For a discussion of launch ceremonies, see Rüger, The Great Naval Game, 127-28.
51 See Cecil, Albert Ballin, 95-96.
52 For the Imperator's eagle, see Kludas, Arnold, Die Geschichte der Hapag-Schiffe, vol. 2, 1901–1914 (Bremen: Hauschild, 2008), 184–86Google Scholar.
53 Quoted in Cecil, Albert Ballin, 95.
54 “Imperator Minds Helm Like A Yacht,” New York Times, June 20, 1913.
55 Bongard, D., “Imperator in Amerika,” quoted in Peter Zerbe, Die Grossen Deutschen Passagierschiffe. Imperator, Vaterland, Bismarck (Hamburg: Nautik Historie Verlag, 1999), 222Google Scholar.
56 “Imperator, Biggest of Liners, in Port,” The New York Times, June 19, 1913; “Imperator Minds Helm Like A Yacht,” The New York Times, June 20, 1913; “Throng Piers To See The Imperator Sail,” The New York Times, June 26, 1913; “Great Ship Imperator Warmly Welcomed On Arrival Here,” The Wall Street Journal, June 20, 1913; “Rudder Post of Imperator,” The Washington Post, June 23, 1912; “Biggest Ship and Building,” The Washington Post, September 22, 1912; “Smokestack of Ocean Liner,” The Washington Post, April 20, 1913.
57 “Vaterland Arrives, Fights Tide 4 Hours,” The New York Times, May 22, 1914; “The Vaterland,” The New York Times, May 22, 1914.
58 Rieger, Technology and the Culture of Modernity, 229 and 183-84.
59 Bernhard Reuter, “Imperator,” in Hamburg-Amerika Linie, Imperator Auf See.
60 Ossig, “Die erste Imperatorfahrt – II.”
61 F.R., “Die Inneneinrichtung des ‘Imperators,’” Hamburger Fremdenblatt, June 10, 1913.
62 Rieger, Technology and the Culture of Modernity, 165.
63 “Ausländerei,” Hamburger Nachrichten, April 29, 1913.
64 “‘Imperator’ und ‘Vaterland,’” Der Kunstwart 26, no. 19 (1913): 67–68Google Scholar.
65 Grautoff, Otto, “Albert Ballin und die Deutsche Kunst,” Kunst und Künstler 12, no. 11 (1914): 609Google Scholar.
66 Russell, Mark A., Between Tradition and Modernity: Aby Warburg and the Public Purposes of Art in Hamburg (New York and Oxford: Berghahn, 2007), 168–171Google Scholar.
67 Warburg Institute Archive (hereafter WIA). GC: Warburg to HAPAG (Schiffbautechnische Abteilung), June 30, 1913.
68 WIA. IV.36: Hamburg-Amerika Linie [HAPAG] (Imperator and Vaterland); WIA. III.2.1: Zettelkasten 57 (Hamburg) HAL; St.A.H. 621-1. HAPAG - Reederei. 2656 Band 3.
69 WIA. Kopierbuch V, 141: Warburg to Hans Olde, April 9, 1913; WIA. GC: Albert Ballin to Warburg, April 9, 1913.
70 WIA. GC: Albert Ballin to Warburg, July 6, 1913.
71 See Dr. W., “Gemälde für den Imperator, im Auftrag der Hamburg-Amerika-Linie gemalt von Fritz Schwinge,” in Die Hamburger Woche 16 (n.d.).
72 Catalogue of the Costly Appointments, Furnishings, and Panelling of S.S. Leviathan, Auction Catalogue of Hampton & Sons, London (March 14-18 and 21-25, 1938), 71.
73 Fritz Schumacher, “Aesthetische Kultur,” Hamburgischer Correspondent, January 28, 1913.
74 WIA.GC: Fritz Schumacher to Warburg, February 9, 1913.
75 For the German Werkbund, see, among others, Campbell, Joan, The German Werkbund: The Politics of Reform in the Applied Arts (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1978)Google Scholar; Burckhardt, Lucius, ed., The Werkbund: History and Ideology (Woodbury, NY: Barron's, 1980)Google Scholar; Domansky, Elisabeth, “Der Deutsche Werkbund,” in Bürgerliche Gesellschaft in Deutschland. Historische Einblicke, Fragen, Perspektiven, ed. Niethammer, Lutz et al. . (Frankfurt am Main: Fischer Taschenbuch Verlag, 1990), 268–274Google Scholar; Hardtwig, Wolfgang, Nationalismus und Bürgerkultur in Deutschland, 1500-1914 (Göttingen: Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht, 1994), 246–273Google Scholar; Jefferies, Politics and Culture in Wilhelmine Germany; Jarzombek, Mark, “The Discourses of a Bourgeois Utopia, 1904–1908, and the Founding of the Werkbund,” in Imagining Modern German Culture: 1889–1910, ed. Forster-Hahn, Françoise (Washington, D.C.: National Gallery of Art, 1996), 126–145Google Scholar; Schwartz, Frederic, The Werkbund: Design Theory and Mass Culture Before the First World War (New Haven, CT, and London: Yale University Press, 1996)Google Scholar.
76 Dickinson, “The Bourgeoisie and Reform,” 154.
77 Campbell, The German Werkbund, 3.
78 Jefferies, Politics and Culture in Wilhelmine Germany, 113.
79 Ibid., 127.
80 See Jahrbuch des Deutschen Werkbundes, 1914, Der Verkehr.
81 Jarzombek, Mark, “The Kunstgewerbe, the Werkbund, and the Aesthetics of Culture in the Wilhelmine Period,” Journal of the Society of Architectural Historians 53, no. 1 (1994): 11CrossRefGoogle Scholar.
82 Bruno Paul, “Passagierdampfer und ihre Einrichtungen,” Jahrbuch des Deutschen Werkbundes, 1914, Der Verkehr (1914): 55-58.
83 For a recent overview of Scheffler's career and ideas, see Zeising, Studien zu Karl Schefflers Kunstkritik und Kunstbegriff.
84 The ship was built principally of steel, not iron.
85 Lichtwark was director of Hamburg's Kunsthalle from 1886-1914; Brinckmann was director of Hamburg's Museum für Kunst und Gewerbe from 1877-1915.
86 Behrens quoted in Jefferies, Politics and Culture in Wilhelmine Germany, 112.
87 Zeising, Studien zu Karl Schefflers Kunstkritik und Kunstbegriff, 194.
88 Ibid.
89 Scheffler, Karl, “Plastische Natur,” Die Gegenwart 47 (1895): 298Google Scholar.
90 Zeising, Studien zu Karl Schefflers Kunstkritik und Kunstbegriff, 121; see Scheffler, Karl, “Die Berliner Hochbahn als Kunstwerk,” Der Lotse 2, no. 2 (1901/02): 82–87Google Scholar; Scheffler, Karl, “Hochbahn und Ästhetik,” Deutsche Bauhütte 6 (1902): 109–111Google Scholar.
91 See Jarzombek, “The Discourses of a Bourgeois Utopia,” 131.
92 See Jefferies, Politics and Culture in Wilhelmine Germany, esp. chap. 1.
93 Campbell, The German Werkbund, 10.
94 Muthesius quoted in Matthew Jefferies, “‘What we may learn from it’: Cultural Contacts and Transfers in Architecture,” in Wilhelmine Germany and Edwardian Britain, ed. Geppert and Gerwarth, 337.
95 Umbach, Maiken, “Memory and Historicism: Reading Between the Lines of the Built Environment, Germany c. 1900,” Representations 88 (2004): 29 and 49CrossRefGoogle Scholar.
96 Ibid., 49.
97 See Koshar, From Monuments to Traces, 58 and 62.
98 Jarzombek, “The Kunstgewerbe, the Werkbund, and the Aesthetics of Culture in the Wilhelmine Period,” 10.
99 Muthesius quoted in Jefferies, Politics and Culture in Wilhelmine Germany, 50-51.
100 Cecil, Albert Ballin, 38.
101 For an important challenge to the feudalization thesis, see Augustine, Dolores L., Patricians and Parvenus: Wealth and High Society in Wilhelmine Germany (Oxford and Providence, RI: Berg, 1994)Google Scholar.
102 Jefferies, Politics and Culture in Wilhelmine Germany, 24.
103 See Campbell, The German Werkbund, 10.
104 See ibid., 15.
105 See Schwartz, Frederic, “Commodity Signs: Peter Behrens, the AEG, and the Trademark,” Journal of Design History 9, no. 3 (1996): 153–184CrossRefGoogle Scholar.
106 L.D., “Studio Talk,” The International Studio: An Illustrated Magazine of Fine and Applied Art 36, no. 142 (1908): 154.
107 Jarzombek, “The Discourses of a Bourgeois Utopia,” 131.
108 Repp, Kevin, Reformers, Critics, and the Paths of German Modernity: Anti-Politics and the Search for Alternatives, 1890–1914 (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 2000), 16CrossRefGoogle Scholar.
109 See, for example, “Ausländerei,” Hamburger Nachrichten, April 29, 1913.
110 “‘Imperator’ und ‘Vaterland,’” Der Kunstwart 26, no. 19 (July 1913): 67-68.
111 Zeising, Studien zu Karl Schefflers Kunstkritik und Kunstbegriff, 175.
112 Böcklin was Swiss but was adopted by the German public as one of their own and was championed by German critics.
113 An especially important expression of Scheffler's ideas is found in Scheffler, Karl, “Der Deutsche und seine Kunst,” Der Kunstwart 19, no. 1 (1905/06): 177–182; 251–267; 312–315Google Scholar.
114 Scheffler quoted in Jarzombek, “The Kunstgewerbe, the Werkbund, and the Aesthetics of Culture in the Wilhelmine Period,” 16.
115 Zeising, Studien zu Karl Schefflers Kunstkritik und Kunstbegriff, 60.
116 Russell, Between Tradition and Modernity, 75.
117 Campbell, The German Werkbund, 77.
118 Dickinson, “The Bourgeoisie and Reform,” 171.
119 “Der Stapellauf des Imperators,” Hamburger Nachrichten, May 23, 1912.
120 “Imperator,” Hamburgischer Correspondent, May 23, 1912.
121 See Lenman, Robin, Artists and Society in Germany, 1850–1914 (Manchester and New York: Manchester University Press, 1997), 38–39Google Scholar.
122 James Retallack, “Looking Forward,” in Imperial Germany 1871–1918, ed. Retallack, 268.
123 WIA.GC. Max Warburg to Warburg, September 18, 1913.
124 St.A.H. 621-1 HAPAG - Reederei 2656 Band 3. Verträge und Vereinbarungen zu Schiffsneubauten Band 1: D “Bismarck” 1909-1921 MUG 128A 04 05 / A941 ZAS D. Bismarck; Grautoff, “Albert Ballin und die Deutsche Kunst,” 609.
125 WIA.GC. Max Warburg to Warburg, September 18, 1913.
126 On November 8, 1918, Ballin swallowed a large quantity of sleeping pills and collapsed into a coma. He died of heart failure the next day, and scholars disagree as to whether his death was the result of an accident or suicide.
127 The New York Times, however, did take note of the fact that there were German critics of the Imperator's interiors. See “Imperator Too French?,” The New York Times, July 20, 1913.
128 On this point, see Schramm, Das Deutschlandbild in der britischen Presse.
129 “The Imperator,” The Times, June 12, 1913.
130 Koshar, Rudy, German Travel Cultures (Oxford and New York: Berg, 2000), 52CrossRefGoogle Scholar.
131 Schauffler, Robert Haven, Romantic Germany (New York: Century, 1909), xvGoogle Scholar.
132 “The Vaterland,” The New York Times, May 22, 1914.
133 Dominik Geppert and Robert Gerwarth, “Introduction,” in Wilhelmine Germany and Edwardian Britain, ed. Geppert and Gerwarth, 6.
