¹ Löscher, Friedrich Hermann, “Geleitwort,” Kalender für das Erzgebirge und Vogtland (Annaberg: Grasers Verlag, 1905)Google Scholar.

² Regional literature often referred to Saxony's regions as landscapes. For example, Dr.Bruntsch, , Die Heimat. Landeskunde vom Königreiche Sachsen (Leipzig: Verlag von H. A. Ludwig Degener, 1909), 4Google Scholar. The historiography of tourism highlights a nineteenth-century shift from elite “travel” to mass “tourism.” Saxon regional tourism literature did not make this distinction, perhaps since most of southern Saxony did not experience an earlier era of elite travelers. For discussion of this distinction, see Buzard, James, The Beaten Track: European Tourism, Literature, and the Ways to Culture, 1800–1918 (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1993), 1–79CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

³ Promoters included people from Saxony's southern regions and its cities, including Dresden, , Chemnitz, , and Leipzig, . Kalender für das Erzgebirge, Vogtland und sächsische Schweiz (1908), 38–39Google Scholar; Kalender für das Erzgebirge und das übrige Sachsen (1914), 76–79.

⁴ This contrasts with Alon Confino's work, which locates Heimat national identity distinctly within the Kaiserreich, and even with Celia Applegate's treatment of the Pfalz borderland, which concentrates on the importance of outside influences rather than on local assertions of cross-border relationships. Confino, Alon, The Nation as a Local Metaphor: Württemberg, Imperial Germany, and National Memory, 1871–1918 (Chapel Hill, NC: University of North Carolina Press, 1997)Google Scholar; Applegate, Celia, A Nation of Provincials: The German Idea of Heimat (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1990)Google Scholar.

⁵ Koshar, Rudy, German Travel Cultures (New York: Berg, 2000), 65–114CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

⁶ Just as E. A. Wrigley argued industrialization happened unevenly, shaped by local conditions, so, too, did industrialization and political change have varied regional effects. Wrigley, , Industrial Growth and Population Change: A Regional Study of the Coalfield Areas of North-West Europe in the Later Nineteenth Century (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1961)Google Scholar. By German-speaking central Europe I mean the German Reich, the German-speaking territories of Cisleithania, and the German-speaking territories of their successor states.

⁷ James J. Sheehan argues German history should not be considered merely the story of the post–1871 German state. Saxon tourism promoters demonstrate the persistence of multiple ideas of German state and nationhood well after 1871. Sheehan, “What is German History? Reflections on the Role of the Nation in German History and Historiography,” Journal of Modern History 53 (1981).

⁸ Confino, The Nation as a Local Metaphor; Applegate, A Nation of Provincials, 17.

⁹ The Erzgebirgsverein and the Gebirgsverein für die sächsisch-böhmische Schweiz were founded in 1878, beginning institutionalized Heimat promotion in the region. Martin, Andreas, “Der Fremdenverkehr in der Sächsischen Schweiz. Zu offenen Fragen der Entdeckung und Entwicklung einer touristischen Landschaft bis 1914,” Volkskunde in Sachsen 7 (Dresden, 1999): 90Google Scholar. For association membership, see Kalender für das Erzgebirge, Vogtland und sächsische Schweiz (1908), 38–39; Kalender für das Erzgebirge und das übrige Sachsen (1914), 76–79. In 1913 a quarter of the Erzgebirgsverein's and the Gebirgsverein für die sächsische Schweiz's members were from Dresden, , Leipzig, , Chemnitz, , or Zwickau, . Kalender für das Erzgebirge und das übrige Sachsen (1913), 76–78Google Scholar.

¹⁰ Lekan, Thomas, Imagining the Nation in Nature: Landscape Preservation and German Identity, 1885–1945 (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 2004), 1–4Google Scholar.

¹¹ Martin, “Der Fremdenverkehr in der Sächsischen Schweiz,” 92–100; Hartsch, Erwin, “Der Fremdenverkehr in der Sächsischen Schweiz,” Wissenschaftliche Veröffentlichungen des Deutschen Instituts für Länderkunde 19/20 (1963): 394–395Google Scholar.

¹² Forberger, Rudolf, Die Industrielle Revolution in Sachsen 1800–1861 (Berlin: Akademie Verlag, 1982)Google Scholar; Tipton, Frank B., Regional Variations in the Economic Development of Germany During the Nineteenth Century (Middletown, CT: Wesleyan University Press, 1976), 30–38Google Scholar; Kiesewetter, Hubert, “Bevölkerung, Erwerbstätige und Landwirtschaft im Königreich Sachsen 1815–1871,” in Region and Industrialisation, ed. Pollard, Sidney (Göttingen: Vandenhoeck and Ruprecht, 1980), 91–92, 94, 96Google Scholar.

¹³ Quataert, Jean H., “The Politics of Rural Industrialization: Class, Gender, and Collective Protest in the Saxon Oberlausitz of the Late Nineteenth Century,” Central European History 20, no. 2 (1987): 91–124CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

¹⁴ Confino, The Nation as a Local Metaphor; Weichlein, Siegfried, “Saxons into Germans: The Progress of the National Idea in Saxony after 1866,” in Saxony in German History: Culture, Society, and Politics, 1830–1933, ed. Retallack, James (Ann Arbor: University of Michigan Press, 2000), 169–170Google Scholar. Celia Applegate argues that nineteenth-century German localism proponents should not be dismissed as reactionaries. Applegate, , “Democracy or Reaction? The Political Implications of Localist Ideas in Wilhelmine and Weimar Germany,” in Elections, Mass Politics, and Social Change in Modern Germany, ed. Jones, Larry Eugene and Retallack, James (New York: Cambridge University Press, 1992), 252Google Scholar.

¹⁵ Lekan, Imagining the Nation in Nature; Rollins, William H., A Greener Vision of Home: Cultural Politics and Environmental Reform in the German Heimatschutz Movement, 1904–1918 (Ann Arbor: University of Michigan Press, 1997)CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Williams, John Alexander, “‘The Chords of the German Soul are Tuned to Nature’: The Movement to Preserve the Natural Heimat from the Kaiserreich to the Third Reich,” Central European History 29, no. 3 (1996): 339–384CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

¹⁶ Thomas Lekan makes this argument for the Rhineland. Lekan, Imagining the Nation in Nature, 8; William Rollins argues Heimat thinking was a way to balance industrial modernism with conservationism, but that localism was not essential. Rollins, A Greener Vision of Home, 17–18, 127.

¹⁷ Alon Confino shows that Württemberg Heimatler also tried to balance nature and industry, or as he puts it preservation of national roots and modernity. Confino, The Nation as a Local Metaphor, 120–121. The Saxon case suggests that Heimatler worked to shape landscapes rather than simply preserve them.

¹⁸ Weichlein, Siegfried, Nation und Region. Integrationsprozesse im Bismarckreich (Düsseldorf: Droste Verlag, 2004), 25–26Google Scholar.

¹⁹ Rollins, A Greener Vision of Home, 83–85; Williams, “The Chords of the German Soul,” 347.

²⁰ Historians have tended to focus on tourists, and on travel as leisure and consumption.

²¹ Warnecke, Hans, Der Fremdenverkehr, seine volkswirtschaftliche Bedeutung und seine Regelung (Halle: W. Hendrichs, 1921), 26–32Google Scholar; Lepovitz, Helena Waddy, “Pilgrims, Patients, and Painters: The Formation of a Tourist Culture in Bavaria,” Historical Reflections 18, no. 1 (1992): 130, 133–139Google Scholar. From the 1860s on German-speaking central Europe abolished passport and visa requirements, greatly increasing freedom of movement. Torpey, John, The Invention of the Passport: Surveillance, Citizenship, and the State (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2000), 82–83Google Scholar.

²² For these models, see Koshar, German Travel Cultures, 19–64; Withey, Lynne, Grand Tours and Cook's Tours: A History of Leisure Travel 1750 to 1915 (New York: William Morrow, 1997), 135–166Google Scholar; Buzard, The Beaten Track. Koshar and Buzard make clear that they are not examining Heimat or “environmental” tourism, and Saxon Heimat tourism developed differently from the cases they describe.

²³ Rudy Koshar argues that modern German travel cultures included worries about a national loss of a sense of place. Heimat tourism promoters had similar concerns, but used tourism to connect people to specific places. Koshar, German Travel Cultures, 8, 10.

²⁴ Baedeker guides allowed people to sightsee from the train. Baedeker, Karl, Southern Germany and Austria (Leipzig: Karl Baedeker, 1887), 294–296Google Scholar.

²⁵ Anderson visted in 1831. Andersen, Hans Christian, Reise nach Dresden und in die Sächsische Schweiz (Hamburg: Christians Verlag, 1990)Google Scholar; Hartsch, “Der Fremdenverkehr,” 416, 452.

²⁶ HStA Dresden, AH Dresden 2246, 7; Maukisch, H. E., Die Sächsische und Böhmische Schweiz. Ein treuer Wegweiser zu allen Sehenswürdigkeiten dieses Hochlandes (Leipzig: Verlag von Robert Friese, 1841)Google Scholar; Hartsch, “Der Fremdenverkehr,” 396; Martin, “Der Fremdenverkehr in der Sächsischen Schweiz,” 98.

²⁷ Wehner, Heinz, “Die Entwicklung der Sächsischen Schweiz zur Tourismusregion,” Sächsische Heimatblätter 40, no. 4 (1994): 210Google Scholar; White, Walter, A July Holiday in Saxony, Bohemia, and Silesia (London: Chapman and Hall, 1857), 43Google Scholar. In the early nineteenth century the idea that only certain landscapes were worthwhile was common. Wagner, Monika, “Ansichten ohne Ende—oder das Ende der Ansicht? Wahrnehmungsumbrüche im Reisebild um 1830,” in Reisekultur. Von Pilgerfahrt zum modernen Tourismus, ed. Bausinger, Hermann, Beyrer, Klaus, and Korff, Gottfried (Munich: Verlag C. H. Beck, 1991), 327–328Google Scholar.

²⁸ Martin, “Der Fremdenverkehr in der Sächsischen Schweiz,” 90. The first Gebirgsvereine Lusatia were founded in 1880. Lusatia Jahrbuch 1931: 42.

²⁹ Hartsch, “Der Fremdenverkehr,” 351.

³⁰ This contrasts with national and international tourism promotion that directed tourists to cultural and urban sites. Koshar, German Travel Cultures, 49.

³¹ Lusatia. Organ einer Anzahl touristischer und naturwissenschaftlicher Vereine der Lausitz und der zunächst angrenzenden Theile Böhmens (hereafter Lusatia) III, no. 5 (1887): 40; Lusatia IV, no. 5 (1888): 38; Lusatia IV, no. 10 (1888): 80.

³² For example, Lusatia I, no. 1 (January 1885): 5; Lusatia I, no. 3 (March 1885): 23; Gebirgsverein für die sächsische Schweiz Ortsgruppe Sebnitz, , Vereins- und Wander Kalender auf das Jahr 1913 (Sebnitz: n.p., 1913)Google Scholar.

³³ For example, Lusatia I, no. 1 (January 1885): 7; Lusatia I, no. 2 (February 1885): 13–14. Others published information on Heimat organizations across southern Saxony. Kalender für das Erzgebirge und das übrige Sachsen (1914), 76–79.

³⁴ Hartsch, “Der Fremdenverkehr,” 416.

³⁵ Saxon Heimat and tourism literature usually subdivided territory by landscapes. For example, “Zu unseren Landschaftsbildern,” Kalender für das Erzgebirge und das übrige Sachsen (1910), 64–65; Dr. Bruntsch, Die Heimat, 4; Schmidt, Otto Eduard, Sachsenland (Leipzig: Friedrich Brandstetter, 1925), vii–xiiGoogle Scholar.

³⁶ Rudy Koshar argues that the first Baedeker guide exclusively for the German Reich in 1906 signaled new levels of nationalization and the continuing ambiguity of Germany's political character and cultural boundaries. Koshar, German Travel Cultures, 19–20.

³⁷ Lusatia II, no. 9 (1886): 70.

³⁸ “Zu unseren Landschaftsbildern,” Kalender für das Erzgebirge und das übrige Sachsen (1910), 64.

³⁹ Nordböhmische Touristen-Zeitung 3, no. 6 (June 1888): 94. Oybin and the Oberlausitz belonged to Bohemia until 1635, a fact often noted in Saxon and Bohemian Heimat literature. By 1920 when Baedeker published a guide to Saxony, this Saxon-Bohemian connection was well established and it, too, included information on Bohemian border towns. Baedeker, Karl, Sachsen. Handbuch für Reisende (Leipzig: Baedeker Verlag, 1920)Google Scholar.

⁴⁰ Siegfried Weichlein argues that nation- and region-building should be understood as interrelated projects of integration and consensus-building. Weichlein, Nation und Region, 13, 30.

⁴¹ Ruge, Sophus, Dresden und die sächsische Schweiz (Leipzig: Velhagen & Klasing, 1913), 63–64Google Scholar.

⁴² Lusatia I, no. 1 (January 1885): 7; Lusatia I, no. 4 (April 1885): 29.

⁴³ Statní okresní archiv Dečín (SOA Dečín), Turnverein VDF #23, June 1910, February 1910, February 1911, June 1911; Lusatia I, no. 7 (July 1885): 54. Associations do not seem to have had comparable ties to other neighbors such as Prussia or Bavaria.

⁴⁴ “Lusatia I, no. 1 (January 1885): 5; Lusatia I, no. 5 (May 1885): 38; Kalender für das Erzgebirge und das übrige Sachsen (1909), 69.

⁴⁵ Lusatia I, no. 5 (May 1885): 37; Lusatia IV, no. 2 (1888): 13; SOA Dečín, Turnverein VDF #23, June 1910; Abwehr (Warnsdorf) May 13, 1911: 4; Hartzsch, “Der Fremdenverkehr,” 400.

⁴⁶ For example, Chemnitz, Erzgebirgsverein, Verzeichnis von Sommerfrischen im Erzgebirge (Leipzig: Gebhardt und Wilisch 1891)Google Scholar; Sebnitz, Erzgebirgverein Ortsgruppe, Vereins- und Wander Kalender auf das Jahr 1913 (Sebnitz: n.p., 1913)Google Scholar; Erzgebirgsverein, , Verzeichnis von Sommerwohnungen im Erzgebirge (Schwarzenberg und Schneeberg: C. M. Gärtners Buchdruckerei, 1901)Google Scholar; Schweiz, Gebirgsverein für die Sächsische, Ratgeber bei der Auswahl von Sommerwohnungen (Pirna: F. J. Eberlein, 1902)Google Scholar. Guidebooks connecting the Saxon and Bohemian Switzerlands predated Heimat tourism. H. E. Maukisch, Die Sächsische und Böhmische Schweiz.

⁴⁷ Lusatia I, no. 7 (1885): 54; Lusatia III, no. 8 (1887): 57.

⁴⁸ Siegfried Weichlein shows that German regions and the Reich government worked to win their populations' loyalties for some time after 1871. Weichlein, Nation und Region, 14.

⁴⁹ Murdock, Caitlin E., “‘The Leaky Boundaries of Man-Made State’: National Identity, State Policy, and Everyday Life in the Saxon-Bohemian Borderlands, 1870–1938,” (Ph.D. diss., Stanford University, 2003), 39–65Google Scholar.

⁵⁰ Torpey, The Invention of the Passport, 82–83.

⁵¹ Saxons did not have historical claims to Bohemian territory (though Bohemia did to the Oberlausitz), and cross-border connections increased in the late nineteenth century. This thinking was not simply latent regionalism, but was shaped by debates over German nationhood. Saxons' inclination to think along grossdeutsch lines is illustrated by the prominence of the Pan-German League in the state's cities and southern borderlands. Kolditz, Gerald, “Der Alldeutsche Verband in Dresden. Antitschechische Aktivitäten zwischen 1895 und 1914,” in Landesgeschichte in Sachsen. Tradition und Innovation, ed. Aurig, Rainer, Herzog, Steffen, and Lässig, Simone (Bielefeld: Verlag für Regionalgeschichte, 1997), 235–236, 238Google Scholar; Chickering, Roger, We Men Who Feel Most German: A Cultural Study of the Pan-German League 1886–1914 (Boston: George Allen & Unwin, 1984), 144–145Google Scholar. The inclusion of Bohemia in Saxon tourism literature continued long after other guides separated treatment of Germany and Austria as Baedeker did in 1884.

⁵² Rudy Koshar argues that Europeans' use of tourism to promote national identity was part of a search for meaning outside economic relations. Koshar, , “‘What Ought to be Seen’: Tourists' Guidebooks and National Identities in Modern Germany and Europe,” Journal of Contemporary History 33, no. 3 (July 1998): 325Google Scholar.

⁵³ Judson, Pieter, “The Bohemian Oberammergau: Nationalist Tourism in the Austrian Empire,” in Constructing Nationalities in East Central Europe, ed. Judson, Pieter and Rozenblitt, Marsha (New York: Berghahn Books, 2004)CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Judson, , “‘Every German Visitor has a Völkisch Obligation He Must Fulfill’: Nationalist Tourism in the Austrian Empire, 1880–1918,” in Histories of Leisure, ed. Koshar, Rudy (New York: Berg, 2002)Google Scholar; Steward, Jill, “‘Gruss aus Wien’: Urban Tourism in Austria-Hungary before the First World War,” in The City in Central Europe: Culture and Society from 1800 to the Present, ed. Gee, Malcolm, Kirk, Tim, and Steward, Jill (Brookfield, VT: Ashgate Press, 1999)Google Scholar.

⁵⁴ Lusatia V, no. 3 (1889): 23.

⁵⁵ Language was used to define national ownership of political territory in the Bohemian Czech-German conflict. Judson, Pieter M., “‘Not Another Square Foot!’: German Liberalism and the Rhetoric of National Ownership in Nineteenth-Century Austria,” Austrian History Yearbook 26 (1995): 83–97CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

⁵⁶ Stadtarchiv Dresden, 13.1 Alldeutscher Verband 38: 147, 195. In the 1890s German-Bohemian nationalists urged Saxons to visit the Bohemian woods to reinforce that territory's Germanness. Stadtarchiv Dresden, 13.1 Alldeutscher Verband 17: 268.

⁵⁷ Other German regions also grappled with the interplay of industry and nature. In contrast to Saxons who tried to reconcile the two, Rhineland conservationists called for the separation of “nature” from materialism and criticized the development of tourist landscapes. Lekan, Imagining the Nation in Nature, 30–36. Rudy Koshar shows that many historians have framed tourism as a separation from urban industrial life. He also shows that while Baedeker guides discussed industry and nature, neither was highly developed. Further, he argues that pre-1914 Baedeker guides and their readers viewed nature as something to admire rather than engage with. Koshar, German Travel Cultures, 2, 48, 56–57.

⁵⁸ Erzgebirgsverein, , Verzeichnis von Sommerwohnungen im Erzgebirge (Schwarzenberg: C. M. Gärtners Buchdruckerei, 1901), 17Google Scholar.

⁵⁹ Bruntsch, Die Heimat, 16; Tipton, Regional Variations, 122–123.

⁶⁰ “Fabrikbauten und Heimatschutz,” Kalender für das Erzgebirge und Vogtland (Dresden, 1909), 47–50. See also “Bauet heimatlich!,” Kalender für das Erzgebirge und Vogtland (Annaberg: Grasers Verlag, 1906); “Heimatliche Bauweise,” Kalender für das Erzgebirge und Vogtland (Annaberg: Grasers Verlag, 1905).

⁶¹ “Bauet heimatlich!”

⁶² “Fabrikbauten und Heimatschutz,” 48.

⁶³ Rollins, A Greener Vision of Home, 5, 81, 83.

⁶⁴ For example, Kalender für das Erzgebirge und Vogtland, 1905, 1911, 1914, 1916. This contrasts with Baedeker guides, which described landscapes devoid of people. Koshar, German Travel Cultures, 49–50.

⁶⁵ Schramm, Manuel, Konsum und regionale Identität in Sachsen 1880–2000 (Stuttgart: Franz Steiner Verlag, 2002), 128–129Google Scholar; Lauckner, Martin, ed., Sachsen in alten Ansichtskarten (Frankfurt a.M: Flechsig Verlag, 1979), 31, 32, 66, 71, 89Google Scholar. From the 1880s, German postcards combined cityscapes and landscapes. Confino, The Nation as a Local Metaphor, 177. But Saxon postcards put particular emphasis on the industrial nature of many communities.

⁶⁶ Fischer, P. D., Betrachtungen eines in Deutschland reisenden Deutschen (Berlin: Verlag von Julius Springer, 1896), 129Google Scholar.

⁶⁷ Krushwitz uses “Heimat” to refer to Saxony in general and to the Oberlausitz in particular. Kruschwitz, P., “Nathanael Gottfried Leske und seine Reise durch die Oberlausitz,” Lusatia 3, no. 3 (March 1887): 17Google Scholar. This is important because many historians have characterized Heimat movements as anti-modern or, as Alon Confino argues, as expressions of historical memory; Confino, The Nation as a Local Metaphor. Saxons focused as much on contemporary circumstances as they did on the past.

⁶⁸ Carl Max Fischer, “Berg- und Wandersport, ihre moralische und wirtschaftliche Bedeutung,” Dresdner Kalender 1913, 89.

⁶⁹ Ibid., 88–92.

⁷⁰ Schramm, Konsum und regionale Identität, 31. Visitors spent on food and lodging, but also aided local industries by buying their products. Sieber, Siegfried, Studien zur Industriegeschichte des Erzgebirges (Cologne: Böhlau Verlag, 1967), 11CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

⁷¹ Sächsisches Hauptstaatsarchiv Dresden (HStA Dresden), Erzgebirgsverein 13: 44. This fits Rudy Koshar's observation that modern tourists learned that certain places ought to be seen. Koshar, “‘What Ought to be Seen.’” After 1900 Saxons tried to convince their co-nationals that southern Saxony was among those places.

⁷² Glückauf! 31, no. 2 (February 1911): 24. Most German communities first embraced such marketing in the 1920s. Keitz, Christina, “Grundzüge einer Sozialgeschichte des Tourismus in der Zwischenkriegszeit,” in Reisekultur in Deutschland. Von der Weimarer Republik zum Dritten Reich, ed. Brenner, Peter J. (Tübingen: Max Niemeyer Verlag, 1997), 67Google Scholar.

⁷³ HStA Dresden, Erzgebirgsverein 12: 2, 4; HStA Dresden, Erzgebirgsverein 13: 31, 40, 44, 79.

⁷⁴ Glückauf! 30, no. 3 (March 1910): 41.

⁷⁵ HStA Dresden, Amtshauptmannschaft (AH) Schwarzenberg 127: 1. Lauter is an Erzgebirge town that was known for its basket industry.

⁷⁶ Kalender für das Erzgebirge (Annaberg: Grasers Verlag, 1914), 76–77.

⁷⁷ “Die erzgebirgische Spitzenklöppelei in alter Zeit,” Kalender für das Erzgebirge und das übrige Sachsen (Annaberg: Grasers Verlag, 1916), 51–53; Glier, Erich, Die sächsische Spitzen und Stickereiindustrie seit 1914. Niedergang und Existenzkampf einer deutschen Mode- und Exportindustrie (Plauen: F. Neupert, 1932)Google Scholar; Pfalzer, Stephan, “‘Der Butterkrawall’ im Oktober 1915. Die erste grössere Antikriegsbewegung in Chemnitz,” in Demokratie und Emanzipation zwischen Saale und Elbe, ed. Grebing, Helga, Mommsen, Hans, and Rudolph, Karsten (Essen: Klartext Verlag, 1993), 197Google Scholar.

⁷⁸ HStA Dresden, AH Schwarzenberg 127: 16, 28, 29, 50, 66, 143. There were also efforts to expand tourist facilities during the war. “Neue Berggasthäuser im Erzgebirge,” Kalender für das Erzgebirge und das übrige Sachsen (1917), 35.

⁷⁹ HStA Dresden, AH Schwarzenberg 127: 189, 199; AH Schwarzenberg 1942: 56.

⁸⁰ German nationalists in Bohemia used similar arguments to attract tourists from Germany in the 1930s. Judson, “The Bohemian Oberammergau,” 102.

⁸¹ Störzner, Siegfried, “Vergessene Berge,” Der Fahrtgesell 1, no. 8 (1925): 121Google Scholar.

⁸² Feldman, Gerald, “Saxony, the Reich, and the Problem of Unemployment in the German Inflation,” Archiv für Sozialgeschichte 27 (1987): 103–144Google Scholar.

⁸³ HStA Dresden, AH Schwarzenberg 127: 154; Staatskanzelei Zeitungsausschnittsammlung (ZAS) 1154, Freie Presse (Chemnitz), Aug. 14, 1919.

⁸⁴ HStA Dresden, Staatskanzelei ZAS 1155, Zwörnitztaler Anzeiger, Nov. 13, 1920. Restauranteurs' corruption of food distribution angered locals, too. HStA Dresden, Staatskanelei ZAS 1154, Pirnaer Volkszeitung, Dec. 16, 1919.

⁸⁵ HStA Dresden, Erzgebirgsverein 13: 1, 6, 10. Similarly in 1920 the Dresden Association for Tourism tried to coordinate its efforts with groups in the Saxon Switzerland and the Erzgebirge. Stadtarchiv Dresden, 13.13 Akte 1: Fremdenverkehrsverein, 141.

⁸⁶ Roch, Emil, “Die Lausitz,” in Sachsenland. Ein Heimatbuch, ed. Schmidt, Otto Eduard (Leipzig: Friedrich Brandstetter, 1925), 373Google Scholar.

⁸⁷ Professor Eckardt, Fritz, “Der Plauensche Grund und sein Frühlingsdichter,” Der Fahrtgesell 2, no. 7 (April 1, 1926): 99Google Scholar.

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⁸⁹ “Über die Reichspressefahrt durch das Erzgebirge,” Glückauf! 46 (1926): 147–148.

⁹⁰ “Der Lusatia Verband im Jahre 1930/31,” Lusatia Jahrbuch 1931: 45.

⁹¹ Christine Keitz points out that statistics on Weimar tourism are hard to find. Keitz, “Grundzüge,” 49; Keitz, , “Die Anfänge des modernen Massentourismus in der Weimarer Republik,” Archiv für Sozialgeschichte 33 (1993): 182–184Google Scholar.

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⁹⁴ HStA Dresden, Ministerium des Innern (MdI) 11753: 180, 186, 199–207; Aussenministerium 1847: 8, 9, 29.

⁹⁵ Erler, “Naturschutz und Naturschutzgebiete in Sachsen,” 31. The claims to these towns date to the Schmalkaldic war of 1546–1547.

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⁹⁹ There was a sharp fall in overnight foreign visitors to the Saxon Switzerland in the 1920s. The number of cross-border daytrippers probably fell off less steeply. Hartsch, “Der Fremdenverkehr,” 435.

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¹⁰² HStA Dresden, AH Schwarzenberg 1942: 4.

¹⁰³ Lusatia Jahrbuch (1931): 1, 3, 10–11.

¹⁰⁴ “Unsere neuen Berggasthäuser und der ‘Klub tschechischer Touristen,’” Glückauf! 47, no. 7 (1927): 149–150. This was an extension of the Bohemian language border debate into Germany. For the Bohemian case, see Judson, “The Bohemian Oberamergau,” and Cornwall, Mark, “The Struggle on the Czech-German Language Border, 1880–1940,” The English Historical Review 109, no. 43 (1994): 914–951CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

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¹⁰⁶ Naumann, Rolf, Sachsens Geschichte als Deutsches Grenzlandschicksal (Dresden: Verlag Heinrich, 1938)Google Scholar; Grosch, Friedrich, ed., Sachsen als Grenzland (Leipzig: Verlaganstalt List & von Bressensdorf, 1936)Google Scholar; Graefe, Arthur, Grenzmark Sachsen. Ein Vorposten im deutschen Schicksalskampf (Dresden: Wilhelm Limpert-Verlag, 1934)Google Scholar; Schramm, Konsum und regionale Identität, 51.

¹⁰⁷ HStA Dresden, Erzgebirgsverein 1: 1.

¹⁰⁸ Ibid., 29, 26; Schaarschmidt, Thomas, Regionalkultur und Diktatur. Sächsische Heimatbewegung und Heimat-Propaganda im Dritten Reich und in der SBZ/DDR (Weimar: Böhlau, 2004)Google Scholar. Tourist organizations across Germany were politicized in the Nazi Gleichschaltung. Semmens, Kristen, Seeing Hitler's Germany: Tourism in the Third Reich (New York: Palgrave, 2005), 42CrossRefGoogle Scholar. Saxony contrasts with the Pfalz, where Heimatler did not contribute to Nazism. Applegate, A Nation of Provincials, 18.

¹⁰⁹ HStA Dresden, Staatskanzelei ZAS 1159, Vogtländische Zeitung, July 25, 1934; Neue Leipziger Zeitung, Oct. 1, 1935; Das Göltzschtal, Oct. 22, 1935; Sächsische Elbezeitung, Feb. 12, 1936.

¹¹⁰ HStA Dresden, Staatskanzelei ZAS 1159, Dresdner Nachrichten, May 6, 1933; Vogtländische Zeitung, July 25, 1934.

¹¹¹ von Schultz, A., “Die Spielwarenindustrie,” Kalender für das Erzgebirge und das übrige Sachsen (Annaberg: Grasers Verlag, 1925), 33–36Google Scholar; Neue Leipziger Zeitung, Oct. 1, 1935. Ellen Furlough and Rosemary Wakeman find state-sponsored promotion of tourism as economic aid and a means of integration in France. Furlough, and Wakeman, , “La Grande Motte: Regional Development, Tourism, and the State,” in Being Elsewhere: Tourism, Consumer Culture, and Identity in Modern Europe and North America, ed. Baranowski, Shelley and Furlough, Ellen (Ann Arbor: University of Michigan Press, 2001), 350–351Google Scholar.

¹¹² Dr.Heinke, , “Unsere Heimat. Die Lausitz,” Lusatia Jahrbuch (1931): 12–13Google Scholar.

¹¹³ HStA Dresden, Staatskanzelei ZAS 1159, Dresdner Neueste Nachrichten, March 26, 1935.

¹¹⁴ HStA Dresden, Staatskanzelei ZAS 1159, Stuttgarter Neues Tageblatt, June 2, 1934.

¹¹⁵ HStA Dresden, Staatskanzelei ZAS 1159, Neue Leipziger Zeitung, November 18, 1935.

¹¹⁶ Der Freiheitskampf, Aug. 10, 1933, 7; Oswin Poetschke, “Sachsen als Teil der deutschen Ostfront,” in Sachsen als Grenzland, ed. Grosch; Neef, Ernst, “Der sächsisch-böhmische Grenzraum,” Zeitschrift für Erdkunde 5, no. 9/10 (1937): 407–408Google Scholar. This fit with the Ostforschung movement's description of Germany's eastern borders, especially with Poland, as bulwarks against the Slavs. Burleigh, Michael, Germany Turns Eastwards: A Study of Ostforschung in the Third Reich (New York: Cambridge University Press, 1988), 3–39Google Scholar.

¹¹⁷ HStA Dresden, AH Auerbach 78; AH Annaberg 592: AH Schwarzenberg 183. This idea was so successful that by 1938 it shaped how Saxon emigrants in South America and New York thought about their homeland. Státní ustřední archiv Praha (SUA): Svaz Němcu v Zahraniči, Karton 17, Oct. 12, 1938.

¹¹⁸ HStA Dresden, Staatskanzelei ZAS 1159, Neue Leipziger Zeitung, Nov. 18, 1935; Dresdner Nachrichten, May 4, 1936.

¹¹⁹ The Nazis decried wilderness and worked to produce garden-like landscapes. Wolschke-Bulmahn, Joachim, “All of Germany a Garden? Changing Ideas of Wilderness in German Garden Design and Landscape Architecture,” in Nature in German History, ed. Mauch, Christof (New York: Berghahn Books, 2004), 86Google Scholar.

¹²⁰ HStA Dresden, Staatskanzelei ZAS 1159, Stuttgarter Neues Tageblatt, June 2, 1934, Allgemeine Thüringische Landeszeitung, July 12, 1933.

¹²¹ HStA Dresden, Staatskanzelei ZAS 1159, Adorfer Grenzbote, July 25, 1934; “‘Kraft durch Freude’ im Erzgebirge,” Glückauf! 55, no. 3 (1935): 52–54; Baranowski, Shelley, Strength through Joy: Consumerism and Mass Tourism in the Third Reich (New York: Cambridge University Press, 2004), 120–121Google Scholar.

¹²² Liebscher, Daniela, “Mit KdF ‘die Welt erschliesse.’ Der Beitrag der KdF-Reisen zur Aussenpolitik der Deutschen Arbeitsfront 1934–1939,” Zeitschrift für Sozialforschung des 20. und 21. Jahrhundert 14, no. 1 (1999): 42–72Google Scholar; HStA Dresden, Staatskanzelei ZAS 1159, Zittauer Morgen Zeitung, Oct. 6, 1935.

¹²³ HStA Dresden, Staatskanzelei ZAS 1159, Adorfer Grenzbote, July 25, 1934.

¹²⁴ Ibid., Leipziger Neueste Nachrichten, March 24, 1935. Some Heimat organizations sent their publications to their regions' emigrants to keep their regional attachments alive. Lusatia Jahrbuch (1931): 3; SUA: Svaz Němcu v Zahraniči, Karton 17.

¹²⁵ SUA: Svaz Němcu v Zahraniči, Karton 17.

¹²⁶ B. O'Connor argues that tourism's role in shaping a nation's (or region's) identity for outsiders is most critical because that construction and outsiders' perceptions shape local identities as well. O'Connor, , “Myths and Mirrors: Tourist Images and National Identity,” in Tourism in Ireland: A Critical Analysis, ed. O'Connor, B. and Cronin, M. (Cork: Cork University Press, 1993): 68–85Google Scholar.

¹²⁷ Rauch, Karl, Das Land Sachsen (Königstein: Karl Robert Langewiesche, 1960s)Google Scholar; Esche, Illona, Unser schönes Sachsen (Frankfurt a.M.: Umschau, 1992)Google Scholar; Pleticha, Heinrich, Kulturlandschaft Sachsen (Freiburg: Herder, 1992)Google Scholar. Nineteenth-century Austrian tourist literature conflated the western Alpine region with the whole state. Jill Steward, “Tourism in Late Imperial Austria: The Development of Tourist Cultures and Their Associated Images of Place,” in Being Elsewhere, ed. Baranowski and Furlough, 122.

¹²⁸ This idea grows out of Rogers Brubaker's argument that nationhood should be understood as dynamic, indeed as an event. Brubaker, , Nationalism Reframed: Nationhood and the National Question in the New Europe (New York: Cambridge University Press, 1996)CrossRefGoogle Scholar. Sarah Green and Geoffrey King argue that people understand place through combined perceptions of the past, and contemporary practices and experiences, leading to shifting understandings over time. Green, and King, , “Seeing What You Know: Changing Perceptions of Landscape in Epirus, Northwestern Greece, 1945 and 1990,” History and Anthropology 12, no. 3 (2001): 255–288CrossRefGoogle Scholar.