* Words crossed out in the manuscript will be indicated by enclosing in brackets as here.

¹ See Wale, W., George Whitefield's Journals, Etc. (London, 1905), 65.Google Scholar The title is given as follows:—“A Short Account of God's Dealings with the Beverend Mr. George WMtefield A.B. Late of Pembroke College Oxon, Genesis xxxii 10, I am not worthy of the least of all thy mercies, and of all the truth which thou hast showed to thy servant.” After the preface, the heading is given as “A Further Account.” Wale gives no date of publication but Tyerman, , George Whitefield (New York, 1877), I, 61Google Scholar, in note gives the date as 1747. Tyerman does not state this “Further Account” was written on this voyage, and seems to be ignorant of that fact. Tyerman's account of the voyage is taken from other sources than this journal, showing that he did not know of its existence. (Cf. II, 120ff.)

² See Tyerman, , op. cit. II, 93Google Scholar, “Whitefield's ‘Second Letter,’ to the bishops, was written during his voyage to America, and was first ‘printed and sold by Rogers and Fowle, in Queen Street, near the Prison, Boston, 1744’.” (4to. 24 pp.). It is dated August 25th, 1744.

³ “Some remarks upon a late Charge against Enthusiasm delivered by the Right Reverend Father in God Richard, Lord Bishop of Litehfield and Coventry, to the Rev. the clergy in the several parts of the diocese of Litehfield and Coventry, in a Triennial Visitation of the same in 1741; and published at their request, in the present year 1744, in a Letter to the Rev. the clergy of that Diocese. By George Whitefield, A.B., late of Pembroke College, Oxon.” (8vo, 35 pp.). This reply, says Tyerman, , op. cit. II, 99Google Scholar, “was written on shipboard, during his voyage to America, and was first printed at Boston, in New England.”

⁴ Rev. Samuel Buell, D.D., the third pastor of the First Presbyterian Church of East Hampton, Long Island, N. T. His diary which covered this period was destroyed by fire in the Library at Albany in 1911, (Osgood, , Report of the Archives Etc., 97).Google Scholar Influenced by the preaching of James Davenport and Gilbert Tennant, he began preaching as an evangelist as soon as he graduated from Yale, September 1741, and was licensed as such by the New Haven Association in October of that year. His preaching led to a revival in Jonathan Edwards' parish at Northampton, Mass. (Edwards, Jonathan' letter to Mr. Thomas Prince, Boston, dated Northampton, 12 1742.)Google Scholar In his itinerations through New England he claims to have preached over 1,000 times. (Buell, , Eucharistic Sermon, New London, 1792, p. 41).Google Scholar Cf. Connecticut Evangelical Magasine, II, No. 1, pp. 7, 148Google Scholar, Spragne, , Annals of the American Pulpit (New York, 1857), III, 92.Google Scholar See also an article in The Presbyterian (Philadelphia), CV, Nos. 41 and 42, by E.E. Eells.

⁵ These were Rev. John Rogers of Kittery, his brother and colleague Nathaniel Rogers, Rev. Benjamin Pomeroy of Hebron, Conn., and Rev. Jonathan Parsons of Lyme, Conn. On the Rogers family see Sprague, , op. cit., I, p. 147.Google Scholar Pomeroy was the companion of James Davenport in his itinerations, on whom Davenport leaned because of some weakness in his legs, and whom Davenport called his “armour-bearer.” Sprague, , op. cit. III, p. 83.Google Scholar Of Davenport or his extravagances nothing is said in this journal directly. Parsons was often in, the company of Pomeroy. Later he came to be pastor of the Presbyterian Church in Newburyport, and it was in his home that Whitefield died. Such phrases as “faithful ministers,” “friends of the late revival,” indicate those whose testimonials were printed in Prince, 's Christian History (Boston, 1744–1746). See especially, II, pp. 118–162.Google Scholar

⁶ Notice the rank. Pepperell was not made a baronet until November 1746. Whitefield would have said “Sir William Pepperell” if this journal had been in his hands after that date. Cf. Parsons, Usher, Life of Sir William Pepperell, Bart. (Cambridge, Mass., 1855.)Google Scholar

⁷ Rev. Samuel Moody, pastor at York, Maine, a nephew of the famous Rev. Joshua Moody, founder of the church at Portsmouth, N. H. Although a friend of Whitefield, Mr. Moody opposed separations and was a supporter of the aetion of the Ministerial Convention of July 7th, 1743 in Boston, which adopted a Testimony and Advice of an Assembly of Pastors of Churches in New England. It was this divine who, at the age of seventy, went on the Cape Breton Expedition as chaplain bearing an ax over his shoulder, and later used it to demolish the images in the Roman Catholic churches of Louisburg. He actually preached in one of these churches, on the text, “Enter into his courts with praise” Psalm 100: 4 and 5. See Sprague, , op. cit. I, 243 ff.Google Scholar

⁸ Rev. Nathaniel Rogers of Ipswich, the colleague of his father, Rev. John Rogers. President John Rogers of Harvard was his grandfather, and Nathaniel Rogers, founder of Ipswich, 1638, his ancestor. Whitefield mentions later in this journal their descent from Rev. John Rogers, of Dedham, England, the famous Puritan martyr. See Prince, , Christian History, I, 167Google Scholar, and II, 342.

⁹ Mr. John Smith, writer of the following letter, was a merchant in Boston, “evidently a man of some means,” says ProfRichardson, Leon Burr, An Indian Preacher in England (Hanover, N. H., 1933), p. 24n.Google Scholar Dr. Richardson has printed in this volume a large number of letters from and to Smith, who evidently was one of Whitefield's chief financial supporters.

¹⁰ Rev. Samuel Chandler, of the Second Church of York, at Scotland, signed the Testimony printed in The Christian History, I, 166.Google Scholar

¹¹ In his seventh Journal, Whitefield says: “Mr. Moody has a son, a minister, who was once full of faith and joy in the Holy Ghost, and walked in the light of God's countenance, and made full proof of his ministry; but for these two years past has walked in darkness, and cannot apply any of the promises to himself. I was assisted to pray for him, not knowing but his case might be mine hereafter” Wale, , op. cit., 468.Google Scholar

¹² In the seventh Journal, “Preached to a polite auditory, and so very unconcerned, that I began to question whether I had been preaching to rational or brute creatures. Seeing no immediate effects of the word preached, I was a little dejected.” Wale, , op. cit., 467.Google Scholar

¹³ Rev. Jabez Fitch, of Portsmouth, son of James Fitch of Saybrook and Norwich, Conn. He died in 1746, aged seventy-four. Rev. James Fiteh, his father, was active in evangelizing the Indians, and gathered the Mohegans in his own house. He is referred to in Mather, 's Just Communications, 53Google Scholar, and DeForest, 's Indians of Connecticut, 274–279.Google Scholar Cf. Love, W. D., Samson Occam (Boston, 1899), 24.Google Scholar

¹⁴ Rev. Joseph Sewell, D.D., a member of a famous and prominent Puritan family, a Fellow of the Corporation of Harvard College, a Correspondent of the Society in Scotland for Promoting Christian Knowledge, and of the London Corporation, a Commissioner of the Society for the Propagation of the Gospel in New England and Parts Adjacent, had received his D.D. from Glasgow. Rev. Ebenezer Pemberton, pastor of the First Presbyterian Church, of New York City, 1727–1753, was for a time Dr. Sewell's colleague, as was Rev. Thomas Prince at this time. Sprague, , op. cit., I, 278.Google Scholar

¹⁵ Rev. Benjamin Coleman, D.D., pastor of the Brattle Street Church, was ordained in London, by the Presbytery, August 4th, 1699. He had as colleague for a time Rev. Eliphalet Adams, who subsequently became pastor in New London, Conn., and of great influence there. Dr. Coleman probably did more for Harvard than any other man of his day, obtaining two substantial endowments, the Hollis and Holden benefactions. He also aided Tale materially. He received his degree from Glasgow, 1731, at the suggestion of the Scotch Society. His condemnation of some of Whitefield's methods moderated his support of the revival. Sprague, , op. cit., I, 223.Google Scholar

¹⁶ Rev. Thomas Foxcroft, of the First Church. Born an Episcopalian, he became by conviction a thorough Calvinist. His colleague however was Dr. Chauneey, a decided Arminian, and an opposer of Whitefield. Foxcroft defended Whitefield by a pamphlet, An Apology in Behalf of Mr. Whitefield, published in 1745Google Scholar, or at the time of this journal. Sprague, , op. cit., I, 308.Google Scholar

¹⁷ Rev. Thomas Prince, Dr. Sewell's colleague in Old South Chureh, was decidedly Whitefield's friend. His collection of historical material and his son's Christian History are of great aid to historians. Sprague, , op. cit., I, 304.Google Scholar

¹⁸ Rev. William Cooper, who was colleague of Dr. Coleman, and whose son, Rev. Samuel Cooper, D.D., followed him. Sprague, , op. cit., I, 440.Google Scholar Cf. Prince, , op. cit., I, 337–41.Google Scholar

¹⁹ Rev. John Webb, pastor of the New North Church. In his seventh journal (the last published), Whitefield says, “Preached in the Rev. Mr. Webb's Meeting House to six thousand hearers in the house besides great numbers standing about the doors. Most wept for a considerable time.” Wale, , op. cit., 461.Google Scholar Cf. Sprague, , op. cit., I, 267n.Google Scholar

²⁰ Whitefield spells Royal as he pronounced it, “Ryall.” Rev. Nehemiah Walter, a native of Ireland, was colleague of Rev. John Eliot during the last two years of Eliot's life, in Roxbury. On his first visit to New England, Whitefield slighted him by an excessively short call, as he says, “Went this morning to Roxbnry, three miles from Boston, to see the Rev. Mr. Walter, a good old puritan. He and his predecessor, the Rev. John Eliot, commonly called ‘The Apostle to the Indians,’ now with God, having been pastors of that congregation a hundred and six years. I had but little conversation with him, my stay being very short.” Wale, , op. cit., 462.Google Scholar

²¹ Probably Rev. Amos Cheever, of Manchester, whose father and grandfather were noted for longevity. Sprague, , op. cit., I, 245n.Google Scholar Rev. Bells, Nathaniel, Letter to the Second Church ana Congregation in Scituate (Boston, 1745), 5Google Scholar, objected to this communion service. “Mr. Whitefield doth not stand right in the ministry and … he hath no Right to preach and administer the Sacrament of the Lord's Supper.”

²² Rev. Emerson, Joseph, pastor at Malden 1721–1767.Google ScholarSprague, , op. cit., I, 245n.Google Scholar

²³ Rev. Thomas Gee, colleague of Rev. Cotton Mather in the Second Church, a vigorous defender of Whitefield. When the convention of Congregational ministers, in 1743, published a Testimony against Several Errors etc., Mr. Gee replied to this in a Letter to Rev. Nathaniel Eells, Moderator of the Convention, whom he evidently regarded as the principal author of the Testimony. Sprague, , op. cit., I, 312Google Scholar, and Walker, , A History of the Congregational Churches in the United States (New York, 1894), 263 ff.Google Scholar Note that Walker gives the date of Whitefleld, 's arrival as 10 19.Google ScholarTyerman, , op. cit., gives 10 26Google Scholar, and this journal states it was Oct. 28, 1744.

²⁴ Rev. John Moorhead, pastor of the Irish or Scotch-Irish Presbyterian Church at the corner of Federal and Channing Streets, Boston, was a native of Newtown near Belfast, Ireland. He reached Boston in 1730. The church had twelve elders who visited the people regularly, each having a district. Sprague, , op. cit., III, 44.Google Scholar

²⁵ Before Whitefield reached Duxbury he passed through Hingham and Scituate, but was not invited to preach there by Rev. Nathaniel Eells, the pastor, for reasons given in A Letter to the Second Church and Congregation in Scituate, written by their Rev. Pastor, Shewing some Reasons why he doth not invite the Rev. Mr. George Whitefield into his pulpit: to which is added, A Postscript, containing an Answer to the reasons given by a Number of Ministers conven'd at Taunton, in the county of Bristol, for their inviting him into their pulpits, etc. (Boston, 1745, 14 pp.).

²⁶ The publication of The Christian History was probably the reason why this journal was never printed. It covers the same period, relates many of the same events, and proposed to continue but did not do so. It is regarded as the first magazine printed in America.

²⁷ Rev. Wales, John. Sprague, , op. cit., I, 646nGoogle Scholar, and Christian History, II, 357.Google Scholar

²⁸ Whitefield wrote as he pronounced, “Barkly” for Berkley. Rev. Samuel Tober was pastor here. Sprague, , op. cit., 646nGoogle Scholar, and Christian History 357.Google Scholar

²⁹ Chauncey printed his Seasonable Thoughts on the State of Religion in New England while Whitefield was in Scotland in 1743. Other hostile pamphlets are noted in Tyerman, but I have not as yet located any by “A. M.” or any previous reference made by Whitefield to this Blind Boy.

³⁰ “In the afternoon I went to preach at the Rev'd Mr. Checkley's meeting house; but God pleased to humble us by a very awful providence,” writes Whitefleld in his seventh journal (Wale, , op. cit., 462).Google Scholar “The meeting house being filled, though there was no real danger, on a sudden all the people were in an uproar, and so unaccountably surprised, that some threw themselves out of the windows, others threw themselves out of the gallery, and others trampled upon one another; so that five were actually killed, and others dangerously wounded. I happened to come in the midst of the uproar and saw two or three lying upon the ground in a pitiable condition. God was pleased to give me presence of mind; so I gave notice I would preach immediately in the Common. The weather was wet, but many thousands followed in the field.”

³¹ The name Deighton, now spelled Dighton, is pronounced “Dy-ton.” On Long Island the family name “Dayton” was pronounced in the same way.

³² See Christian History, II, 357.Google Scholar Rev. Habijah Weld, whom Whitefield here calls Wells, had conducted a revival in 1740 in which 200 were added to his church, one of whom, Napthali Daggett, was destined to be pastor at Smithtown, Long Island, and President of Yale. Sprague, , op. cit., I, 353.Google Scholar

³³ Song of Solomon 1:12 and 2:4. This is evidently Whitefield's text and topic. Hints like this are common in his journals.

³⁴ This letter, fourteen pages long, was written from Portsmouth, 11 19, 1744Google Scholar, but the preface gives date of publication as “Boston, Jan. 18, 1745.” It is a courteous reply to the 454 pages of Chauncey's Seasonable Thoughts. Cf. Tyerman, , op. cit., II, 129.Google Scholar

³⁵ The answer is dated “Boston, January 23rd, 1745,” and the tone and style are of a high order. The publication referred to as from the gentlemen of Harvard is A testimony from the President and Professors, Tutors, and Hebrew Instructor of Harvard College, against the Rev. Mr. George Whitefield and his conduct. Following Whitefield, 's AnswerGoogle Scholar, (which is too long to quote here, but part of which may be found in Tyerman, , op. cit., II, 134)Google Scholar, two more publications were launched at him by Harvard, , A Letter to the Rev. Mr. George Whitefield, by way of Reply to His answer to the College Testimony against him and his conduct, by Edward Wigglesworth, D.D., Professor of Divinity in said College, to which is added the Reverend President's Answer to the things charged upon him, by the said Mr. Whitefield as Inconsistaneies (Boston 1745, 4to, 68 pp.)Google Scholar As Tyerman notes Whitefield gave the best answer by donating books to the college library, and the College on August 2nd, 1768, records a vote of thanks to Whitefield for a new edition of his journals, Tyerman, , op. cit., II, 132ff.Google Scholar Seven pamphlets against Whitefield in addition to the three already mentioned are noted by Tyerman. The authors were The Faculty of Yale and President Clapp, Rev. Nathaniel Henchman of Lynn, Rev. Theophilus Pickering of Ipswich, Rev. Nathaniel Eells of Scituate, and several ministerial associations.

³⁶ Rev. John White of Gloucester. Sprague, . op. cit., I. 152nGoogle Scholar, and Christian History, 1, 165, II, 41.Google Scholar

³⁷ Rev. Benjamin Bradstreet, of Squam, now Annisquam. Christian History, I, 187.Google Scholar

³⁸ Rev. Richard Jacques, Gloucester second parish. Sprague, , op. cit., I, 460 n.Google Scholar

³⁹ Possibly Rev. Joseph Roberts. Though he graduated from Harvard in 1741, he was not ordained until 1754, and then at Leicester, Mass. Sprague, , op. cit., I, 419 n.Google Scholar

⁴⁰ Rev. Samuel Wigglesworth of Ipswich Hamlet, also an M.D., was step-brother to Rev. Edward Wigglesworth of the Harvard faculty. Sprague, , op. cit., I, 145Google Scholar, Christian History, I, 164.Google Scholar

⁴¹ Rev. Jedediah Jewett, of Rowley, . Christian History, I, 165.Google Scholar

⁴² Rev. James Chandler of the Second Church in Rowley. Christian History, I, 165.Google ScholarSprague, , op. cit., I, 454 n.Google Scholar

⁴³ Rev. Emerson, John of Topsfield, . Christian History, I, 165.Google Scholar

⁴⁴ Rev. Moses Parsons of Byfield. Sprague, , op. cit., I, 448.Google Scholar

⁴⁵ Coffin, Joshua, A Sketch of the History of Newbury, Newburyport, and West Newbury (Boston 1845), gives on p. 370Google Scholar a list of all pastors in these churches. None fit the abbreviation T—p, but Whitefield in his usual misunderstanding of proper names might well have meant Rev. Christopher Toppan, D.D. The other pastors at this time were Rev. Theodore Barnard, Second Church, and Rev. John Lowell, Third Church, now First in Newburyport.

This “Separated Church” was the Third Congregational Church, separated from the First in 1726. Shortly after Whitefield's visit it was again broken and divided and from it came the founders of the First Presbyterian Church, who called Rev. Jonathan Parsons of Lyme, Conn, for their pastor. Sprague, , op. cit., I, 339 and 340.Google Scholar

⁴⁶ Rev. John Lowell, of the Third Church. Lowell's change of heart about Whitefield is described in Sprague, , op. cit., I, 388.Google Scholar He was quite active in opposing the Episcopalians, notably the Rev. Matthias Plant of St. Paul's, Newbury, and the Rev. Arthur Browne of St. John's, Portsmouth. Whitefield mentions taking communion in the latter church.

⁴⁷ Whitefield says, in a letter quoted in Tyerman, , op. cit., II, 150Google Scholar, that on, this occasion Pepperell asked his advice about accepting command of the expedition, and on being encouraged, “he commenced General.” There was something displeasing to the soldiers on the occasion of these sermons. Probably Whitefield bore down too hard on their usual vices and predicted defeat unless they changed their ways.

Tyerman, quoting Gillies, , op. cit., 106Google Scholar, says of Whitefield, “He began to move farther southward, and after preaching eastward as far as Casco Bay and North Yarmouth; he went through Plymouth, etc.,” A natural confusion of directions to one who has not been “Down East.” Northward and eastward is correct.

⁴⁸ Rev. William Shurtleff of Portsmouth, whose account is in the Christian History, I, 173.Google ScholarSprague, , op. cit., I, 456Google Scholar, mentions him in a note.

⁴⁹ Rev. Adams, James of Newington, , who signed the Testimony. Christian History, I, 166.Google Scholar

⁵⁰ The Island, or New Castle Church, Rev. John Blunt, pastor, whose account is in the Christian History, I, 199.Google Scholar

⁵¹ Rev. Jeremiah Pike, who signs himself as pastor of Somersworth, not Dover, in the Christian History, I, 166.Google Scholar For a biographical note see Sprague, , op. cit., I, 189 n.Google Scholar

⁵² Rev. Jeremiah Wise of Berwick, Maine, whose account of the revival is in the Christian History, I, 169.Google Scholar He was son of Rev. Wise, John, author of The Church's Quarrel Espoused.Google ScholarSprague, , op. cit., I, 189.Google Scholar

⁵³ Belcher, Joseph, George Whitefield (New Tork, 1857), 270–271Google Scholar, gives the name of this pastor as Odlin, and refers to a report in the March 25, 1745 issue of the Boston Evening Post.

⁵⁴ I identify this minister as Rev. James Cushing of Plaistow, N. H., who was son ef Rev. Caleb Cushing and Elizabeth (Cotton) Cushing of Salisbury, Mass. See Cushing genealogy in Deane, 's History of Scituate, 258.Google Scholar

⁵⁵ Rev. Amos Main of Rochester signed the Testimony. Christian, History, I, 166.Google Scholar

⁵⁶ Belcher, , op. cit., 270Google Scholar, says, “Early in March we find him making an excursion into the east, as we hear of him both at Berwick and Portland. In the latter place, he not only made powerful impression on the people but on their minister.” Belcher then quotes from a Journal of Rev. Thomas Smith of Falmouth, Maine. See Christian History, I, 166.Google Scholar His father, Thomas Smith, merchant of Boston, married a woman with an Irish name, Mary Curran. Smith, 's JournalGoogle Scholar was kept from 1719 to 1788 and extracts published in 1821. Sprague, , op. cit., I, 328.Google Scholar