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“Cameras ‘never lie’”: The Role of Photography in Telling the Story of American Evangelical Missions1

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  28 July 2009

Kathryn T. Long
Affiliation:
Kathryn T. Long is an associate professor of History at Wheaton College.

Extract

In her controversial novel, No Graven Image (1966), former missionary and best-selling evangelical author Elisabeth Elliot described the visit of a zealous missions executive, Mr. Harvey, to observe her main character, missionary Margaret Sparhawk, working among the mountain Quichua Indians in Ecuador. Harvey, a pompous sort, arrived with two cameras slung around his neck and spent most of his visit snapping photographs. When Margaret suggested it was time to leave the home of Pedro, her Quichua language informant, Harvey demurred, not yet finished with his picture taking.

Type
Articles
Copyright
Copyright © American Society of Church History 2003

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References

2. Elliot, Elisabeth, No Graven Image (New York: Harper and Row, 1966), 189, 190Google Scholar. “Mr. Harvey” was probably based in part on the many camera-toting visitors who arrived in the Ecuador jungles after the publicity surrounding the death of Elliot's husband and four other missionaries. For an account of the “bungling methods” of one evangelical photographer who visited Elliot, see the letter from MAF pilot Hobert E. Lowrance to J. Grady Parrott and James C. Truxton, January 30, 1958, in MAF, Collection 136, D–2 Files, Hobert E. Lowrance Correspondence, 1958, container 5–54, Archives of the Billy Graham Center, Wheaton College, Wheaton, Illinois.

3. Elliot, , No Graven Image, 191, 192.Google Scholar

4. Vast numbers of missions photographs exist in archives around the world, and research using them is in its infancy. For example, the collections of the Baptist Missionary Society, Regent's Park College, University of Oxford, contain more than twenty-five thousand images from the 1880s on. Robert Schuster, archivist of the Billy Graham Center Archives, estimates that the BGC collection may hold as many as thirty to forty thousand images (photographs, glass lantern slides, negatives, and so on) from independent missions agencies. Thousands of other mission photographs will be available soon through a proposed Internet Mission Photography Archive. Scheduled to be launched in December 2004, and funded by the Getty Grant Program, the site will be hosted by the University of Southern California's Archive Research Center. It will contain digitized images from the mission holdings of Yale University, the Maryknoll orders, and several European collections. See also the theme issue, “Rediscovering Missionary Photography,” International Bulletin of Missionary Research 26, no. 4 (October 2002).

5. There are variant spellings for the name of this group. I follow the English form suggested by anthropologist James A. Yost, a leading specialist on Wao language and culture. Other common spellings are “Waorani” and the Spanish “Huaorani.” “Auca” is a pejorative term used here only in historical context.

6. In 1949 Swedish adventurer Rolf Blomberg and his Colombian photographer Horacio Lopez photographed four Waodani women who had left the tribe and appeared dressed as westernized Quichua peons. Others had taken a few poor quality aerial shots of Wao clearings. Saint was the first to take close-up photographs of the Waodani in their own territory. See Blomberg, Rolf, The Naked Aucas: An Account of the Indians of Ecuador, trans. Lyon, F H. (London: George Allen and Unwin, 1956).Google Scholar

7. Christianity Today, 16 September 1996, cover.

8. Capa, Cornell and Whelan, Richard, eds., Cornell Capa Photographs (Boston, Mass.: Little, Brown, 1992), 152Google Scholar; Whelan, Richard, “Cornell Capa's ‘lighthouse of photography,’ARTnews, 04 1979, 70.Google Scholar

9. Cornell Capa Photographs, 19, 152. Robert Capa changed his name in 1936; Cornell took the same last name when he joined the U.S. Air Force in 1941.

10. Elliot, Elisabeth, The Savage My Kinsman (New York: Harper and Brothers, 1961), 14.Google Scholar

11. Lutz, Catherine A. and Collins, Jane L., Reading National Geographic (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1993), 220Google Scholar; Thorp, Jennifer, “The Baptist Missionary Society Photographic Project” in A Mission for the Future: The Use and Importance of Missionary Archives (16 10 2000)Google Scholar, Papers given at a Conference organized by the Religious Archives Group (RAG) in conjunction with the Mundus Project, Research Support Libraries' Programme (RSLP), Methodist International Centre, Euston Street, London, 32, 33.

12. Curtis, James, Mind's Eye, Mind's Truth: FSA Photography Reconsidered (Philadelphia, Penn.: Temple University Press, 1989).Google Scholar The FSA photographers were the first whose work actually was described as “documentary photography,” images that made a comment about “the world as it was.” Becker Ohrn, Karin, Dorothea Lange and the Documentary Tradition (Baton Rouge: Louisiana State University Press, 1980), 37.Google Scholar

13. Sandeen, Eric J., Picturing an Exhibition: The Family of Man and 1950s America (Albuquerque: University of New Mexico Press, 1995), 18, 38Google Scholar. I am grateful to Colleen McDannell for her encouragement to put Capa's work in the context of documentary photography in America, also for her insights into the importance of Capa's biography, particularly his Jewish heritage, for his work.

14. Kozol, Wendy, Life's America (Philadelphia, Penn.: Temple University Press, 1994), 6.Google Scholar

15. For evangelical awareness of the “other,” see Wacker, Grant, “A Plural World: The Protestant Awakening to World Religions,” in Between the Times: The Travail of the Protestant Establishment in America, 1900–1960, ed. Hutchison, William R. (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1989), 257–59, 274.Google Scholar The complexity of evangelical interaction is reflected in Maclean Stearman, Allyn, “Better Fed Than Dead: The Yaquí of Bolivia and the New Tribes Mission: A 30–Year Retrospective,” Missiology 24 (04 1996): 213–26.CrossRefGoogle Scholar For acultural pietism, see Noll, Mark A., “The American Contribution to World-Wide Evangelical Christianity in the Twentieth Century,” Paper presented at the meeting of Le Group de Sociologie des Religions et de la Laïcité, GSRL, CNRS/EPHE—Paris, March 14–16, 2002.Google Scholar

16. Morgan, David, Protestants and Pictures: Religion, Visual Culture, and the Age of American Mass Production (New York: Oxford University Press, 1999), 236.Google Scholar

17. Ibid., 44, 51.

18. Ibid., 55.

19. MrsWarren, Jane S.., The Morning Star: History of the Children's Missionary Vessel, and of the Marquesan and Micronesian Missions (Boston, Mass.: American Tract Society, 1860).Google Scholar

20. Ibid., 225.

21. The Morning Star was a lavishly illustrated book for its time. A number of other Sunday School books used illustrations more sparingly to communicate information about missionaries and the exotic locales to which they traveled. For example, see images 001/14 and 001/16 of author unknown, Traveller's Wonders (New York: American Tract Society, 1830)Google Scholar, and images 001/16 and 002/16 of Gutzlaff, Charles, Visit to the Chinese Coast (New York: American Tract Society, 18—)Google Scholar, both available on line as part of “Sunday School Books: Shaping the Values of Youth in Nineteenth-Century America” (American Memory, Library of Congress), http://memory.loc.gov/ammem/award99/miemhtml/svyhome.html.

22. Figures in the daguerreotype are identified as the Rev. Able Bingham and Indian converts, Sault Sainte Marie, Michigan, circa 1854, Billy Graham Center Museum, Wheaton College, Wheaton, Illinois. Two unidentified white women are also in the daguerreotype. Paul Jenkins, mission archivist and lecturer in African history, University of Basel, points to William Ellis, a representative of the Lutheran Missionary Society in Madagascar in 1852 as the first European missionary he has found “who took photographs in a mission context.” Jenkins, Paul, “On using historical missionary photographs in modern discussion,” Le Fait Missionnaire 10 (01 2001): 71.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

23. Morgan, , Protestants and Pictures, 8.Google Scholar

24. Collection 379, Records of the Woman's Union Missionary Society, Photo File, WUMS—Personnel, Individuals, Archives of the Billy Graham Center, Wheaton College, Wheaton, Illinois.

25. See The Heathen Woman's Friend 12, no. 12 (June 1881): 285.Google Scholar

26. Morgan, , Protestants and Pictures, 301.Google Scholar

27. Ibid., 8.

28. Hassner, Rune, “Amateur Photography,” in A History of Photography: Social and Cultural Perspectives, ed. Jean-Claude, Lemagny and Andre, Rouillé, trans. Lloyd, Janet (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1987), 80.Google Scholar

29. Forman, Charles W., “II. The Americans,” International Bulletin of Missionary Research (04 1982): 54.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

30. Collection 330, Moody Memorial Church, Photo Album File, Moody Church-VI. Archives of the Billy Graham Center, Wheaton College, Wheaton, Illinois.

31. Collection 330, Lantern Slide File Box 7, “Life of D. L. Moody,” slide #77, Corner of the Clark Street church; Collection 330, Posters OS1, Africa Inland Mission, Graham Center Archives.

32. See, for example, “Images of Colonial Africa,” http://www.wheaton.edu/bgc/archives/exhibits/collins, Billy Graham Center Archives.

33. Postcards printed as souvenirs of the 1893 World's Columbian Exposition in Chicago are thought to be the first picture postcards produced in the United States. “Centenary of the American Picture Postcard 1893–1993,” Image File 7, no. 3 (1993): 9Google Scholar; McDannell, Colleen, Material Christianity: Religion and Popular Culture in America (New Haven, Conn.: Yale University Press, 1995), 234.Google Scholar

34. “Mr. and Mrs. F.H. Gray,” Postcard 1985.0869, Billy Graham Center Museum, Wheaton College, Wheaton, Illinois.

35. “A Christian Home and a Heathen Hut, Ikoko, Africa,” Postcard 1994.0042, Billy Graham Center Museum. Although the card was produced for the Boston-based American Baptist Missionary Union, it was printed in Japan.

36. “A Chinese Leper Boy.” Postcard 1988.0542, Billy Graham Center Museum.

37. “Ye also helping together by prayer.” Postcard 1999.0041, Billy Graham Center Museum.

38. McDannell, , Material Christianity, 25.Google Scholar

39. MrsHoward, Taylor., Borden of Yale ‘09: “The Life that Counts” (London: China Inland Mission, 1926).Google Scholar For Taylor's role as a missions publicist, see the introduction in Carpenter, Joel A., ed., Sacrificial Lives: Young Martyrs and Fundamentalist Idealism (New York: Garland, 1988)Google Scholar, n. p., especially nn. 7–9. Books published by British publishing houses, including the British missionary societies, tended to be more lavishly illustrated than their American counterparts. An edition of Borden of Yale published in the U. S. in 1926 contained only three photographs. Among the most extensively illustrated early missionary biographies were accounts of the missionary hero David Livingstone.

40. For an earlier example of halftone portraits used to illustrate missionary biography, see Creegan, C C., Pioneer Missionaries of the Church (New York: American Tract Society, 1903).Google Scholar

41. For example, see Ballantine Kirjassoff, Alice, “Formosa the Beautiful,” National Geographic 37, no. 3 (03 1920): 280–91Google Scholar, and Lee, Thomas F., “Guatemala: Land of Volcanoes and Progress,” National Geographic 50, no. 5 (11 1926): 600, 609, and plates 1–16, pp. 611–26Google Scholar. By the 1920s, the Geographic was using some color photography.

42. Lutz, and Collins, , Reading National Geographic, 92.Google ScholarLutz, Although and Collins, discuss photographic conventions in the Geographic 19501986Google Scholar, their analysis often holds true for earlier photographs as well.

43. Wacker, , “A Plural World,” 258, 274.Google Scholar

44. MrsTylee, Arthur F.., The Challenge of Amazon's Indians: A Story of Missionary Adventure in South America Amongst the Nhambiquara Indians (Chicago: Moody, 1931).Google Scholar

45. Ibid. See photographs opposite pages 31 and 51.

46. Apparently they were killed in retaliation for an Indian who had died at the mission station from a virus probably carried by Brazilian telegraph workers. The missionaries had provided medical treatment and so were implicated in the tragedy.

47. Kozol, , Life's America, 8.Google Scholar

48. Capa, Cornell, “‘Go Ye and Preach the Gospel’: Five Do and Die,” Life, 30 01 1956, 10, 11.Google Scholar

49. Edey, Maitland, commentary on “In a Dutiful Family Trials with Mother,” July 13, 1959Google Scholar, Photographer, Capa, Cornell, Designer, Charles Tudor in Great Photographic Essays from Life (Boston, Mass.: New York Graphic Society, 1978), 187.Google Scholar

50. Cf. Lutz, and Collins, , Reading National Geographic, 58.Google Scholar

51. Ibid.

52. For examples of this stereotype in American literature and film, see Priest, Robert J., “Missionary Positions: Christian, Modernist, Postmodern,” Current Anthropology 42, no. 1 (02 2001): 32, 33.Google Scholar

53. Capa, Cornell, interview by author, New York City, 16 May 2000.Google Scholar

54. Capa, and Whelan, , Cornell Capa, 134.Google Scholar

55. Heiskell, Andrew, “Publishers Preview: Danger and Dedication,” Life, 13 05 1957, 187.Google Scholar

56. Capa, and Whelan, , Cornell Capa, 152.Google Scholar

57. Capa, Cornell, “Foreword,” The Savage My Kinsman, 12, 13.Google Scholar

58. Elliot, Elisabeth, Through Gates of Splendor (New York: Harper and Brothers, 1957), 16, 50, 54, 121, 125, 127, 175.Google Scholar

59. Ibid., 115–20, 202–3, 216.

60. Capa, , “Foreword,” The Savage My Kinsman, 13.Google Scholar

61. Elliot, , The Savage My Kinsman, 94, 151.Google Scholar

62. Elliot, , No Graven Image, 191, 192.Google Scholar

63. Elliot, , The Savage My Kinsman, 83Google Scholar; also see photograph, 92, 93.

64. Ibid., 160.

65. Lutz, and Collins, , Reading National Geographic, 271.Google Scholar

66. Verne Kohl, La, “Review of Elliot, Elisabeth, The Savage My Kinsman,” Library Journal, 1 05 1961, 1779. The Savage My Kinsman went through one edition as an oversized hardback. A revised, paperback edition was published in 1981 by Servant Publications and has been reprinted twice.Google Scholar

67. Hitt, Russell T., “Photojournalism at its Very Best,” review of The Savage My Kinsman by Elisabeth Elliot, Eternity (June, 1961): 43.Google Scholar

68. This was particularly true in Latin America with the rapid growth of the Wycliffe Bible Translators/Summer Institute of Linguistics from Wycliffe's incorporation in 1942, and with the work of the Pioneer Mission Agency, founded 1921, which preceded it. By 1950, at least nine different faith missions were working with indigenous people in Latin America. Missions Annual—1958 (New York: Interdenominational Foreign Mission Association, 1958), 27 and 2840 throughout.Google Scholar

69. Noll, Mark A. documents this “thoroughly pietistic view of religion and its workings” in a survey of evangelical periodicals at twenty-five year intervals, beginning in 1900 and concluding in 2000.Google Scholar See Noll, , “American Contribution,” 4Google Scholar; Maclean, Allyn Stearman examines a specific case in “Better Fed Than Dead.”Google Scholar

70. For an example of such sentiments expressed toward Elliot a few years later, see William Cameron Townsend to Rachel Saint, 15 April 1966. Letter #23694, William Cameron Townsend Archives, JAARS, Waxhaw, North Carolina.

71. Hitt, , “Photojournalism,” 44.Google Scholar

72. Elliot, , No Graven Image, 192.Google Scholar