Hostname: page-component-84b7d79bbc-7nlkj Total loading time: 0 Render date: 2024-07-30T08:24:03.397Z Has data issue: false hasContentIssue false

Encounters in Medieval Revivalism: Monks, Friars, and Popular Enthusiasts

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  28 July 2009

Gary Dickson
Affiliation:
Senior lecturer in history at the University of Edinburgh.

Extract

Any consideration of the half-millennium of Western European popular enthusiasm from ca. 1000 to ca. 1500—beginning, say, in 994 at the Council of Anse in Burgundy with the intervention of Abbot Odilo of Cluny in the Peace of God movement, and terminating (again with an arbitrary date) on May 23, 1498, in Florence, with the hanging and burning of Fra Girolamo Savonarola, O.P.—must involve the role of the regular clergy, the professed religious of Latin Christendom. Medieval collective religious enthusiasm, especially when it was not inaugurated by ecclesiastical authority, was often divisive, attracting converts and distracting or repelling others. Monks and friars could not remain indifferent to such movements. For one thing, if their stance was deemed inappropriate, their relationship with the laity (perhaps fellow townsfolk), or the papacy, or their rich and powerful benefactors might be compromised. Nor was their role necessarily that of spectators. Members of the regular clergy sometimes participated in medieval revivals. Possibly still more important is the fact that during most of our period the regulars had the lion's share of chronicling popular enthusiasm. It is in their historical writings that medieval popular religious revivals were mythologized and memorialized. Our view of such movements, therefore, has been shaped by their perceptions and prejudices. Their narratives also provide us with a rich source from which to gauge their interpretations of medieval revivalism. For they make no attempt to conceal their attitudes toward lay enthusiasts—their suspicion, animosity, fear, approbation, sympathy, empathy.

Type
Articles
Copyright
Copyright © American Society of Church History 1999

Access options

Get access to the full version of this content by using one of the access options below. (Log in options will check for institutional or personal access. Content may require purchase if you do not have access.)

References

1. The idea of “medieval revivalism” will be clarified and provisionally defined in Dickson, Gary, “Revivalism as a Medieval Religious Genre,” Journal of Ecclesiastical History (forthcoming, 07 2000).CrossRefGoogle Scholar

2. de Adam, Salimbene, Cronica, ed. Scalia, Giuseppe, new ed. (Bari: G. Laterza, 1966), on 1212, 1: 42; on 1233, 1: 99–104 ff.; on 1251, 2: 645; on 1260, 1: 426–27, 527, 567, and 2: 675–77, 689, 721.Google ScholarPublished in English as de Adam, Salimbene, The Chronicle, ed. and trans. Baird, Joseph L. et al. , Medieval and Renaissance Texts and Studies 40 (Binghamton, N.Y.: Medieval and Renaissance Texts and Studies, 1986).Google ScholarThe most recent study of the Lombard revival of 1233 is that of Thompson, Augustine, Revival Preachers and Politics in Thirteenth-Century Italy: The Great Devotion of 1233 (Oxford: Clarendon, 1992).Google Scholar

3. Salimbene, , Cronica, 1: 99. Salimbene, Chronicle, 47.Google Scholar

4. The impact of the Alleluja upon Salimbene's conversion to Franciscanism is stressed in West, Delno C. Jr, “The Education of Fra Salimbene of Parma: The Joachite Influence,” in Prophecy and Millenarianism, ed. Williams, Ann (Burnt Hill, Harlow: Longman, 1980), 193215, here at 194.Google Scholar

5. Salimbene, , Cronica, 1: 369–73, 382–84, passim.Google ScholarNote Merlo, Grado G., “Salimbene e gli Apostolici,” in Salimbeniana: Atti del convegno per il vii centerario di fra Salimbene, Parma 1987–89 (Bologna: Radio Tau, 1991), 144–57;Google Scholarand Orioli, Raniero, Venit perfidus heresiarcha: II movimento Apostolico-Dolciniano dal 1260 al 1307 (Rome: Istituto Storico Italiano per il Medio Evo, 1988).Google Scholar

6. Bull's, Marcus monograph Knightly Piety and the Lay Response to the First Crusade (Oxford: Clarendon, 1993) is exceptional in clarifying the spiritual as well as the material connection between the monastic promotion of the First Crusade and the aristocratic laity's response to it. The other side of the coin is not so clear, however; that is, the extent of the impact of the crusading message upon those same monks.Google Scholar

7. Richeri Gesta Senoniensis ecclesiae (ad 1264), ed. Waitz, Georg in Monumenta Germaniae historica. Scriptores (hereafter cited as MGH. SS) 25 (1880), 249345, here at 301; he cites Lam. 4: 4, 9.Google Scholar

8. Cartellieri, A. and Stechele, W., eds Chronicon universale anonymi Laudunensis 1154–1219 (Leipzig, 1909), 7071: “Dominus facturus esset aliquid magnum et novum super terram quod longe aliter provenit.”Google ScholarDiscussed in Dickson, Gary, “Stephen of Cloyes, Philip Augustus, and the Children's Crusade of 1212,” in Journeys toward God: Pilgrimage and Crusade, ed. Sargent-Baur, Barbara N. (Kalamazoo, Mich.: Medieval Institute Publications, 1992), 83105, here at 84–86,97.Google Scholar

9. Bloch, H., ed., “Annales Marbacenses,” in MGH. SS. rerum Germanicarum in usum scholarum (Hanover, 1907), 9: 8283.Google ScholarOn the Marbach annalist, see Raedts, Peter, “The Children's Crusade of 1212,” in Journal of Medieval History 3 (1977): 279323, here at 285.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

10. A recent study of Gui is by Guenée, Bernard, Between Church and State: The Lives of Four French Prelates in the Late Middle Ages, trans. Goldhammer, Arthur (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1991), chap. 1, 3770.Google ScholarAlso note Thomas, Antoine, “Bernard Gui, frère prècheur,” Histoire littéraire de la France 35 (1921): 139232.Google Scholar

11. Dictionnaire d'Histoire et de Géographie Ecclèsiastiques, s.v. “Bernard Gui”;Google ScholarPotthast, August, Repertorium Fontium Historiae Medii Aevi (Rome: Istituto Storico Italiano per il Medio Evo, 1967), 2: 510.Google Scholar

12. Thomas, “Frère prècheur,” 180–81.Google Scholar

13. Without examining the manuscripts of these editions, it is impossible to determine if these events were included in Gui's chronicle before the coming of the pastoureaux, although it is likely that they were.Google Scholar

14. “Vita Innocentii Papae III,” in Rerum Italicarum Scriptores, ed. Muratori, L. A. (Milan, 1723), 3: 482, s.a. 1210. “Eodem autem anno pravi pueri ultra XC millia sompnis recepti Cruce-signantur & Massiliam, atque Brundusium diversis agminibus venientes inanes redeunt.”Google Scholar

15. Gui's manuel was titled Practica Inquisitionis Heretice Pravitatis, for which, see Mollat, G., ed., Bernard Gui, Manuel de l'Inquisiteur, 2 vols. (Paris: Champion, 1926). Vincent of Beauvais, Speculum Historiale (1624; reprint, Graz, 1965), bk. 30, chap. 5, 1238. Because neither the manuscript variants nor printed versions of Gui's chronicle or Vincent's encyclopedia have been edited critically, the textual basis of the passages discussed here cannot be assured.Google ScholarGui acknowledges his indebtedness to Vincent: see Delisle, Léopold, “Notice sur les manuscrits de Bernard Gui,” in Notices et extraits des manuscrits de la Bibliothque Nationale 27 (1879): 169455, here at 367 n.Google Scholar

16. Waitz, G., ed., “Ex Iohannis de Columpna Mari Historiarum,” in MHG. SS (Hanover, 1879), 24: 266–84, here at 284. Some details in Gui's account may have come from this chronicle, yet Gui would have had access to other chroniclers as well.Google Scholar

17. Muratori, 3:591, also in Recueli des historiens des Gaules et de la France 21 (1855): 697.Google ScholarOn the Shepherds' Crusade: Dickson, Gary, “The Advent of the Pastores,” Revue Belge de Philologie et d'Histoire 66 (1988): 249–67.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

18. Trutani began to be of serious concern to churchmen from about the time of the Second Council of Lyons (1274) onward. See Ducange, C. DuF., Glossarium (Paris: Librairie des sciences et des arts, 1938), 8: 201202.Google Scholar

19. Gui, Bernard, “Vita Joannis XXII,” in Vitae Paparum Avenionensium, ed. Baluzius, Stephanus, new ed. Mollat, G. (Paris: Letouzey et Ane, 1914), 1: 161–63.Google ScholarSee Barber, Malcolm, “The Pastoureaux of 1320,” Journal of Ecclesiastical History 32 (1981): 143–66,CrossRefGoogle Scholarreprinted in his Crusaders and Heretics, 12th–14th Centuries (;Aldershot: Variorum, 1995);Google Scholarand Nirenberg, David, Communities of Violence: Persecution of Minorities in the Middle Ages (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1996), 4351, and his bibliographic note, 44 n. 4.Google Scholar

20. Housley, Norman, The Avignon Papacy and the Crusades, 1305–1378 (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1986), 145.Google Scholar

21. Important studies of the mid-fourteenth-century flagellant movement include Graus, Frantisek, Pest-Geiβiler-Judenmorde. Das 14. Jahrhundert als Krisenzeit, Veröffentlichungen des Max-Planck-Instituts für Geschichte 86 (Göttingen: Vandenhoeck und Ruprecht, 1987), 3859;Google ScholarDelaruelle, Etienne, “Les Grandes Processions de penitents de 1349 et 1399,” which originally appeared in II Movimento dei disciplinati net vii centenario dal suo inizio, Appendice al Bollettino 9 (Perugia: Deputazione di Storia Patria per l'Umbria, 1962), 109145,Google Scholarreprinted in his La Piété populaire au moyen âge (Turin: Bottega d“Erasmo, 1975), 277313.Google ScholarPapal condemnation: Fredericq, Paul, Corpus documentorum Inquisitionis haereticae pravitatis Neerlandicae (Gent: J. Vuylsteke, 1899), 1:199201, no. 202, October 20, 1349.Google Scholar

22. Potthast, A., ed., Henrici de Hervordia, Chronicon (Göttingen: Societate Literarum Regia Gottingensi, 1859), vi.Google ScholarLatin text cited and discussed: Erbstösser, Martin, Sozialreligiöse Strömungen im späten Mittelalter (Berlin: Akademie-Verlag, 1970), 24.Google ScholarSee Horrox, Rosemary, ed., The Black Death (Manchester: Manchester University Press, 1994), 152, for the English translation.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

23. Erbstösser, Sozialreligiöse Strömungen, 60.Google Scholar

24. Kieckhefer, Richard, “Radical Tendencies in the Flagellant Movement of the Mid-Fourteenth Century,” Journal of Medieval and Renaissance Studies 4 (1974): 157–76, here at 172, citing Gilles Li Muisis, “Chronicon minus,” in Fredericq, Corpus documentorum Inquisitionis, 1:191–92.Google Scholar

25. Delaruelle, La Piété populaire, 289–90.Google Scholar

26. There is a concise overview of the arguments in Braekman, Madeleine, “La dansomanie de 1374: Hérésie ou maladie?Revue du Nord 63 (1981): 339–55.CrossRefGoogle ScholarNot very convincing attempts have been made to connect the dancers with the flagellants, including Lea, Henry C., A History of the Inquisition of the Middle Ages (New York: Harper and Brothers, 1887), 2: 393–94.Google ScholarFor a hitherto unpublished text on the dancers of 1374, see Müller, Markus, “Eine Trierer Bistumschronik aus der Zeit des Grossen Schismas,” Archiv für Mittelrheinische Kirchengeschichte 49 (1997): 335–77, here at 368–70. I wish to thank Christoph Cluse of the University of Trier for alerting me to this article.Google Scholar

27. Chronicon Cornelii Zantfliet” (ad 1461), cited in Fredericq, Corpus documentorum Inquisitionis, 1: 236, no. 223.Google Scholar

28. La Chronique liégeoise de 1402,” cited in Fredericq, Corpus documentorum Inquisitionis (1906), 3: 4042, here at 41, no. 30.Google Scholar

29. Bornstein, Daniel E., The Bianchi of 1399: Popular Devotion in Late Medieval Italy (Ithaca, N.Y.: Cornell University Press, 1993), 3941.Google ScholarTwo essays by Rusconi, Roberto are especially helpful: “Fonti e documenti su Manfredi da Vercelli, O.P., ed il suo movimento penitenziale,” Archivum Fratrum Praedicatorum 47 (1977): 51107;Google Scholarand “Note sulla predicazione di Manfredi da Vercelli, O.P., ed il suo movimento penitenziale dei terziari manfredini,” Archivum Fratrum Praedicatorum 48 (1978): 93135.Google Scholar

30. See Delisle, Leopold, “Lettre de l'abbÉ Haimon sur la construction de l'église de Saint-Pierre-sur-Dive,” Bibliothèque de l'Ecole des Chartes, 5th ser., 21 (1860): 113–39.CrossRefGoogle ScholarAlphandery, Paul and Dupront, Alphonse, La Chrétienté et l'idée de croisade (Paris, 19541959), 1: 163–64; 2:137–38.Google Scholar

31. Good discussion and bibliography: Barnes, Carl F., “Cult of Carts,” in Dictionary of Art, ed. Turner, Jane (London: Grove, Macmillan, 1996), 8: 257–59. I have an anonymous reader for Church History and Dr. Nicola Coldstream to thank for this reference.Google Scholar

32. Bishop, Edmund, How a Cathedral was Built in the Fourteenth Century (Milan Cathedral),” in Liturgica Historia (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1918), 411–21; here at 413 ff.Google Scholar

33. Summarized in Thompson, Revival Preachers, 216.Google Scholar

34. Head, Thomas and Landes, Richard, eds., The Peace of God: Social Violence and Religious Response in France around the Year 1000 (Ithaca, N.Y.: Cornell University Press, 1992).Google Scholar

35. Cowdrey, Herbert Edward John, “Cluny and the First Crusade,” Revue Benedictine 83 (1973): 285311, here at 295 ff.CrossRefGoogle ScholarHoffmann, Hartmut, “Gottesfriede und Treuga Dei,” in MGH. Schriften (Stuttgart: A. Hiersemann, 1964), 20: 45, 47.Google ScholarBriefly touched upon in Rosenwein, Barbara H., Rhinoceros Bound: Cluny in the Tenth Century (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 1982), 95,110–11.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

36. Somerville, Robert, “The Councils of Urban II, I: Decreta Claromontensia,” Annuarium Historiae Conciliorum, supp., 1 (1972): 74.Google Scholar

37. See his collection of essays, Religious Life and Thought, 11th–12th century (London: Variorum Reprints, 1979), no. iii, “Monachisme et pelerinage au moyen age,” 3–27; and no. iv, “Opposition to Pilgrimage in the Middle Ages,” 125–46.Google Scholar

38. The Benedictine regula, which attacked the Gyrovagues, nevertheless ordained hospitality for the monachus peregrinus who visited the abbey. Cf. The Rule of St. Benedict, trans, and ed. McCann, Justin (London: Sheed and Ward, 1972), chap. 1,1417; chap. 61,138–41.Google Scholar

39. See Becker, Alfons, “Papst Urban II (1088–1099),” in MGH. Schriften (Stuttgart: A Hiersemann, 1988), 19.2: 390–91.Google ScholarRiley-Smith, Jonathan, The First Crusade and the Idea of Crusading (London: Athlone, 1986), 24,26.Google Scholar

40. Wiederhold, Wilhelm, “Papsturkunden in Florenz,” in Nachrichten von der konigl. Gesellschaft der Wissenschaften zu Gottingen, Phil.-hist. Kl. (1901), no.6, 313–14: “eos autem qui de relicto seculo spirituali se militie deuouerunt, nos nee arma baiulare nee iter hoc inire uolumus, immo etiam prohibemus. Porro religiosos clericos siue monachos in comitatu hoc proficisci sine episcoporum uel abbatum suorum licentia secundum disciplinam sanctorum canonum interdicimus.” The second prohibition reiterates the general rule, while the first seems to be directed to quosdam uestrum, that is, those Vallombrosans who were intending to set out with the knights for Jerusalem.Google ScholarThe document is translated in The Crusades, Idea and Reality, ed. and trans. Louise, and Riley-Smith, Jonathan (London: Edward Arnold, 1981), 3940.Google Scholar

41. On the Vallombrosans: Gregorio Penco, Storia del monachesimo in Italia dalle origini alia fine del Media Evo (Rome: Collana universale storica tempi e figure, 1961), 230–37.Google ScholarUrban's bull of April 6, 1090: Federico Fedele Tarani, L'Ordine Vallombrosano (Florence: Scuola Tipografica Calasanziana, 1921), 43 ff.Google ScholarAlso note Vasaturo, Nicola, “L'Espansione della congregazione Vallombrosano fino alia meta del secolo xii,” Rivista di Storia della Chiesa in Italia 16 (1962): 456–85.Google Scholar

42. Porges, Walter, “The Clergy, the Poor, and the Non-Combatants on the First Crusade,” Speculum 21 (1946): 123, here at 5, 6–7,11,18, 21–23.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

43. Huygens, R. B. C., ed., “Dei Gesta per Francos,” Corpus Christianorum, Continuatio Mediaevalis 127A (Turnholt: Brepols, 1996), 87 (chap. 1); translated in the Riley-Smiths' Crusades, 5556.Google Scholar

44. On the Premonstratensian commitment to the crusade, see Petit, Francois, La Spiritualité des Prémontrés aux xiie et xiiie siécles, Études de Théologie et d'Histoire de la Spiritualité 10 (Paris: J. Vrin, 1947), 7990.Google Scholar

45. Dialogus Miraculorum, ed. Strange, Joseph (Cologne: H. Lempertz, 1851), bk. 1, chap. 6;Google Scholartranslated by Scott, Henry von Essen and Bland, Charles Cooke Swinton as The Dialogue on Miracles (London: Routledge and Sons, 1929), 1: 12 ff.: “When Saint Bernard was preaching the crusade in Liege … a certain canon of the Cathedral … rising from his devotions went out and found the saint preaching the crusade against the Saracens; he was giving the cross to some, and others he was receiving into his Order. He [the canon], pricked to the heart… took up the cross, not indeed of that overseas expedition, but of the Order, judging it better for his soul's health to imprint the enduring cross forever upon his heart than to sew the short lived sign upon his garment for a season.”Google Scholar

46. For instance, see James, Bruno Scott, ed. and trans., The Letters of Saint Bernard of Clairvaux (London: Burns Oates, 1953), no. 395, 468: “[Y]our brother Henry has been to me. On my advice he has not laid aside the intention for which he took the Cross, he has done something far better. He … has decided to live in the habit of religion.”Google Scholar

47. Cf. Constable, , “The Second Crusade as Seen by Contemporaries,” no. x, 213–79, in Religious Life and Thought, here at 268 ff.Google Scholar

48. Constable, “Monachisme et pèlerinage au moyen âge,” 23;Google Scholaridem, “Opposition to Pilgrimage in the Middle Ages,” 138–39 in his Religious Life and Thought. Cf. Letters of Saint Bernard, no. 396, 468–69.Google ScholarNote also Dictionnaire d'Histoire et de Géographic Ecclesiastiques, s.v. “Citeaux (ordre),” cols. 874–997, here at col. 898.Google Scholar

49. Brundage, James, A Transformed Angel (X 3.31.18): The Problem of the Crusading Monk, in Studies in Medieval Cistercian History Presented to Jeremiah F. O'Sullivan, a special issue of Cistercian Studies Series 13 (1971): 5562, here at 59, 61.Google Scholar

50. Moorman, John, A History of the Franciscan Order (1968; reprint, Chicago: Franciscan Herald, 1988), 45, 27.Google ScholarCriticisms of Celano's account in Raoul Manselli, St. Francis of Assisi, trans. Duggan, Paul (Chicago: Franciscan Herald, 1988), 214–15.Google ScholarMaier, Christoph T., Preaching the Crusades: Mendicant Friars and the Cross in the Thirteenth Century (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1994), 917.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

51. Still the most comprehensive life of Dominic is Marie-Humbert Vicaire, Saint Dominic and His Times, trans. Pond, Kathleen (London: Darton, Longman and Todd, 1964). Maier, Preaching the Crusades, 1719.Google Scholar

52. Note the bitter reaction of the Dominican Ricoldo da Monte Croce (d. 1320) to this event: Rohricht, Reinhold, “Lettres de Ricoldo de Monte-Croce,” Archives de l'Orient Latin, ed. Riant, Paul (Paris: F. Leroux, 1884), 2:258–96.Google Scholar

53. Gwynn, Aubrey, The English Austin Friars in the Time of Wyclif (London: H. Milford, 1940), 154–55.Google Scholar

54. Thomas of Celano, “Vita prima,” chap. 20;Google Scholarand Bonaventure, “Legenda major,” translated in Habig, Marion A., ed., St. Francis of Assisi: English Omnibus of Sources (London: SPCK, 1973), 274 ff., 698 ff.Google Scholar

55. See Cate, James Lea, “The English Mission of Eustace of Flay (1200–1201),” in Études d'histoire dédiées à la mémoire de Henri Pirenne, ed. Ganshof, François Louis et al. (Brussels: Nouvelle Societe d'Editions, 1937), 6789.Google ScholarStubbs, William, ed., Chronica magistri Rogeri de Houedene, Rolls series (London: Longman, 1871), 4: 123–24.Google Scholar

56. Note Priebsch, Robert, Letter from Heaven on the Observance of the Lord's Day (Oxford: Basil Blackwell, 1936),Google Scholaralthough the fundamental study remains Hippolyte Delehaye, “Note sur la légende de la lettre du Christ tombée du Ciel,” Bulletins de l'Académie Royale de Belgique 2 (1899);Google Scholarsee 172–212.Google Scholar

57. Delahaye, “Note sur la légende,” 187.Google Scholar

58. Cf. Cole, Penny J., The Preaching of the Crusades to the Holy Land, 1095–1270 (Cambridge, Mass.: Medieval Academy of America, 1991), 42 ff.; 65 ff.; 85; 92 ff.Google Scholar

59. This development is outlined in Purcell, Maureen, Papal Crusading Policy, 1244–1291 (Leiden: Brill, 1975), and also in Maier, Preaching the Crusades.Google Scholar

60. Leyser, Henrietta, Hermits and the New Monasticism (London: Macmillan, 1984).CrossRefGoogle ScholarThe classic study is von Walter, Johannes Wilhelm, Die ersten Wanderprediger Frankreichs: Studien zur Geschichte des Mönchtums, vol. 1, Robert von Arbrissel in Studien zur Geschichte der Theologie und der Kirche, ed. Bonwetsch, Gottlieb N. and Seeberg, Reinhold (Leipzig: A. Deichert, 1903);Google Scholarand his Neue Folge, effectively vol. 2 of Die ersten Wanderprediger Frankreichs (Leipzig: A. Deichert, 1906).Google ScholarSupplemented by Raison, Louis M. and Niderst, René, “Le mouvement érémitique dans l'ouest de la France à la fin du xie siècle et au début du xiie,” Annales de Bretagne 55 (1948): 145.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

61. Hill, Rosalind, ed., Gesta Francorum (Edinburgh: Thomas Nelson, 1962), see xi–xiii, 1–2.Google Scholar

62. Riley-Smith, Jonathan, The First Crusaders, 1095–1131 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1997), 75.Google Scholar

63. Urban II gave the hermit Robert of Arbrissel a commission to preach in 1096 after hearing his homily; whether or not this included preaching the crusade is uncertain.Google ScholarBaldric of Dol, “Vita B. Roberta,” AASS (02 1865), 608613, here at 611.Google Scholar

64. Blake, Ernest Oscar and Morris, Colin, “A Hermit Goes to War,” in Monks, Hermits and the Ascetic Tradition, ed. Sheils, William J., Studies in Church History 22 (Oxford: Basil Blackwell, 1985), 79107,Google Scholardoes not replace the excessively demythologizing Hagenmeyer, Heinrich, Peter der Eremite (Leipzig: O. Harrassowitz, 1879).Google ScholarNow see Flori, Jean, “Faut-il réhabiliter Pierre l'Ermite?Cahiers de civilisation médiévale 38 (1995): 3554.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

65. See de Romans, Humbert, “Opusculum tripartitum,” in Fasciculus rerum, ed. Brown, Edward (London: Richard Chiswell, 1690), 2: 185228, at 200.Google Scholar

66. Joan of Arc and the Crusades: Delaruelle, Étienne, La Spirituality de Jeanne d'Arc,” in La Piété populaire, 356 ff., here 367–68;Google ScholarRousset, Paul, Histoire d'une idéologie: La Croisade (Lausanne: Editions l'Age d'Homme, 1983), 124–27;Google ScholarWarner's, MarinaJoan of Arc: The Image of Female Heroism (London: Vintage, 1981), 175 ff., esp. 177–78.Google Scholar

67. Pertz, G. H., ed., Annales S. Iacobi Leodiensis, pars secunda, ad 1174,” in MGH. SS (Hanover, 1859), 16: 638–42, here at 641.Google Scholar

68. The author of the Lobbes chronicle remained loyal to his abbot: Arndt, W., ed., “Gesta abbatum Lobbiensium, ad 1156,” in MGH. SS (Hanover, 1869), 21: 307333, here at 329.Google Scholar

69. Waitz, G., ed., Ottonis et Rahewini, Gesta Friderici I Imperatoris, 3d ed., Scriptores Rerum Germanicarum in Usum Scholarum (Hanover, 1912), bk. 1, chaps. 36, 40, pages 58, 59.Google ScholarMierow, Charles C., trans., Otto of Freising: The Deeds of Frederick Barbarossa (New York: W. W. Norton, 1953), 74,75.Google Scholar

70. Pertz, K., ed., “Annales Colonienses Maximi, recensio 1, ad 1175,” in MGH. SS (Hanover, 1861), 17: 736–88, here at 761.Google Scholar

71. Otto of Freising describes him as “monachus, vir quidem religionis habitum habens” (58);Google Scholarbut Otto may have been embarrassed to call him a Cistercian, which the author of the “Annales Rodenses (ad 1157)” did: Pertz, G. H., ed., MGH. SS (Hanover, 1859), 16: 688723, here at 718.Google Scholar

72. His name does not appear in Gervers, Michael, ed., The Second Crusade and the Cistercians (New York: St. Martin's, 1992).CrossRefGoogle Scholar

73. Alphandéry and Dupront, La Chrétienté et l'idée de croisade, 1:170–75;Google ScholarCole, Preaching of the Crusades to the Holy Land, 43–45.Google Scholar

74. See Bolton, Brenda M., “The Cistercians and the Aftermath of the Second Crusade,” in Gervers, Second Crusade, 131140.Google ScholarBrenda Bolton generously allowed me to draw upon her work before publication, while Giles Constable kindly provided me with his article “The Crusading Project of 1150,” in Montjoie: Studies in Crusade History in Honour of H. E. Mayer, ed. Kedar, Benjamin Z., Riley-Smith, Jonathan, and Hiestand, Rudolf (Aldershot: Variorum, 1997), 6775.Google ScholarBernard's letter to Eugenius can be found in Leclercq, J. and Rochais, H., eds., Sancti Bernardi Opera (Rome: Editiones Cistercienses, 1977), 8: 163–65 (Ep. 256), here at 164.Google ScholarAnd note Mayr-Harting, Henry, “Odo of Deuil, the Second Crusade and the Monastery of Saint-Denis,” in The Culture of Christendom, ed. Meyer, Marc Anthony (London: Hambledon, 1993), 225–41, here at 234.Google Scholar

75. Rigord implies that Herluin was authorized to preach the crusade: “per cujus ministerium et predicationis officium.” Delaborde, H.-F., ed., Oeuvres de Rigord et de Guillaume le Breton, Société de l'histoire de France (Paris: Librairie Renouard, H. Loones, 1882), 1:140 (no. 120).Google Scholar

76. Viard, Jules, ed., Les Grandes Chroniques de France, Société de l'histoire de France (Paris: Librairie Ancienne Honoré Champion, 1930), 244.Google Scholar

77. Salimbene, Chronicle, 475.Google Scholar

78. Gennaro, Clara, “Venturino da Bergamo e la peregrinatio Romana del 1335,” in Studi sul Medioevo Cristiano offerti a Raffaello Morghen (Rome: Istituto Storico Italiano per il Medio Evo, 1974), 1: 375406, esp. 376, 379, 404–405.Google Scholar

79. Gorce, Matthieu-Maxime, Saint Vincent Ferrier (Paris: Plon-Nourrit, 1924), 69 ff., 182–85, 237 ff., 299–300.Google Scholar

80. Cf. Tognetti, Giampaolo, “Sul moto dei Bianchi nel 1399,” Bullettino dell'Istituto Storico Italiano per il Medio Evo 78 (1967): 205343, here at 205–207, on the difficulties of linking Ferrer's 1399 revivalist activities to the movement of the Bianchi.Google Scholar

81. For the Bianchi: Bomstein, Bianchi of 1399, 177–87;Google ScholarDelaruelle, La Piété populaire, 295–305, on Giovanni Dominici, 303 ff.;Google ScholarTognetti, “Sul moto dei Bianchi,” 251 ff., 266–67, 314 ff.;Google ScholarMorton, F. W., “The Bianchi Movement of 1399: Its Individual Characteristics and Chronology” (Ph.D. diss., University of Wisconsin, 1973).Google Scholar

82. See Hay, Denys, The Church in Italy in the Fifteenth Century (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1977), 6061, 73–82.CrossRefGoogle ScholarNimmo, Duncan, Reform and Division in the Franciscan Order, 1226–1538, Bibliotheca Seraphico–Capuccina 33 (Rome: Capuchin Historical Institute, 1987).Google ScholarSensi, Mario, Le Osservanze Francescane nell'Italia centrale (secoli xiv–xv) (Rome: Collegio San Lorenzo da Brindisi, Istituto Storico dei Cappuccini, 1985).Google ScholarZafarana, Zelina, Da Gregorio VII a Bernardino da Siena (Perugia: Regione dell'Umbria, 1987), esp. on Bernardino, 249 ff.Google ScholarMoorman, Franciscan Order, passim, exceptionally devotes many pages to the preaching activities of the great Franciscan Observants.Google ScholarFor the Franciscan Observance, note also Il Rinnovamento del Francescanesimo: L'Osservanza, Società Internationale di studi francescani atti dell'XI Convegno Internationale 11 (Assisi: Università di Perugia, Centra di studi francescani, 1985).Google Scholar

83. Current bibliography can be found in the issues of Florensia: Bollettino del Centro Internazionale di Studi Gioachimiti.Google ScholarMajor studies include: Reeves, Marjorie, The Influence of Prophecy in the Later Middle Ages: A Study in Joachimism (Oxford: Clarendon, 1969);Google Scholaridem, Prophetic Rome in the High Renaissance Period (Oxford: Clarendon, 1992).Google ScholarRusconi, Roberto, L'Attesa della fine: Crisi della societ, profezia ed apocalisse in Italia al tempo del grande scisma d'occidente (1378–1417) (Rome: Istituto Storico Italiano per il Medio Evo, 1979).Google Scholar

84. Mendicant holy women also had followings, disciples, and adherents, but for the most part did not operate, as the men could do, in the public arena of urban Italy.Google Scholar

85. Thompson, , “The Revivalist as Legislator,” in Revival Preachers, 179204, esp. 180.Google Scholar

86. This paragraph is adapted from my “Patterns of European Sanctity: The Cult of the Saints in the Later Middle Ages (with special reference to Perugia)” (Ph.D. diss., University of Edinburgh, 1975), 480–83;Google Scholaralso summarized in Dickson, Gary, “The 115 Cults of the Saints in Later Medieval and Renaissance Perugia: A Demographic Overview of a Civic Pantheon,” Renaissance Studies 12 (1998): 1415.CrossRefGoogle ScholarHowell, A. G. Ferrers, S. Bernardino of Siena (London: Methuen, 1913), 140–42.Google ScholarOrigo, Iris, The World of San Bernardino (London: Jonathan Cape, 1963), 152–53, passim.Google ScholarFantozzi, A., “Documenta Perusina de S. Bernardino Senensi,” Archivum Franciscanum Historicum 15 (1922): 103154; 406–475, citations here from 104–105 (extracts from sermons); 107–108 (chronicles); 108 ff. (“Statuta s. Bernardini”).Google ScholarDeprez, E., “L'Azione di S. Bernardino da Siena nella città di Perugia,” Bollettino della R. Deputazione di Storia Patria der l'Umbria 6 (1900).Google Scholar

87. Weinstein, Donald, Savonarola and Florence: Prophecy and Patriotism in the Renaissance (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1970), 114, 128.Google ScholarRidolfi, Roberto, The Life of Girolamo Savonarola, trans. Grayson, C. (London: Routledge and Kegan Paul, 1959).Google Scholar

88. Weinstein, Savonarola and Florence, 128.Google ScholarOn the Observants and the Jews: Poliakov, Léon, The History of Anti-Semitism, trans. Howard, Richard (London: Elek, 1965), 1: 145–49;Google Scholaridem, Jewish Bankers and the Holy See, trans. Kochan, Miriam (London: Routledge and Kegan Paul, 1977), 139 ff.Google ScholarOn the Franciscan Obervant Bernardino da Feltre and the Jews of Perugia, note Toaff, Ariel, Gli Ebrei a Perugia, Fonti per la storia dell'Umbria 10 (Perugia: Deputazione di Storia Patria per l'Umbria, 1975), 80.Google Scholar

89. Weinstein, Savonarola and Florence, 247 ff., 271–72.Google Scholar

90. Polizzotto, Lorenzo, The Elect Nation: The Savonarolan Movement in Florence, 1494–1545 (Oxford: Clarendon, 1994), vii, 439–45.Google Scholar