1. Taine, Hippolyte A., History of English Literature, Van Laun, H., tr., 2 vols., (New York, 1871), II, 71.Google Scholar

2. “There have been more rebellions in Scotland than in any other country;” declared Henry Thomas Buckle, History of Civilization, 2 vols. (New York, 1872), II, 125.Google Scholar Most of the vol. is devoted to Scotland. Only in 1745 had the Jacobite Pretender been defeated at Culloden. His supporters naturally opposed the establishment of Presbyterianism. Covenanters had as violently opposed the imposition of Anglican episcopacy by James I and Charles II. See also Henderson, G. D., Religious Life in Seventeenth Century Scotland (Cambridge, 1937)Google Scholar and Lawson, John P., History of the Scottish Episcopal Church from the Revolution to the Present Time (Edinburgh, 1843).Google Scholar

3. The main seceding churches, after various mergers, were reunited with the national church in 1929.

4. Walker, Norman L., ed., Religious Life in Scotland (London, 1888)Google Scholar presents the “Evangelical” view, esp. in Part III.

5. Dugald Stewart's adulatory Account of Life and Writings of William Robertson is an illuminating estimate of one Moderate by another. His account of Reid is in the same vol., Works, 7 vols. (Cambridge, Mass., 1829), VII.Google ScholarCarlyle's, AlexanderAutobiography (Boston, 1861)Google Scholar provides invaluable insights on the universities, movements, and religious leaders by an outspoken Moderate.

6. Witherspoon, John, Ecclesiastical Characteristics: or, The Arcana of Church Policy, Being an Humble Attempt to Open the Mystery of Moderation, Works, 4 vols. (Philadelphia, 1800–1801), III, 109,Google Scholar sq. First published in 1753, followed by rev. eds. and A Serious Apology (1763).

7. “Moonlight preaching ripens no harvest,” he went on to complain; quoted by Hugh Watt, Thomas Chalmers and the Disruption (Edinburgh, 1943), 6.Google Scholar

8. Macleod, John, Scottish Theology in Relation to Church History Since the Reformation (Edinburgh, 1943), 208Google Scholar; Henderson, Henry F., “Professor Simson's ‘Affair,’” The Religious Controversies of Scotland (Edinburgh, 1905)Google Scholar, ch. I, incl. bibliog.; Reid, H. M. B., The Divinity Professors in the University of Glasgow, 1640–1903 (Glasgow, 1923)Google Scholar esp. chs. vi, viii; Fortuna Domus (Glasgow, 1952)Google Scholar, a memorial coll. of historical essays; Reid, Thomas, “Statistical Account of the University of Glasgow,” Works, SirWilliam, Hamilton, ed. (Edinburgh, 1854), 721 sq.Google Scholar

9. Dalzel, Andrew, History of the University of Edinburgh, 2 vols. (Edinburgh, 1862), IIGoogle Scholar; Grant, Alexander, The Story of the University of Edinburgh, 2 vols. (London, 1884)Google Scholar; Anderson, James M., The University of St. Andrews: An Historical Sketch (Edinburgh, 1878)Google Scholar; Votiva Tabella: A Memorial Volume of St. Andrews University (St. Andrews, 1911)Google Scholar; Rait, Robert S., The University of Aberdeen: A History (Aberdeen, 1895).Google Scholar

10. Like their counterparts ia the state universities of Germnny these professors were generally conservative politically; and for similnr reasons. Yet the peculiar position of Scotland modified their politics. In 1745 the authorities of Edinburgh in filling the chair of moral philosophy preferred William Cleghorn, a Deist, to David Hume: a Deist could be converted, but “a Jacobite could not possibly become a Whig.” Grant, , University of Edinburgh, II, 338.Google Scholar

11. The best index to acknowledged precursors are the references in the works of Reid and Stewart; but see Reid, Inquiry, ch. i, vii; Account of Aristotle's Logic, ch. vi. Basically, however, these are my general remarks on the place of Scottish Realism in the history of philosophy.

12. Hamilton, , Works of Reid, 30n.Google Scholar

13. McCosh, James, The Scottish Philosophy (New York, 1874), 99.Google Scholar An extremely informative “labor of love;” but not without bias. See Ormond, A. T., “James McCosh as Thinker and Educator,” Princeton Review, I (07, 1903), 337–361.Google Scholar

14. Beattie has been immortalized by Dr. Johnson's assertion that he had confuted Hume once and for all—and doubly honored by being the favorite of that philosopher-king, George III. Stephen, Leslie, History of English Thought in the Eighteenth Century, 2 vols. (London, 1902), I,Google Scholar ch. viii, par. 9; Luckock, Herbert M., The Church in Scotland (London, 1893), 305n.Google Scholar

15. The literature on the Scottish philosophers, however inadequate, is far too vast to list here. Among older writers W. R. Sorley, James Seth, Henry Laurie, Victor Cousin, Adolphe Garnier, and others, including those cited elsewhere herein, have written extensive accounts. Certain modern works have been especially valuable: Segerstedt, Torgny T., The Problem of Knowledge in Scottish Philosophy (Lund, 1935)Google ScholarRaphael, D. Daiches, The Moral Sense (London, 1947)Google Scholar; Prior, Arthur N., Logic ond the Basis of Ethics (Oxford, 1949)Google Scholar; Woozley's, A. D. introduction to his new ed. of Reid's, Essays on the Intellectual Powers of Man (London, 1941)Google Scholar; and Bryson, Gladys, Man and Society: The Scottish Inquiry of the Eighteenth Century (Princeton, 1945)CrossRefGoogle Scholar which also includes a bibliography of the major writings of the leading Scottish philosophers.

16. Hutcheson's implicit “necessitarianism” was unacceptable to Reid and Stewart who were indebted to him more for method and approach; in ethical doctrine Hume was a more direct heir. On Hutcheson see Fowler, Thomas, Shaftesbury and Hutcheson (London 1882)Google Scholar; Scott, William R., Francis Hutcheson (Cambridge, 1900).Google Scholar

17. See “MSS. Papers” publ. by McCosh, , Scottish Philosophy, App. IIIGoogle Scholar; Price, Richard, A Review of the Principal Questions in Morals, Raphael, D. Daiches, ed. (Oxford, 1948)Google Scholar, passim, esp. 280; Raphael, , Moral Sense, chs. iv, vGoogle Scholar; Segerstedt, , Problem of Knowledge, ch. iGoogle Scholar; Fraser, A. Campbell, Thomas Reid (Edinburgh, 1898)Google Scholar, esp. letter, Reid to Price, 110 sq.

18. Reid, , Inquiry, ch. viiGoogle Scholar; McCosh, , Scottish Philosophy, 2–7Google Scholar. These are the grounds for the Scottish Philosophers' despair for “high” metaphysics; see esp. Théodore Jouffroy's introductions to his French translations of Reid and Stewart. By the same token, however, the principle is important in the history of psychology. See Murphy, Gardner, Historical Introduction to Modern Psychology (London, 1949)Google Scholar; Bryson, Gladys, Man and Society, ch. vGoogle Scholar; and Hamilton, Works of Reid, App. D. Brett, George S. supplies certain necessary qualifications, History of Psychology, 3 vols. (London, 1912–1921), III, ch. i.Google Scholar

19. See Seth, Andrew, Scottish Philosophy: A Comparison of the Scottish and German Answers to Hume (Edinburgh, 1899)Google Scholar; A. D. Woozley, op. cit.; Ferrier, James F., “Reid and the Philosophy of Common Sense,” Lectures on Greek Philosophy and Other Philosophical Remains, 2 vols. (Edinburgh, 1866), II, 407–459Google Scholar; Marshall, Donald K., “The Restoration of Logic in Thomas Reid,” Ph. D. Thesis (microfilmed), Univ. of Chicago, 1939.Google Scholar

20. Reid, , Active Powers, Essay I, IVGoogle Scholar; “Essay on Power,” publ. in part by Fraser, Reid, 120 sq.Google Scholar

21. Reid, , Active Powers, Essay V, vii.Google Scholar

22. See Grey, Henry Graham's felicitous account, Scottish Men of Letters (London, 1901), esp. ch. xv.Google Scholar

23. The writer has a larger study of the Scottish Philosophy in France in preparation; but see Boutroux, Emile, “De 1'influence de Ia Philosophic Ecossaise sur la Philosophie Françaisc,” Etudes d'Histoire de la Philosophie, 5th ed. (Paris, 1925), 413–43Google Scholar.

24. Butterfield, L. H., John Witherspoon Comes to Ameriea (Princeton, 1953Google Scholar) Collins, Varnum L., President Witherspoon, 2 vols. (Princeton, 1925)Google Scholar; Trinterud, Leonard J., The Forming of an American Tradition (Philadelphia, 1949)Google Scholar; Miller, Samuel, A Brief Retrospect of the Eighteenth Century, 2 vols. (New York, 1803), II, 10–14Google Scholar; Witherspoon, John, “Lectures on Moral Philosophy,” Works, 4 vols. (Philadelphia, 1800–1801), III, 267 sq.Google Scholar; Ibid., “Remarks on an Essay on Human Liberty,” Scots Magazine, XV (1853), 165–170.Google Scholar

25. This is not Ivy League provincialism, but a consideration of four of the oldest centers of theological training in the country: The divinity schools are usually dated Andover, 1808; Harvard, 1811; Princeton. 1812; and Yale 1822. Others could be included in this study: e.g., the College of Philadelphia (Pennsylvania), on which see Temple, Sydney A. Jr, The Common Sense Theology of Bishop White (New York, 1946)Google Scholar.

26. Tappan, , Sermons (Cambridge, Mass., 1807Google Scholar) with a memoir; Ahlstrom, “The Middle Period,” The Harvard Divinity School, Williams, George H., ed. (Boston, 1954). 127–130Google Scholar and works cited there.

27. Channing, William H., The Life of William Ellcry Channing (Boston, 1880), 29–35Google Scholar; Patterson, Robert L., The Philosophy of William Ellery Channing (New York, 1952)Google Scholar; Schneider, Herbert W., “The Intellectual Background of William Ellery Channing,” Church History, VII (1938), 3–23.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

28. Ahlstrom, op. cit., passim, and works cited there.

29. W. Norman Pittenger attributes the remark to Paul Elmer More, but it may he still older. The Historic Faith and a Changing World (New York, 1950), 57.Google Scholar

30. Keller, Charles R., The Second Great Awakening in Connecticut (New Haven, 1942)Google Scholar; Cunningham, Charles E., Timothy Dwight (New York, 1942)Google Scholar; Bainton, Roland, The New England Way of Training for the Ministry at Yale (publ. forthcoming), ch. v.Google Scholar

31. See Sidney, E. Mead's biography, Nathaniel William Taylor (Chicago, 1942), 145, 107, 156,Google Scholar and passim. See this work also on Timothy Dwight.

32. MS. “Lectures on Mental and Moral Philosophy,” opening remarks (anon. student notes, Yale Divinity School Library). Taylor's, Concio ad clerum (New Haven, 1828)Google Scholar stirred the greatest controversy. On his rational cast of mind see Lectures on the Moral Government of God, 2 vols. (New York, 1859), I, ch. xiiiGoogle Scholar; “What is Truth?” Revealed Theology (New York, 1859), 461–480.Google Scholar

33. See Moral Government, II, ch. vii; “Mental and Moral Philosophy,” passim. Foster, Frank H. exaggerates the significance of Taylor's adoption of a three rather than a two faculty psychology; Genetic History of the New England Theology (Chicago, 1907), 243–47.Google Scholar

34. Beanet Tyler, who became the first president of the new seminary at Hartford, was Taylor's major critic; but space limitations prevent consideration of his “anthropocentric Calvinism.” See Haroutunian, Joseph, Piety versus Moralism (New York, 1932), 277–278Google Scholar; Geer, Curtis M., The Hartford Theological Seminary, 1834–1934 (Hartford, 1934)Google Scholar.

35. The Scottish influence on Woods is seen most clearly in his “Essays on the Philosophy of the Human Mind,” Works, 5 vols. (Andover, 1849–1850), V, 35–103,Google Scholar and in his detailed “Course of Study” in systematic theology, IV, 549–91. For his part in the “Wood's Ware Controversy,” see Works, IV. Ware's, Letters, Answers, and Postscript (Cambridge, Mass., 1820, 1822, 1823)Google Scholar have not, to my knowledge, been collected; but see Grannis, Joseph, “Henry Ware,” B. A. Thesis, 1954, Harvard University Archives.Google Scholar

36. Foster's, Frank H.Life of Edwards Amasa Park (New York, 1936)Google Scholar though adulatory does scant justice to the man. On the Andover crisis see Williams, Daniel D., The Andover Liberals (New York, 1941)Google Scholar; Rowe, H. K., History of Andover Theological Seminary (Newton, 1933)Google Scholar.

37. “New England Theology,” Bibliotheca Sacra, IX (1852), 191.Google Scholar

38. Foster, , Park, 472.Google Scholar

39. Review of Stewart's, Active and Moral Powers, Bib. Sac., VII (1850), 191–193;Google Scholar “Natural Theology,” Ibid, III (1846), 241–284.

40. “Theology of the Intellect and that of the Feelings,” Ibid, VII (1850), 543, 549; Foster, , New England Theology, ch. xviiGoogle Scholar; “Thoughts on the State of Theological Science and Education in our Country,” Bib. Sac., I (1844), 745.Google Scholar

41. Bib. Sac., VII (1850), 549.Google Scholar This sermon on the theology of the intellect and feelings to the Mass. Conv, of Cong. Ministers in 1850 was one of Park's most memorable pronouncements. It involved him in a protracted controversy with Hodge; see Foster, , New England Theology, 263–69, 484,Google Scholar for an outline of Park's theology.

42. Foster, , Park, 156.Google Scholar

43. Francois Turretin (1623–1687), principally of Geneva, was an arch-conservative defender of the Synod of Dort decrees, strenuous critic of Moïse Amyraut and the Saumur school of theology, and an author of the Helvetic Consensus (1675). His Institutio Theologiae Elencticae (1679–1685) is a major document of Calvinistic scholasticism. For Hodge's opinion of it, see Hodge, Archibald A., Life of Charles Hodge (New York, 1880), 553 sq.Google Scholar

44. Hodge, A. A., Hodge, 521, 553Google Scholar; Hodge, Charles, Essays and Reviews (New York, 1857), 584n (vs. Park).Google Scholar

45. Hodge's journal and letters relating to his studies in Germany are fascinating; Hodge, A. A., Hodge, 104–225;Google Scholar on pantheism, see his Systematic Theology, 3 vols. (New York, 1872), I, 299–334, esp. 333.Google Scholar

46. Published posthumously (New York, 1852); Review of Outlines of Moral Science, Biblical Repertory & Princeton Review, XXV (1853), 1–43,Google Scholar presumably by Hodge, ; Hodge, , Sys. Theol., II, 280–309.Google Scholar On Hodge's admiration for Alexander: Hodge, A. A., Hodge, passim, esp. 551Google Scholar sq. See also Alexander, James W., Life of Archibald Alexander (New York, 1854).Google Scholar

47. Danhof, Ralph J., Charles Hodge as a Dogmatician (Goes, The Netherlands, n. d.) 192;Google Scholar a critique by an ultra-conservative.

48. The Bib. Rep. & Princeton Rev. was the vehicle of his polemics, the central ones of which are collected in Essays and Reviews; but his Sys. Theol. is also combative at every point.

49. Essays and Reviews, 583.

50. Sys. Theol., II, 296.Google Scholar This chapter is “philosophical speculation” from start to finish. Its consonance with Alexander's Moral Science is remarkable.

51. See Sys. Theol., on cosmological argument, I, 201 sq.; on rational intuition, I, 193; on “Realistic Dualism” as regards the nature of man, II, 46, 61; his critique of Edwards on mankind's unity with Adam, II, 216–27; and esp. his chapters on “Sin” and “Free Agency,” II, 130–309. At times (e.g., II, 263) Hodge himself draws back from his conclusions. Actually the influence of rational humanism is diffused throughout the work and is discernible not so much in particular as in the nuance of the whole.

52. Morais, Herbert M., Deism in Eighteenth Century America (New York, 1934Google Scholar) and Koch, G. Adolf, Republican Religion (New York, 1933Google Scholar) describe the challenge; above-cited works on Channing, Dwight, and Witherspoon, the response.

53. Macleod refers to it as “the Scottish Apologetic Philosophy of Common Sense;” Scottish Theology, 213.

54. This is approximately the period of Channing's adult life, c. 1805–1840. Its spirit is gracefully, though condescendingly, described by Frothingham, Octavius B., Boston Unitarianism (New York, 1890)Google Scholar.

55. “Remarks on the Biblical Repertory and Princeton Review,” Bib. Sac., VIII (1851), 177–180.Google Scholar

56. The epigoni, both in their histories and philosophical treatises, constantly treat Hume as a philosophical curiosity. The now forgotten Beattie reprimanded Reid for being “rather too warm an admirer of Mr. Hume.” Quoted by Fraser, Reid, 114.

57. The word “reinterpreted” is important. Scottish Philosophers were everywhere emphatically eclectic (in France they took the name “Eclectic”). But, they were not omnivorous. If, for example, they applauded Paley's natural theology, they warned against his “selfish ethic;” e.g. Review of Alexander's, Moral Science, Bib. Rep. & Princeton Rev., XXV, 4.Google Scholar