1. Papadopoulos, Averkios T., Versuch einer Genealogie der Palaiologen, 1259–1453 (Munich, 1938),Google Scholar # 58. Andronicus had been associated with the Byzantine throne since 1272.

2. Ostrogorsky, George, History of the Byzantine State (New Brunswick, N.J., 1969), pp. 466–498.Google ScholarIdem, “The Palaeologi,” in Cambridge Medieval History, ed. J. M. Hussey (Cambridge, 1966), 4, Pt. 1: 331–332. See Zakythinos, D. A., Crise monétaire et crise économique à Byzance du XIIIe au XVe siècle (Athens, 1948), p. 145,Google Scholar who refers to this period as “ce pathetique phenomene de la mort de Byzance.” Also cf. Bréhier, Louis, “Andronic II,” Dictionnaire d'Histoire et de Géographie ecclésiastique (Paris, 1914), 2:1786.Google Scholar

3. For the details of the chronology of Athanasios' two patriarchates, see Laurent, V., “La chronologie des patriarches de Constantinople au XIIIe siècle (1208–1309),” Revue des Études byzantines 27 (1969): 147;CrossRefGoogle Scholar and idem, “Notes de chronologie et d'histoire byzantine de la fin du XIIIe siècle,” Ibid., pp. 209–234. The dates traditionally accepted for the second patriarchate, 23 August 1304-September 1310, are now generally rejected.

4. Heyd, W., Histoire du commerce du Levant au moyen-âge, 2 vols. (Leipzig, 1959), 1:444, 483–484.Google Scholar

5. Ostrogrosky, George, History, p. 479;Google ScholarNicol, Donald M., The Last Centuries of Byzantium, 1261–1453 (New York, 1972), p. 99;Google Scholar see also Andréadès, André, “Les Juifs et le Fisc dans l'Empire byzantine,” Melanges Charles Diehl (Paris, 1930), 1:9,Google Scholar n.12, who comments that Andronicos II gave panegyrists a difficult time; they praised him in two ways: (1) they attributed the political successes of Michael VIII to him or (2) they pointed to his knowledge as a scientist and a philosopher.

6. Laurent, Vitalien, “Grégoire X et le projet d'une ligue antiturque, “Échos d'Orient 37 (1938): 272.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

7. All references to Athanasios' correspondence are from the Cod, . Vaticanus graecus 2219(=V).Google Scholar In the case where the letter also appears in an edited form in Talbot, Alice-Mary, The Correspondence of Athanasius I, Patriarch of Constantinople (Washington, D.C., 1975),Google Scholar it will carry both the folio and the Talbot designation. The notation will also include the numbering used in Laurent, , Les Regestes des Actes du Patriarcat de Constantinople, 1, fasc, 4 (Paris, 1971).Google Scholar

8. On the influence of Athanasios over Andronicos, cf. Bǎnescu, N., “Le patriarche Athanase ler et Andronic II Paléologue: État religieux, politique et social de l' empire,” Académie Routnaine, Bulletin de la Section Historique 23 (1942):56.Google Scholar

9. See for instance, V= 140r (Regestes, 1747), where he repeated the prescriptions of Leviticus 21:7, 13–15 and applied them directly to the Orthodox priesthood.

10. Brown, Peter, “A Dark-Age Crisis: Aspects of the Iconoclastic Controversy,” The English Historical Review 346 (1973):24.Google Scholar The anthropologist being quoted in Brown's, text is Clyde Kluckhohn, Navaho Witchcraft (Boston, 1967), p. 107.Google Scholar

11. See V = 48 (Talbot, 69; Regestes, 1614), where Athanasios identifies himself with the prophetic ministry of the Old Testament.

12. Athanasios complained about the presence of these four groups of non-Orthodox in several letters. See for instance V = 12r (Talbot, 23; Regestes, 1621), V = 16v–17r (Talbot, 36; Regestes, 1639), V= 18r–19r (Talbot, 41; Regestes, 1622), and V = 31r–32r (Talbot, 46; Regestes, 1693). Athanasios used the terms Αατινοι, ‘Igr;ραλogr;ι and φράγγοι interchangably to refer to Westerners. The Jewish population provides an interesting focal point from which to study Byzantine dissidents. Prior to 1204, Byzantine Jews enjoyed approximately two hundred years of relative stability. This was disrupted by the Latin occupation. After the reconquista of 1261, their position again improved and they were among the groups invited by Michael VIII to repopulate the capital. Andronicos II established a Jewish quarter in the city; see Miklosich, Franz and Müller, J., Acta et diplomata medii aevi sacra et profana (Vienna, 1860), 5:83.Google Scholar Athanasios was not pleased with Jewish presence in the city; see V = 18r (Talbot, 41; Regestes, 1622), where he complains of τήν θεοκτόνον συναγωγη μή μόνον μέσον Καθίζεσθαι παραχωρούμεν τώνΟρθοδόξων. In another location, V = 226r (Regestes, 1777), Athanasios refers to the necessity Ιονδαιονσ τούσ θεοκτόνονσ μισείν For an introduction to Byzantine Jewry, see Sharf, Andrew, Byzantine Jewry to the Fourth Crusade (New York, 1971).Google Scholar

13. Laurent, Vitalien, “L'idée de guerre sainte et la tradition byzantine,” Revue historique du sud-est européen, 23 (1946):83:Google Scholar “La seule haine que la masse grecque ait réelement éprouvée et que la littérature de combat ait réussi à entretenir fut haine des Latins.”

14. Laiou, Angeliki E., Contantinople and the Latins: The Foreign Policy of Andronicus II (Cambridge, 1972), pp. 324–326;Google Scholar Andronicos II considered only one union effort just before the end of his reign in 1328.

15. Diehl, Charles, History of the Byzantine Empire, trans. Ives, George (Princeton, N.J., 1925), P. 157.Google Scholar All sympathy for Latin ideas became the occasion for the accusation of treason. Diehl, however, carries this theme to the point of distortion when he claims that anti-Latinism was the “underlying cause” of the mid-fourteenth century Hesychast controversy. This judgement hardly does justice to the internal dynamism of the Orthodox Christianity of the period as evidenced in Meyendorff's recent studies; see Meyendorff, John, Introduction à l'étude de Grégoire Palamas (Paris, 1959);Google Scholar and idem, “Les debuts de la controversie hésychaste,” Byzantion 23 (1953):87–120. On the Byzantine anti-unionist sentiment from a Roman Catholic perspective, see Laurent, , “Un théologien unioniste de la fin du XIIIe siècle: le metropolite d'Adrianople Theoctiste,” Revue des Études byzantines 11 (1953):187–196;CrossRefGoogle Scholar and idem, “Grégorie,” ibid., pp. 272–273.

16. Delehaye, Hippolyte (ed.), “La Vie d'Athanase, Patriarche de Constantinople,” (in Greek) Mélanges d'archéologze et d'histore d'écolefrancaise de Rome 17 (1897):54.Google Scholar Theoktistos, Vita Athanasii will be referred to below from the Delehaye text as TVA. Athonite tradition has tended to exaggerate Michael VIII's persecution of the Athonite monks; see Meyer, P., Die Haupturkunden für die Geschichte der Athoskloster (Leipzig, 1894), pp. 53–54;Google Scholar also see Rouillard, Germaine, “La politique de Michel VIII Paléologue à l'égard des monastères,” Études byzantines 1 (1943):73–84.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

17. TVA, pp. 51–52, 56–57.

18. V = 208r (Regestes, 1764).

19. V = 11r (Talbot, 19; Regestes, 1680); V = 226r (Regestes, 1777); this is a traditional Byzantine canonical ban dating to the fourth century Council of Laodicea (Canon 37).

20. See Janin, Raymond, Constantinople Byzantine (Paris, 1964), p. 247.Google Scholar

21. Janin, Raymond, “Les Sanctuaires des Colonies latines a Constantinople,” Revue des Etudes byzantines 4 (1946):163.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

22. Baynes, Norman, “Introduction,” in Baynes, N. and Moss, H., Byzantium: An Introduction to East Roman Civilisation (Oxford, 1961), p. xxvii.Google Scholar

23. Janin, , “Sanctuaires,” p. 176.Google Scholar

24. Miklosich, and Muller, , Acta, 3:84–87.Google Scholar During the fourteenth century the pastor of St. Mary's Church functioned as the official notary for the Venetian community in Constantinople; see Janin, , Constantinople, pp. 248–249.Google Scholar

25. Janin, , Constantinople, p. 246.Google Scholar

26. Buchon, J. A. C., Nouvelles recherches historiques sur la principauté francaise de Morée et ses hautes baronnies (Paris, 1863), 1:338.Google Scholar

27. Pachymeres, George, De Andronico Palaeologo, 2 vols. (Bonn, 1835) 2:536–537.Google Scholar See also Dölger, Franz, Regesten der Kaiserurkunden des oströmischen Reiches (Berlin, 1960), 4, 2195.Google Scholar

28. Pachymeres, 2:538; the angered Dominicans turned their hostility on the Pisan exarch for his role in the transfer.

29. Dondaine, Antoine, “‘Contra Graecos’. Premiers écrits polémiques des Dominicains en orient,” Archivum Fratrum Praedicatorum 21 (1951):321–388.Google Scholar It was the Tractatus contra Graecos written in Constantinople circa 1252 from which St. Thomas Aquinas borrowed some of the content of his Contra errores Graecorum.

30. V = I 2r (Talbot, 23; Regestes, 1621): τά τών Αατνων καί όπως αδεώς διδάσκειν τοτοςν άκούομεν. Laurent, , Regestes, 1621,Google Scholar takes τά vôn Αατινων to be a reference to Athanasios' fear of Latin propaganda from Byzantine supporters of the union. This is most probably a reference to Latin religious propaganda originating in the Dominican monastery.

31. Adam, Guillaum, “De modo Sarracenos extirpandi,” edited by Koehler, C. in Recueil des Historiens des Croisades, Documents arméniens (Paris, 1906), 2:523–548:Google Scholar quia eciam pertimescebat ne populus as sanam doctrinam et vite exemplum fratrum nostrum, Predicatorum scilicet et Minorum, converterentur, eos de Civitate Constantinopolitana expulit, etjuravit in manibus monacharum quod mun quam aliquem de predictis fratribus infra Constantinopolim permitteret habitare. Talbot, Commentary on letter #23, 330, assumes that the Latin monastery in Constantinople was a Franciscan (Minorite) establishment. Pachymeres' references, 2: 537–538, are too general to determine which order occupied the monastery. Adam, however, is more specific in referring to a double establishment.

32. For an excellent introduction to Latin-Greek mixed marriages during the period here considered, see Nicol, Donald M., “Mixed Marriages in Byzantium in the Thirteenth Century,” in Dugmore, C. W. and Duggan, Charles (eds.), Studies in Church History 1 (London, 1964):160–172.Google Scholar

33. Constantinidi-Bibicou, Hélène, “Yolande de Montferrat, Impératrice de Byzance,” L'Héllenisme contemporain, 2d Series, 4 (1950):426.Google Scholar For a facinating study of Irene, see Diehl, Charles, Figures Byzantines (Paris, 1948), pp. 226–245.Google Scholar

34. For a discussion of the date of Michael's crowning, see Dolger, , Regesten # 2061.Google Scholar

35. Bréhier, , “Andronic II,” 1914.Google ScholarMarinescu, C., “Tentatives de mariage de deux fils d'Andronic II Paléologue avec des princesses latines,” Revue historique du sud-est européen, 1 (1924):139;Google Scholar and Brátianu, G., “Notes sur le projet de manage entre l'empereur Michel IX Paléologue et Catherine de Courtenay, 1288–1295,” Revue historique du sud–est européen 1 (1924):59–63.Google Scholar

36. Papadopoulos, Genealogie, John = #61; Theodore #62; Demetrios #63; Simonis = #65.

37. Gregoras, Nicephoros, Historia Byzantina (Bonn, 1829), 1:234.Google Scholar “Unbelievable as it may seem, it was her [Irene's] desire that the sons of the emperor should not rule as sovereigns in accordance with old Roman custom, but should partition Roman towns and lands after the Latin fashion.”

38. Constantinidi-Bibikou, , “Yolande,” p 425.Google Scholar Also cf. Pachymeres, 2:379; and Gregoras, 1:240.

39. Andronicos did offer Irene several concessions in the form of the right to grant certain privileges to her sons. Cf. Dölger, , Regesten #2158.Google Scholar

40. Moranville, H., “Les Projets de Charles de Valois sur l'Empire de Constantinople,” Bibliothèque de l'école des chartes 51 (1890):63–86.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

41. V = 78v (Talbot, 98; Regestes, 1648): καί τό τής γνώμης καί τό τον γένους κατά πάντα υπέρøρυ….

42. V = 69r-70v (Talbot, 84; Regestes, Appendix 8); the text also appears in Laiou, Angeliki, “A Byzantine Prince Latinized: Theodore Palaeologus, Marquis of Montferrat,” Byzarition 38 (1968):386–410.Google Scholar

43. V = 69v (Talbot, 84; Regestes, Appendix 8): και αλλοδαπεί γή βαρβάροις κατοικουμένη.

44. V = 69r (Talbot, 84; Regestes, Appendix 8).

45. V = 69v (Talbot, 84; Regestes, Appendix 8): σωματικήν αναμενουντες βοήθειν.

46. Pachymeres records that, due to Athanasios' opposition, Andronicos forbade the entire project. Later, he suggested that Irene send their youngest son, Demetrios, to Italy (Pachymeres 2:598); as an apparent compromise, they sent their middle son, Theodore. Perhaps because Theodore was considerably younger than John and, hence, by Byzantine custom further removed from the Byzantine throne, Athanasios raised no vigorous objection to this arrangement. But as Athanasios had predicted, Theodore married a Genoese princess and declared obedience to the papacy; see Laiou, , “Byzantine Prince,” pp. 379–401.Google Scholar Gregoras 1:244 and 396 reports that Theodore later visited Constantinople with a shaven face after the Latin custom. Theodore also encouraged Andronicos' only flirtation with ecclesiastical union; see Omont, H., “Projet de reunion des Eglises greque et latine sous Charles le Bel en 1327,” Bibliothèque de l'école des chartes 53 (1892):254–257.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

47. Bréhier, Louis, L'église et l'orient an moyen-âge: les croisades (Paris, 1928), p. 249.Google Scholar

48. Pachymeres, 2:274, mentions that Boniface VIII crowned Charles of Valois as emperor, even though he had no empire to assume. See Reynaldus, Odoricus, Annales ecciesiastici denuo excusi ad A. Theiner (Barri-Ducis, 1870), p. 1304, #29.Google Scholar

49. Grumel, V., La Chronologie (“Traité d'études byzantines”; Paris, 1958), p. 440.Google Scholar

50. Reynaldus, , Annales, p. 1306, #52;Google Scholar see also p. 1397, #56, where the pope urges Charles II of Naples to reconquer Constantinople for the Latin church.

51. Bréhier, , L'église, p. 267.Google Scholar

52. Ibid., p. 251; also Runciman, Steven, A History of the Crusades, 3 vols. (New York, 1967), 3:430.Google Scholar

53. For a full discussion of Lull's life and work, see Atiya, Aziz, The Crusade in the Later Middle Ages (London, 1938), pp. 74–94.Google Scholar

54. Runciman, , Crusades, pp. 431–432;Google Scholar Runciman refers to Lull as “unpleasantly intolerant” of Greek Christians.

55. Adam, , “De modo,” cxciv, 553;Google Scholar Constantinople is described as a convenient point from which to occupy Anatolia and retake Syria.

56. Runciman, , Crusades, 3:427.Google Scholar

57. See Laiou, , Constantinople, p. 218,Google Scholar where it is suggested that the Byzantine party encouraging Charles of Valois included Arsenites and pro-Lascarid elements. This conclusion seems improbable, in spite of Constantine Limpidaris' comment that Andronicos was an “unnatural ruler.” Laiou takes this phrase to refer to the fact that Michael VIII had usurped the Lascarid throne. The Arsenites, however, had too strong a tradition of anti-Latin sentiment and the Lascarid element too strong a tradition of opposition to Latin rule to join in Charles' plot. On the letter of Limpidaris, see Moranville, , “Projets,” p. 84.Google Scholar

58. Constantinidi-Bibikou, , “Yolande,” p. 426;Google Scholar also on the conspiracy, see idem, “Documents concernant l'histoire byzantine, déposés aux Archives Nationales de France,” Mélanges offerts à Octave et Melpo Merlier (Athens, 1956), 1:129, where three Byzantine documents relating to the conspiracy are discussed.

59. V = 7r (Talbot, 13: Regestes, 1610).

60. Ostrogorsky, , History, p. 495.Google Scholar

61. Constantinidi-Babikou, , “Yolande,” p. 436;Google Scholar also Moranville, , “Projets,” p. 12, n.5.Google Scholar Pertinent to this discussion are the documents appended to Laiou, , Constantinople, pp. 341–343.Google Scholar

62. Constantinidi-Bibikou, , “Yolande,” p. 439;Google Scholar Irene seems to have ceased intriguing after 1308 and nothing more is heard of her. She died sometime around 1317, leaving her fortune to Andronicos; cf. Gregoras, 1:273.

63. Constantinidi-Bibikou, , “Yolande,” p. 435.Google Scholar

64. Moranville, , “Projets,” pp. 63–64.Google Scholar

65. Pachymeres, 2:310–314.

66. Finlay, George, A History of Greece, 7 vols. (Oxford, 1877), 3:389.Google Scholar

67. Laiou, , Constantinople, pp. 127–129.Google Scholar

68. Muntaner, Ramon, The Chronicle of Muntaner, trans. Goodenough, Lady (London, 1921), p. cxcix.Google Scholar Pachymeres, 2:395–396. There is much recent and valuable work on the Catalans, see for instance Lluch, Rubióy, Diplomatari de l'Orient Catala, 1302–1409 (Barcelona, 1947).Google Scholar

69. Muntaner, , Chronicle, p. cxcix;Google Scholar also see Dölger, , Regesten #2263,Google Scholar where it is dated at the end of March.

70. On the date of the arrival, cf. Caro, George, “Zur Chronologie der drei letzten Bürden des Pachymeres,” Byzantinische Zeitschrift 6 (1897):115–116.CrossRefGoogle Scholar The group is traditionally referred to as Catalans because it was composed primarily of Catalonians; its lightly armed infantry men, the Almugavors, were the most effective part of the band; cf. Laiou, , Constantinople, p. 134.Google Scholar

71. Finlay, , History, p. 391.Google Scholar

72. Muntaner, , Chronicle, p. ccii;Google Scholar Muntaner reports that over 3000 Genoese were killed as punishment for their arrogance.

73. Pachymeres, 2:316.

74. Muntaner, , Chronicle, p. ccii,Google Scholar reports that they would have taken Constantinople had they had ships available.

75. Pachymeres, 2:388, 410, 412.

76. Dade, Erwin, Versuche zur Wiedererrichtung der latinischen Herrschaft in Konstantinopel in Rahmen der abendläandischen Politik (Jena, 1938), Part II, pp. 2, 7.Google Scholar

77. Nicol, , Centuries, p. 136.Google Scholar

78. Pachymeres, 2:288; on leaving the city, Michael bitterly ordered the inhabitants not to admit Roger.

79. V = 3v (Talbot, 3; Regestes, 1673); cf. Bǎnescu, , “Athanase,” p. 43.Google Scholar

80. V = 16v (Talbot, 35; Regestes, 1630). Pachymeres repeats the charge that Andronicos refused to heed Athanasios' warnings regarding the Catalans; cf. Pachymeres, 2:399–400.

81. Cf. supra, note 85.

82. V = 6r (Talbot, 9; Regestes, 1594): τή εκκλησιαν καθάραι συγκοινωνιας τών Ιταλών.

83. V 76r (Talbot, 94; Regestes, 1608): λύκοάπελεγχθήτω is just one of the terms Athanasios used for the Catalans; on the use of the term “Sicilian”, cf. Talbot, Commentary on letter 94.

84. V = 31r (Talbot, 46; Regestes, 1693). Talbot, Commentary on letter 46, believes that Iταλών, in this letter is a reference either to Genoese, Venetians, or Catalans. It is most probably a reference to the Catalans, who, along with the Turks, were inflicting great suffering on the Byzantine Anatolian population.

85. Pachymeres, 2:349; Gregoras, 1:220.

86. Pachymeres, 2:522–523.

87. V = 47r (Talbot, 68; Regestes, 1624).

88. Muntaner, , Chronicle, p. ccx;Google Scholar Pachymeres, 2:493–494; Zakythinos, , Crise, pp. 8–10, 18–19.Google Scholar On this new coin, which was apparently produced in a face value and a debased edition, cf. Laurent, V., “Le basilicon: nouveau nom de monnie sous Andronic II Paléologue,” Byzantinisehe Zeztschrift 45 (1925):50–58.Google Scholar Laurent suggests that Andronicos had planned to rouse the Byzantine people against the Catalans who would be passing on inferior coinage to the general public.

89. Pachymeres, 2:506 (= στρατηγός αύτοκράτωρ) cf. Dölger, , Regesten #2277.Google Scholar

90. Pachymeres, 2:525;Gregoras, 1:223–224; Muntaner, , Chronicle, pp. ccxiii, ccviv, ccxv.Google Scholar

91. Pachymeres, 2:531–533; cf. also Laiou, , Constantinople, pp. 164–165.Google Scholar

92. Pachymeres, 2:618–619, 621–623.

93. Pachymeres, 1:622–623. Several imperial embassies were sent to de Rocafort offering him and his troops money and citizenship if they would again resume Byzantine service. Cf. Dölger, , Regesten, #2302 (14 10 1306).Google Scholar

94. Muntaner, , Chronicle, p. ccxxv.Google Scholar

95. Ibid., pp. ccxxi-ccxxiii.

96. Pachymeres, 2:528–529.

97. Pachymeres, 2:628; also Laiou, , “The Provisioning of Constantinople During the Winter of 1206–07,” Byzantion 37 (1967):100–101.Google Scholar

98. V = 46r (Talbot, 67; Regestes, 1650).

99. V = 46v (Talbot, 67; Regestes, 1650).

100. Nicol, , Centurie, p. 141.Google Scholar

101. Constantelos, Demetrios J., “Life and Social Welfare Activity of Patriarch Athanasios I of Constantinople,” Theologia 41 (1975):611–625.Google Scholar

102. V 81r (Talbot, 106; Regestes, 1606); cf. also Brǎtianu, G. I., “La question de l'aprovisionnement de Constantinople a l'époque byzantine et ottomane,” Byzantion 5 (1929–1930):101.Google Scholar

103. Pachymeres, 2:461

104. Pachymeres, 2:493–494.

105. V 54r (Talbot, 72; Regestes, 1649).

106. V = 75r (Talbot, 93; Regestes, 1652).

107. Pachymeres, 2: 597, 605.

108. Cf. Book of the Prefect in J., and Zepos, P., Jus Graeco-Romanum (Athens, 1931), 2: 388;Google ScholarLaiou, , Constantinople, p. 196.Google Scholar

109. Laiou, , “Provisioning,” pp. 92–94.Google Scholar

110. Brǎtianu, G. I., Études byzantines d'histoire économique et sociale (Paris, 1938), pp. 161–162;Google Scholar in 1302 Andronicos concluded a treaty with the Venetians by which they were permitted to export wheat as long as the price was not greater than 100 hyperper/100 modioi in Constantinople.