^2. Janssen, Johannes, Joh. Friederich Böhmer's Leben und Anschauungen (Freilburg i. Br., 1869), pp. 262–263.Google Scholar

^3. For a bibliography on the Vaticinium Lehninse, see British Museum Catalogue of Printed Books, Vol. 102 (London, 1961), columns 508–511.Google Scholar

^4. I have tried to trace the forerunners of 19th century reunionism in my forth-coming book, Katholasohe und lutherische Ireniker (Göttiugen, 1968)Google Scholar, chapters I & II, but my survey is by no means complete.

^5. Au eye-witness account of the Conference as well as a collection of “all sources which have become known” provided Ludwig Clarus (Wilhelm Volk), Die Zusammenkunft gläubiger Protestanten und Katholiken su Erfurt im Herbste 1860 und deren Verlauf (Paderborn, 1867).Google ScholarFaszikel P/a of the Gerlachshehes Familienarchiv in the Seminar für Religions- und Geistesgeschichte, Erlangen, Kochetrasse 4, contains pertinent letters, newspaper clippings, and the printed manifesto, most of which material has been published by Professor Hans Joachim Schoeps in the Zeitschrift für Religions- und Geistesgeschichte, Vol. V (1953), 135–159Google Scholar, as well as in the appendices of the 2nd (Honnef/Rhein, 1957) and 3rd editions (Berlin, 1964) of his book Das andere Preussen.

^6. Because Volk and Sehoeps bring only German translations of the Giornale di Roma article of October 2, 1860, the pertinent passages of the original version, which appeared on the first page under the Papal coat-of-arms as Notizie Di'versie, may be of interest:“Un gran numero di teologi e di laici protestanti e cattolici sono ruiniti a Erfruth il 21 e 22 de agosto per preparare una coversione in massa al Cattolicismo di que' protestanti, che conversano ancora un fib di fede, e non trovano i principi cristiani che nella religione cattolica romana. Dalla parte de' cattolici si citta tra i convenuti il nome del conte Caio di Stolberg, e dalla parte dei protestanti i celebre professore Leo di Halle, che i nostri lettori conoscono pcl bellissimo articolo ch 'egli scrisse in favore del Papa. Instanto la stampa protestante, quella che appartiene al protestantismo che dicono positivo, perchè non s' è ancora gettato nello scetticismo e riconosce tuttavia certi prineipi di fede, continua a sostenere le parti del S. Padre, perehè vede in lui las causa della religione, della libertá, della verità, della guistizia.”

^7. Cf. Kladderadatsch of November 11, 1860, title page: Erfurt. Bruchstück aus einer noch unvollendeten Tragikomödie: “Revanche für Canossa.” The puns on the names of the participants are, I am afraid, untranslatable. Thus Leo was called “das Käuschen von Halle.” Kauz (diminutive, Käuschen) does not only mean “night owl” but “funny old man.”

^8. Cf. Conzemins, Vietor, “Hermann Adalbert Daniel” in Zeitsohrift fü Kirchengeschichte, Vol I/II, 100–1Google Scholar, footnote 158.

^9. An evaluation of (Ernst) Ludwig von Gerlach's religious and political ideals is to be found in Schoeps, Hans Joachim, Das andere Preussen, chapters I, II, and IV.Google Scholar

^10. Cf. von Gerlach, Ernst Ludwig, Aufzeichnungen aus seinem Leben (Schwerin, 1903), Vol. II, 177.Google Scholar This is only one of numerous sighs for a truly ecumenical church.

^11. Schoeps, Hans Joachim, Das andere Preussen, 3rd edition (Berlin, 1964), p. 66.Google Scholar

^12. Quoted in Ut omnes unum, p. 372, by Julie von Massow to commemorate the filth anniversary of his death (February 18, 1877).

^13. On Leo's religious, historical, and political views, see Schoeps, Hans Joaehim, Das andre Preussen, chapter III.Google Scholar A summary of Leo's attitudes towards Lutheranism and Catholicism is to be found in Schoeps, Hans Joachim, “Historische Werturteile bei Heinrich Leo” in Politische Ordnung und mensohliche Existens (München, 1962), pp. 497–524.Google Scholar

^14. Specifically, Daniel, Hermann Adalbert, Theologische Controversen (Halle, 1843)Google Scholar; Lechler, Karl, Die neutestamentliche Lehre vom heiligen Amte (Stuttgart, 1857)Google Scholar; Schulze, Friedrich Wilhelm, Über romanisierende Tendensen, ein Wort zum Frieden (Berlin, 1870)Google Scholar.

^15. On Michelis, , see Allgemeine Deutsche Biographie, Vol. 52, 376–384Google Scholar, as well as a serialized biography by Menn, Matthias in Internationale Kirchliche Zeitschrift (Bern, 1913/1914)Google Scholar. Micheis' philosophy is comprehensively described by Kowalewski, Arnold, Die Philosophie des Bewusetseins von Friedrich Miehelis und ihre Bedeutung für die Philosophie überhaupt (Berlin, 1897).Google Scholar

^16. Volk told his story (under his pen name, Ludwig Clarus) in Geständnisse eines im Protestantismus erzogenen Christen über religiöse Erziehung und Bildung (Mainz, 1846)Google Scholar, Glaubenslehrjahre eines im Protestantismus erzogenen Christen (Mainz, 1851)Google Scholar, and Simeon, Wanderungen und Heimkehr eines christlichen Forschers, III vols. (Schaffhausen, 1862-1863)Google Scholar.

^17. Pax vobiscum! Die kirchliche Wiedervereinigung der Katholiken und Protestanten, historisch-pragmatisch beleuohtet von einem Protestanten (Bamberg, 1863).Google Scholar Dittmar acknowledges his authorship in the Bayreuther Pfarrbeschreibung (Nr. 602, p. 116). The Pfarrbeschrebung is a collection of records in which each pastor of the Lutheran parish of Bayreuth described his conduct of office.

^18. For details of Krafft's career, see the various editions of Rosenthal's, DavidKontvertitenbilder aus dem neunzehnten Jahrhundert (Regensburg, 1866 et sqq.).Google Scholar In the Augsburg newspaper Sion, published, Krafft “Gedanken eines Convertiten, angeregt durch Clarus' letste Schrift: Die Zusammenkunft gläubiger Protestanten und Katholiken zu Erfurt” (09 2 & 5, 1868)Google Scholar. On September 6, 1868, there appeared his article, “Haben in unserer Zeit irenische Bestrebungen Aussicht auf Erfolg?”, in the Sendbote, another Augsburg newspaper. In Sion of 01 20, 1869Google Scholar, Krafft reviewed Baumatark's Gedanken eines Protestanten über die päpstliche Einladung (to the Vatican Council of 1870), which was also printed as a pamphlet, and translated into Dutch. A detailed plan for peace entitled “Zur Frage der Wiedervereinigung im Glauben” appeared in September 1869 in the Würzburg periodical Die Kaholische Bewegung in Deutschland. A booklet, Kirchliche Wiedervereinigung (Mainz, 1871)Google Scholar was followed by the pamphlets Zwcölf Thesen behufs einer mögliehen Wiedervereinigung in Deutsohland, Zwölf weitere Thesen zur Herbeiführung einer wirkliehen kirchlichen Wiedervereinigung, and Kurzer möglichst gründlicher Unterricht für Nichtkatholiken, welche aus eigenem Antriebe sich mit der katholischen Kirche wieder zu vereanigen wünschen, all of which appeared in Neuburg an der Donau, 1874. In 1872 and 1873. Krafft had published in Der Katholik the articles “Gegenwärtige Disporition des Protestantismus in Bezug auf irenische Hoffnungen,”“Was bleibt für kirchliche Wiedervereinigung auf unserer Seite zu wünschen iibrg?”, and Möglichkeit einer friedlichen Aussöhnung gldäubiger Protestanten mit der katholischen Kirche.” As contributor to Ut omnes unum, Krafft authored exegetical studies as well as an interpretation of the Vaticinium Lehninse. His articles, books, and pamphlets showed a familiarity with all previous irenical literature. Not mentioned in this bibliography, which should only serve as a sample of the public relations work of a reunionist, are the innumerable letters Krafft wrote to the German Catholic bishops and such Protestant lay theologians as Gerlach and Leo.

^19. On Julie von Massow, see her biography by Sister Bernardina, Maria, Julie v. Massow, geb. v. Behr, 2nd edition (Freiburg i. Br., 1912).Google Scholar This book based on Frau von Massow's diaries, and memoirs of her friends contains the most complete picture of the Black Mondays. The personal data of the praticipants, and of the later contributors to Ut omnes unum, I collected from parish records, private archives, and contemporary reference works. Julie von Massow's regular column in Ut omnes unum was edited in book form by Josef Beer (a priest who himself wrote under the name Irenicus), Dorotheen-Körblein von Julie von Massow, geb. v. Behr (Angaburg, 1896).Google Scholar

^20. Cf. Rauft, Franz, Das katholisch-protestantische Problem (Fulda, 1947), pp. 233–234.Google Scholar

^21. Pulzer, P. G. J., The Rise of Political Anti-Semitism in Germany and Austria (New York, 1964), p. 273.Google Scholar

^22. On Fechenbach's political activities, see Schoeps, Hans Joaehlim, “CDU vor 75 Jahren—Die sozialpolitischen Bestrebungen des Reichsfreiherrn Friedrich Carl von Fechenbach (1836–1907)” in Zeitschrift für Religions- und Geistesgeschichte, VoL IX (1957), 266–277.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

^23. Ich werde katholisch. Wer folgt mir, oder wer hält mich zurück? Bittende Frage im persönhichen wie im Interesse der Völker von einem Evangelischcn (Leipzig, 1878).Google Scholar

^24. Was zieht uns naeh Rom? Beantwortet aus den Excerpten eines Konvertiten (Leipzig, 1884; 3rd edition, 1886)Google Scholar, and Gottes Arbeit am Gewissen. Zugleich Fortsetzung der Schrift: “Was Zieht uns nash Rom?” (Paderborn, 1892)Google Scholar.

^25. The full title was Ut omnes unum, Auf dass Alle Eins seien. Correspondenzblatt zur Vertständigung und Vereinigung unter den getrennten Christen. The only extant copies which cover the years 1880–1886 are in the Erzbischöfliche Akademische Bibliothek, Paderborn, West Germany. I have listed the main contributors as far as they could be identified as well as their major axticles in Katholische und lutherische Ireniker (Göttingen, 1968), chapter VI.Google Scholar

^26. Unionsiversuche zwischen Katholiken and Protestanten Deutschlands (Frankfurt, 1885).Google ScholarThe Frankfurter zeitgemässe Broschüren were a series of booklets edited by a group of Catholic scholars and prelates, among them the bishop of Mainz, Paul Leopold Haffner.

^27. Katechismus des Neunschnten Jahrunderts für Juden und Protestanten, den auch Katholiken lesen dürfen (Mainz, 1877).Google Scholar

^28. Grundlinien christlicher Irenik. Aufruf und Beitrag zum Frieden unter den christlichen Confessionen und Nationen (Leipzig, 1882).Google Scholar

^29. Ein Wort zum Frieden in dem oonfessionellen Kampf der Gegenwart (1890, 1894 & 1896).Google Scholar

^30. Wider den Krieg, für den Frieden. Urteile zur Überwindung von Vorurteilen (Frankfurt, 1898).Google Scholar

^31. Das Bekenntnis eines guten Gewissens, Evangelischen und Katholiken zur Selbstprüfung empfohlen (Leipzig, 1903).Google Scholar

^32. Professor Herman Hoffmann, born 1878, ordained 1902, taught religion at the Matthias-Gymnasium in Breslan, , and edited the Friedensblätter (1906-1909)Google Scholar, Heliand (1909–1914), Sobrietas (1920–1927), and Seelsorge (1923). He was a leading member of the Fellowship of Reconciliation, the Katholischer Deutscher Friedensbund, the World Alliance for Peace through Religion, and the Una-Sancta-Brotherhood. At a meeting at Nyborg, Denmark, in 1923, he advocated, together with the French Reformed pastor Marc Bogner, a reconciliation between France and Germany. In recognition of these activities as well as his scholarly publications in the field of church history, Hoffmann was awarded in 1958 an honorary Doctor of Theology degree by the University of Würzburg. Residing today in Leipzig, he is the last living link between the reunion movements of the 19th and 20th centuries. On Bernhard Strehler (1872- 1945), see Kaps, Johannes, Vom Leben und Sterben schlesischer Priester (München 1950-1954), pp. 89–91.Google Scholar

^33. Zur Wiederiereinigung der getrennten Christen (Breslau, 1903)Google Scholar, and Kritiken und Neues sur Wiedervereinigung (Breslan, 1906).Google Scholar

^34. Löwentraut, Alexander, Eine heilige allgemeine Kirche (Leipzig, 1917).Google Scholar

^35. In October 1917, the Lutheran pastor Heinrich Hansen at Kropp near Sehleswig published 95 “Spiesse und Nägel, d. i. Streitsätse wider die Irrnisse und Wirrnisse unserer Zeit” in German and Latin, which called the reformation a deformation, and insisted on a return to true catholicity. Hansen's Stimuli ct clavi started a high church movement (Hochkirchliche Vereinigung) which led to the first dialogue between Lutherans and Roman Catholics in Berlin, Pentecost 1934. — On the other hand, there appeared on the Reformation Festival of 1917, 95 Leitsätze which pleaded for a Deutschchristentum auf rein evangelischer Grundlage. In the thought trail of these theses, a series of associations were founded which wanted a united German church seeking God the Germanic way, and venerating Jesus as an Aryan hero. The Deutsche Christen were only one group among many, most of whom were suppressed by National Socialism which would not tolerate any similar ideology.

^36. Ludwig von Gerlach in a letter of December 13, 1868, to Adolf von Thaddea-Trieglaff, to be found in the Gerlachsches Familienarchiv, Faszikel BB/C.