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Published online by Cambridge University Press: 02 August 2012
Reforming efforts at the Council of Trent (1545–1563), the challenges of Protestantism, the rise of national states, and the reassessment of just war doctrine, had initiated a moment of crisis for crusading by the mid-sixteenth century. Indeed, historians have described these trends as signaling the end of the movement. This article explores the theoretical underpinnings deployed by an elite group of Spanish theologians and churchmen in May of 1567 to shore up their monarch's claim to a lucrative version of the crusade indulgence granted by popes since the fifteenth century. By rehearsing traditional arguments, eschewing those they saw as obsolete, and deploying new ones, these theorists expose the remarkable adaptability of crusading. The integrity of papally sanctioned holy war against the enemies of the faith collapsed in later centuries with the rise of international law and recognition of permanent divisions within the respublica Christiana. Yet, the ability of sixteenth-century Spanish theorists to recast ideology in the face of shifting intellectual, cultural, and social tides indicates the continuing viability of crusading during a period of inchoateness.
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16 In fact, three basic varieties of bulas de la cruzada existed. What is described here is by far the most common sort: the bula común de vivos.
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19 Goñi Gaztambide, Historia de la Bula de la Cruzada, 508–16. See the contemporary accounts of abuses in Archivo General de Simancas, Patronato Real, Cruzada y Subsidio [henceforth, AGSC], leg. 20, doc. 56, fols. 329r–330v and doc. 106, fols. 569r–570v.
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22 Lorraine's original decree had opposed the practice of establishing a set price for indulgences and offering indulgences with suspensions (that is, expiration dates). See Goñi Gaztambide, Historia de la Bula, 550–59 and Paleotto, Gabriele, Acta Concilii Tridentini Anno MDLXII et MDLXIII usque in finem concilii, ed. Mendham, Joseph (London: Jacobum Duncan, 1842), 645Google Scholar.
23 “. . . malissimo esempio et publico scandalo di tutto il mondo . . ..” Serrano, Luciano, ed., Correspondencia diplomatica entre España y la Santa Sede durante el pontificado de Pio V, 4 vols. (Rome: Impr. del Instituto Pio IX, 1914), 1:448Google Scholar. For Pius' disapproval of eleemosynary indulgences, see Etsi Dominici gregis, in Septimus decretalium constitutionum apostolicarum, ed. Matthieu, Pierre (Frankfurt: Fayeraband, 1590), 392–96 (lib. 3, tit. XV)Google Scholar.
24 It is unclear whose idea it was to solicit the pareceres. But they were solicited in the name of the king and the responses were addressed to Philip. Consequently, we will simply assume that the king's will lay behind the request, even if he was not the one to propose the stratagem or to draft the letter.
25 AGSC, leg. 20, docs. 47–8, 50–2, 93, 95, 97–101. Four of the pareceres have been printed in modern editions. For Guerrero, Covarrubias, and Delgado, see Cereceda, Feliciano, “Un episodo de la historia eclesiástica española: La concesión de la cruzada el año 1567,” Miscelánea Comillas 4 (1946): 109–48Google Scholar. For Azpilcueta's, see Gaztambide, José Goñi, “Un dictamen inédito del Dr. Navarro sobre Cruzada,” Hispania 23 (1946): 242–66Google Scholar.
26 “su Mag[esta]d este muy gastado con las guerras passadas y presentes . . . .” AGSC, leg. 20, doc. 93, fol. 482r.
27 “las neçesidades de los Reyes de españa eran y son segun se dize tan grandes y avian gastado tanto de sus patrimonios en serviçio de la yglesia en defender las provinçias y cobrar otras de nuebo . . . .” AGSC, leg. 20, doc. 101 (Gaspar de Zúñiga y Avellaneda), fol. 527r.
28 “Tengo por cosa digna de su sant[ida]d conçeder la cruzada como en los t[iem]pos passados, assi por la instancia de infieles como hemos dicho como por la pobreza del rey y reyno tan xpiano . . . .” AGSC, leg. 20, doc. 97 (Juan de Salinas), fol. 507v.
29 “la causa principal porque se concede la dicha indulgencia es la suma grande de dineros q[ue] es necessaria para guerra tan pia y grande . . . .” AGSC, leg. 20, doc. 93, fol. 482v.
30 “esto no se puede hazer sin gran sumo de din[er]o . . . .” AGSC, leg. 20, doc. 47 (Diego de Chaves), fol. 291v. To be sure, the bull of crusade would also motivate the people not only to give money but also to engage in other pious acts such as prayer and fasting that would likewise contribute to victory, but generally financial concerns took center stage. See Cordoba, 491r.
31 Worthy of brief mention but generally of less importance among the financial rationale was the need to protect trade. Juan de Salinas argued that Barbary corsairs and Ottoman pirates had made the seas unsafe for Christian merchants; Mediterranean commerce was a necessary part of early modern life and deserved to be defended. See AGSC, leg. 20, doc. 97, fol. 505v. Salinas' argument may have been drawn from Francisco de Vitoria's conclusion that international trade was a law of nature. See Scott, James Brown, The Spanish Origins of International Law (Union, N.J.: The Lawbook Exchange, 2000), 144Google Scholar.
32 Riley-Smith, Jonathan, The First Crusade and the Idea of Crusading (London: Continuum, 2003), 18Google Scholar.
33 AGSC, leg. 20, doc. 97 (Juan de Salinas), fol. 505v; AGSC, leg. 20, doc. 47 (Diego de Chaves), fol. 292v.
34 “Pues sy esto se puede hazer por q[ue] 30 o 100 hombres no rreniguen la fee por que el papa por que tantos millares de christianos no la pierdan y no solo ellos pero todos los que en aquellos pueblos dellos naçieron hasta el dia del juizio . . . .” AGSC, leg. 20, doc. 47, fol. 292v.
35 Riley-Smith, , The Crusades, xxx, 23–24, 173Google Scholar; and Fonnesberg-Schmid, Iben, The Popes and the Baltic crusades, 1147–1254 (Leiden: Brill, 2007), 84–85Google Scholar.
36 “El qual no le resistiendo mañana entrara en ytalia y en toda spaña . . . .” AGSC, leg. 20, doc. 97, fol. 505v. “no quede vestigio de lo q[ue] fundaron los apostoles sino solas sus casas de sathanas . . . .” AGSC, leg. 20, doc. 97, fol. 506r.
37 AGSC, leg. 20, doc. 51, fol. 309r.
38 “supuesto que tantos summos pontificos con maduro co[n]sejo y larga deliveraçion tantos t[iem]pos atras han conçedido esta cruzada . . . parar aora su s[antida]d en ella havi[en]do m[a]yor causa para dalla que tuvieron sus predeçesores no paresçe se podria hazer sin mucho escandalo . . . .” AGSC, leg. 20, doc. 47, fols. 292v–293r.
39 “sea de dar occasion de scandalo a los buenos y catholicos . . .” AGSC, leg. 20, doc. 95 (Antonio de Córdoba), fol. 495r.
40 “que en los tiempos y cruzadas pasadas el papa o la yglesia avian usado de algunas fraudes o avian hecho mal y errado en conceder las tales bullas indulgencias y facultade . . . .” AGSC, leg. 20, doc. 95 (Antonio de Córdoba), fol. 495r.
41 See AGSC, leg. 20, doc.101 (Gaspar de Zúñiga y Avellaneda), fol. 535r and doc. 97 (Juan de Salinas), fol. 506r.
42 “solo el rey lo puede hazer . . .” AGSC, leg. 20, doc. 97, fol. 505v. See also doc. 99 (Mancio de Corpus Christi), fol. 515r, which makes a similar argument.
43 “solo el la puede servir en estos desdichados t[iem]pos . . . .” AGSC, leg. 20, doc. 97, fol. 507v.
44 “cuya defensa en estos tiempos por la mayor parte o casi de todo pende de los catholicos Reyes de españa: pues ellos solos vemos que tienen guerras ordinarias contra los infieles . . . .” AGSC, leg. 20, doc. 95, fol. 495v.
45 See, for example, the letter of Phlip II to Luis de Requesens, Madrid, 8 May 1563 in de Zabálburu, Francisco, ed., Pio IV y Felip Segundo: Primeros diez meses de la embajada de Don Luis Requesens en Roma, 1563–64 (Madrid: Imprenta de Rafael Marco, 1891), 15Google Scholar. “La principal gracia que se ha de pedir a su Santidad . . . es que nos conceda perpetua la Cruzada.”
46 “y asi pareçe no por esso se ha de dexar de conçeder la gracia a su mag[esta]d que a los reyes de gloriosa memoria sus predeçesores se ha conçedido para defensa de la Religion de que tanta neçesidad tiene la yglesia en estos tiempos pues su mag[esta]d la haze mas que ninguna prinçipe xpi[sti]ano y que todos juntos. . . .” AGSC, leg. 20, doc. 48, fol. 301r.
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56 As Goñi notes, Antonio de Córdoba mentions a memorial that accompanied the request for his opinion. Historia de la Bula, 567n17. Diego de Chaves alludes to it as well in AGSC, leg. 20, doc. 47, fol. 297r.
57 Letter of Juan de Zúñiga to Philip II, Rome, 9 March 1568; AGSC, leg. 20, doc. 55, fol. 327r. On the editing of the responses, see Goñi Gaztambide, Historia de la Bula, 572. The following authors were given to Pius; the remainder were withheld: Diego de Chaves, Francisco Delgado López, Fernando Páez, Diego de Covarrubias y Levia, Antonio de Córdoba, and Juan de Salinas. For the translated pareceres (but missing Antonio de Córdoba's), see Rome, Biblioteca Apostolica Vaticana, Vat. Lat., codex 7388, fols. 21–48.
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70 “el bien publico esta claro pues no çesan las invasiones y offensas q[ue] los infieles cada dia con mayor agonia y fuerças hazen a la christiandad y procuran hazer por donde esta llano ser cada dia necessario el nuevo socorro . . . por el bien comun de toda la Republica xpi[sti]ana a cuya defension su mag[esta]d assiste por todas las partes.” AGSC, leg. 20, doc. 52 (Diego de Covarrubias y Levia), fol. 317r.
71 “la rrazon y causa legitima para dar la indulgençia es la honrra de dios y bien comun de la ygl[es]ia . . . .” AGSC, leg. 20, doc. 47, fol. 291r. The phrases “bien común,” “bien público,” “causa común,” and “causa pública” are used frequently in the responses; their meaning appears to be largely interchangeable.
72 “la causa comun sufficientissima es la que ha avido para que se conçeda indulgençia a los fieles que ayudaren contra la guerra. . . contra los infieles por ser tanta la pujança de los Turcos . . . .” AGSC, leg. 20, doc, 101 (Gaspar de Zúñiga y Avellaneda), fols. 528r-v.
73 “ni para resistir a los [infieles] ni castigar y confundir a los [herejes] ay otro remedio humano sino la guerra y fuerça de armas hecha por mano de su mag[esta]d. . . . si [el Papa] le quita o dilata este socorro [de la cruzada] dara lugar a diverso juizios todas en gran daño de la causa publica” AGSC, leg. 20, doc. 100, fol. 523v.
74 Compare with Vitoria's description of the sufficient grounds for waging war. Political Writings, 304.
75 “se estimarian en mas y podria cesar la revocaçion porq[ue] quedaria lugar para conceder nuevas gra[cia]s quando concurriesa la causa publica o comun . . . .” AGSC, leg. 20, doc. 98, fol. 509v.
76 This is not to suggest that the Franciscan tradition had failed to engage the notion of natural law before the sixteenth century. Both Duns Scotus and William of Ockham made important contributions to the debate in the later Middle Ages, but in sixteenth-century Spain the parameters of debates on the topic were typically conditioned by Vitorian reinvigoration of Thomistic thought. For a late medieval Franciscan approach to natural law, see Offler, H. S., “Three Modes of Natural Law in Ockham. A Revision of the Text,” Franciscan Studies 23 (1977): 207–18CrossRefGoogle Scholar.
77 “las leyes del conçilio ni al derech natural y divino . . . .” AGSC, leg. 20, doc. 51, fol. 312r. For additional uses of terms and arguments that resonate with natural law concepts, see his discussion of the bula de composición (a version of the bula de la cruzada that could be used to legitimize ill-gotten gains) in fols. 310r-v.
78 For use of similar language by Páez's confrere, Antonio de Córdoba, OFM, see AGSC, leg. 20, doc. 95, fol. 318v and 319r.
79 Vitoria even seems to deny that going to war against unbelievers who “put the Crucifix to ridicule, or in any way abused or shamed Christian things, for instance by making mockery of the sacraments of the Church or things of this kind” was illegitimate. Political Writings, 265–66.
80 Achille Olivieri, “Il significato escatologico di Lepanto nella storia religiosa del Mediterraneo del Cinquecento,” 257–77; and Calero, Bartolomé Pozuelo, “El Licenciado Pacheco y Lepanto: un poema latino de vaiticinios y delirios imperiales,” Excerpta philologica 4–5 (1994–5): 335–69Google Scholar.
81 García Martín, “La Jerusalén Libertada,” 45–52.
82 de Cañete, Cristóbal López, Compendio de los pronósticos y baticinios antiguos y modernos que publicavan la declinacion general de la secta de Mohama, y libertad de Hierusalem y Palestina (Madrid: Francisco Heglan, 1630)Google Scholar. See also Magnier, Grace, Pedro de Valencia and the Catholic Apologists of the Expulsion of the Moriscos (Leiden: Brill. 2010), 122–36CrossRefGoogle Scholar.
83 Hvidt, Niels Chrisian, Christian Prophecy: The Post-Biblical Tradition (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2007), 197–202CrossRefGoogle Scholar.
84 García Martín, “La Jerusalén Libertada,” 51.
85 McGinn, “Wrestling with the Millennium,” 166. Hvidt arrives at a similar conclusion regarding the downgrading of the place of prophecy within Roman Catholic theology. See Christian Prophecy, 200–201.
86 “bellum adversum infideles, ex eo quod solum infideles sunt, ne quidam auctoritate impiratoris, vel summi Pontifitis, indici potest . . ..” De jure et officiis bellicis et disciplina militari libri III (Douai: Officina Ioannis Bogardi, 1582), 20rGoogle Scholar.
87 “Contenditur vero iuto bello cum infidelibus, ex causis, ex quibus cum aliis quibuscunque bellum gerere licet tum etiam ex eo quod forte fidem Christianam blasphemiis, pravisque persuasionibus impediant, atque item legis evangelicae liberam predicationem, qui habent ius predicandi evangelii per universum orbem.” Ayala, De jure et officiis bellicis, 20v–21r.
