1. Participants in the holiness and Pentecostal movements generally used the term “divine healing,” while other contemporaries also used “faith healing” and “faith cure.” I use the term here and throughout without any intent to convey an evaluative judgment. Likewise, I employ throughout the term “healers” without evaluative intent to describe those who taught and practiced divine healing, though they themselves rejected it because they believed healing power came solely from God. Finally, I refer to healings from the perspective of participants, removing the awkward necessity of using qualifications like “alleged” or “claimed.”Google Scholar

2. Dayton, Donald W., Theological Roots of Pentecostalism (Peabody, Mass.: Hendrickson, 1987);Google ScholarSynan, Vinson, The Holiness-Pentecostal Tradition: Charismatic Movements in the Twentieth Century (Grand Rapids, Mich.: Eerdmans, 1997), 1–83;Google ScholarAnderson, Robert Mapes, Vision of the Disinherited: The Making of American Pentecostalism (Peabody, Mass.: Hendrickson, 1979), 28–61;Google ScholarFaupel, D. William, The Everlasting Gospel: The Significance of Eschatology in the Development of Pentecostal Thought (Sheffield, England: Sheffield Academic, 1996), 44–186;Google ScholarWaldvogel, Edith Lydia, “The ‘Overcoming Life’: A Study in the Reformed Evangelical Origins of Pentecostalism” (Ph.D. diss., Harvard University, 1977).Google Scholar

3. Chappell, Paul G., “The Divine Healing Movement in America” (Ph.D. diss., Drew University, 1983);Google ScholarDayton, , Theological Roots, 115–41;Google ScholarCunningham, Raymond J., “From Holiness to Healing: The Faith Cure in America, 1872–1892,” Church History 43 (12. 1974): 499–513;CrossRefGoogle ScholarPubMedWacker, Grant, “The Pentecostal Tradition,” in Caring and Curing: Health and Medicine in the Western Religious Traditions, eds. Numbers, Ronald L. and Amundsen, Darrel W. (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1986), 516–20;Google ScholarFerngren, Gary B., “The Evangelical-Fundamentalist Tradition,” in Caring and Curing, 490–95;Google Scholar and Vanderpool, Harold Y., “The Wesleyan-Methodist Tradition,” in Caring and Curing, 336–39.Google Scholar

4. See Wacker, “Pentecostal Tradition,” 520–21,Google Scholar for the “loss of historical memory” involved in downplaying healing. Wacker's, essay is the most thorough treatment of early Pentecostal healing. Others include: Blumhofer, Edith L., Restoring the Faith: The Assemblies of God, Pentecostalism, and American Culture (Urbana: University of Illinois Press, 1993), 19–24;Google ScholarWacker, Grant, Heaven Below: Early Pentecostals and American Culture (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 2001), 26–28, 65–67;Google ScholarAnderson, , Vision, 93–97;Google ScholarFaupel, , Everlasting Gospel, 130–33;Google Scholarand Synan, , Holiness-Pentecostal Tradition, 192–93.Google Scholar

5. On holiness perfectionism, see Dieter, Melvin Easterday, The Holiness Revival of the Nineteenth Century, 2d ed. (Lanham, Md.: Scarecrow, 1996);Google Scholar and Jones, Charles Edwin, Perfectionist Persuasion: The holiness Movement and American Methodism, 1867–1936 (Metuchen, N.J.: Scarecrow, 1974).Google ScholarCunningham, , “From Holiness to Healing,” stresses the connections between holiness sanctification and divine healing. Wesleyan holiness advocates of the nineteenth century taught that “entire sanctification” immediately removed inbred sin and perfected the believer's, motives and volitional acts. The Higher Life or Keswick form of holiness that spread among traditionally Reformed and non-Wesleyan denominations after 1875 moderated this perfectionism by regarding sanctification as a distinct crisis experience that began a process involving the suppression or counteraction of personal sin rather than its eradication. While this theological distinction is important, the practical expectation for believers on both sides was a dramatic cleansing experience that produced “heart purity” and empowerment. On the Higher Life movement, see Waldvogel, “The ‘Overcoming Life’”;Google Scholarand Bundy, David, “Keswick and the Experience of Evangelical Piety,” in Modern Christian Revivals, eds. Blumhofer, Edith L. and Balmer, Randall (Urbana: University of Illinois Press, 1993), 118–44.Google Scholar

6. Several of the essays in Caring and Curing provide information on turn-of-the-century Christian healing practices. For newspaper reports on Catholic healings from the early 1880s, for example, see the following articles in the New York Times: “The Knock Mortar Miracle,” 20 07 1880, 2;Google Scholar“The Lourdes Miracles Again,” 13 01. 1881, 4;Google Scholarand “Visited by the Virgin Mary,” 1 Aug. 1881, 5.Google Scholar For Christian Science and New Thought, see Gill, Gillian, Mary Baker Eddy (Reading, Mass.: Perseus, 1998);Google ScholarSatter, Beryl, Each Mind a Kingdont: American Women, Sexual Purity, and the New Thought Movement, 1875–1920 (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1999);Google Scholarand Taylor, Eugene, Shadow Culture: Psychology and Spirituality in America (Washington, D. C: Counterpoint, 1999), 137–55.Google Scholar On debates over cessationism, see Mullin, Robert Bruce, Miracles and the Modern Religious Imagination (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1996).Google Scholar For the Emmanuel Movement, see Stokes, Allison, Ministry after Freud (New York: Pilgrim, 1985), 17–36;Google Scholar and Gifford, Sanford, The Emmanuel Movement (Boston, 1904–1929):Google ScholarThe Origins of Croup Therapy and the Assault on Lay Psychotherapy (Boston: Francis Countway Library of Medicine, 1996).Google Scholar

7. For the professionalization of medicine and its limitations, see Starr, Paul, The Social Transformation of American Medicine (New York: Basic, 1982), 79–144, 180–97;Google Scholar and Duffy, John, From Humors to Medical Science: A History of American Medicine, 2d ed. (Urbana: University of Illinois Press, 1993), 167–228.Google Scholar Concerning neurasthenia, see Shorter, Edward, From Paralysis to Fatigue: A History of Psychosomatic Illness in the Modern Era (New York: Free Press, 1992), 201–32;Google ScholarLutz, Tom, American Nervousness, 1903:Google ScholarAn Anecdotal History (Ithaca, N.Y.: Cornell University Press, 1991);Google Scholar and Russett, Cynthia, Sexual Science: The Victorian Construction of Womanhood (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 1989), 104–29.Google ScholarThe neurologist George Beard, M. coined the term “neurasthenia” in 1869;Google Scholar see his American Nervousness: Its Causes and Consequences (New York: Putnam, 1881).Google Scholar

8. For nineteenth-century alternative medicine, see Fuller, Robert C., Alternative Medicine and American Religious Life (New York: Oxford University Press, 1989).Google Scholar On nostrums and patent medicines, see Young, James Harvey, American Health Quackery: Collected Essays (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1992), 23–31, 59–62, 89–102;CrossRefGoogle ScholarStage, Sarah, Female Complaints: Lydia Pinkham and the Business of Women's, Medicine (New York: W. W. Norton, 1979);Google Scholar and Holbrook, Stewart H., The Golden Age of Quackery (New York: Macmillan, 1959), 58–66.Google ScholarEdward, Bok, muckraking editor of the Ladies’ Home Journal, exposed the Pinkham scandal by publishing a photograph of her tombstone, showing that she died in 1883.Google Scholar“Pictures that Tell Their Own Stories,” Ladies’ Home Journal, 09. 1905, 15.Google Scholar

9. Woodworth-Etter, Maria, Signs and Wonders God Wrought in the Ministry for Forty Years (1916; reprint, Bartlesville, Okla.: Oak Tree Publications, n.d.), 20, 21, 20–27;Google ScholarWoodworth, Maria B., Life and Experiences of Maria B. Woodworth (Dayton, Ohio: United Brethren Publishing House, 1885), 28.Google ScholarSigns and Wonders, 19, states she was born in July 1844 and her father died in July 1855, while Life and Experiences, 15, indicates she was born in July 1845 and her father died in 1856.Google ScholarWarner, Wayne E., The Woman Evangelist: The Life and Times of Charismatic Evangelist Maria B. Woodworth-Etter (Metuchen, N.J.: Scarecrow, 1986), 3, suggests July 1844 and July 1856, which I have followed.Google Scholar For the sake of simplicity, I will refer to Woodworth-Etter as such hereafter. In 1891, she and P. H. Woodworth divorced, and she remarried in 1902 to Samuel Etter. Secondary literature on Woodworth-Etter is limited. Along with Warner's, biography, see Warner, Wayne E., “Maria Beulah Woodworth-Etter,” Dictionary of Pentecostal and Charismatic Movements, eds. Burgess, Stanley M. and McGee, Gary B. (Grand Rapids: Zondervan, 1988), 900–901;Google ScholarTaves, Ann, Fits, Trances, & Visions: Experiencing Religion and Explaining Experience from Wesley to James (Princeton, N.J.: Princeton University Press, 1999), 241–47;Google ScholarFaupel, , Everlasting Gospel, 273–79;Google ScholarBlumhofer, , Restoring the Faith, 24;Google ScholarAnderson, , Vision, 34–35, 36;Google Scholarand Synan, Holiness-Pentecostal Tradition, 191. I am grateful to Wayne Warner for making available to me his personal files on Woodworth-Etter.Google Scholar

10. Braude, Ann, Radical Spirits: Spiritualism and Women's, Rights in Nineteenth-Century America (Boston: Beacon, 1989). For Woodworth-Etter's, visions and interpretation of her hardships, see Signs and Wonders, 26–30.Google Scholar

11. Woodworth, , Life and Experiences, 31–33;Google Scholarworth-Etter, Wood, Signs and Wonders, 26–34;Google ScholarWarner, Woman, Evangelist, 15–18. Observers, including some supporters of Woodworth-Etter's, ministry, criticized “her avaricious husband and his money making adjuncts.”Google Scholar“Woodworth Meeting,” Kokomo Gazette Tribune (Indiana), 18 05 1886, 5.Google Scholar

12. For examples of press coverage, see “Religious Craze in Indiana,” New York Times, 30 01. 1885, 1;Google Scholar“Trance Evangelism,” Cincinnati Enquirer, 30 01. 1885;Google Scholar“Rigid Religion,” Fort Wayne Sentinel, 31 01. 1885, 1;Google Scholar“A Farcical Religion,” Indianapolis Times, 11 05 1885, 1.Google ScholarWoodworth-Etter, , Signs and Wonders, 70–71; 70;Google ScholarWoodworth, M. B., Trials and Triumphs of Mrs. M. B. Woodworth (Dayton, Ohio: United Brethren Publishing House, 1886), 192;Google ScholarWarner, , Woman Evangelist, 68 n. 6;Google ScholarTaves, , Fits, Trances, & Visions, 241–47. During the 1880s and early 1890s, Wood worth-Etter's, ability to induce trances in revival-goers caused great wonder and agitation. Entranced participants would lay cold and rigid, with significantly reduced pulses, for hours on end; upon coming to, they often would describe glorious visions of heaven and reassuring contact with departed loved ones. Woodworth-Etter herself frequently went into trances. See, for instance, Trials and Triumphs, 187.Google ScholarFor an example of the controversy caused by trances, see “Ring the Riot Alarm!” and “Flora Briggs’ Story,” San Francisco Examiner, 9 01. 1890, 1.Google Scholar

13. Woodworth-Etter remained silent as to the reasons for two long periods of diminished public activity—between about 1894 and 1902, and between 1904 and 1912—that interrupted her ministry. Like many itinerant evangelists, she suffered from the grueling demands of her work, often preaching three times daily for weeks on end. Hence, it is possible that health problems forced her to slow down. A more likely explanation for the second period would be Samuel Etter's, ongoing invalidism, which was the subject of criticism from reporters.Google ScholarSee Warner, , Woman Evangelist, 157, 183 n. 3. Maria B. Woodworth-Etter, Life and Experiences, Including Sermons and Visions of Mrs. M. B. Woodworth-Etter (n.p., 1904), iii, indicates that she and Etter were building a home for Christian work about 100 miles east of St. Louis, in Cisna, Illinois, at the time of publication. Perhaps they maintained a settled ministry there for several years, accounting for the second gap in the record.Google Scholar

14. For examples of ecstatic behaviors in Woodworth-Etter revivals, see Feick, August, comp., Life and Testimony of Mrs. M. B. Woodworth-Etter, Evangelist: Finished Biography: Nearly Fifty Years of Ministry (Indianapolis, Ind.: n.p., 1925), 23–24;Google Scholar and Woodworth-Etter, , Signs and Wonders, passim. Carrie Judd Montgomery, “Under His Wings”: The Story of My Life (Oakland, Calif.: Office of Triumphs of Faith, 1936), 130.Google Scholar“The Voodoo Priestess,” Oakland Daily Evening Tribune, 2 12. 1889;Google Scholar“The Trance Evangelist,” Indianapolis Journal, 26 09. 1885, 8;Google Scholar“The Trance Evangelist,” San Francisco Examiner, 11 02. 1890;Google ScholarMuscatine Journal (Iowa), 7 Aug. 1894.Google Scholar

15. “A Case That Passes for a Faith Cure Reported from Madison County,” Indianapolis Journal, 9 09. 1885, 2;Google Scholar“A Farcical Religion,” 1;Google Scholar“A Cheerful Liar,” The Champaign County Herald (Illinois), 7 09. 1887, 1;Google Scholar“Let There Be Faith,” Daily Illinois State Journal (Springfield), 7 07 1888.Google Scholar

16. Woodworth-Etter's, largest recorded meeting was held thirteen miles northwest of Muncie, Indiana, near the town of Alexandria, in Madison County, in September 1885. “Repentance Run Mad,” Indianapolis Times, 22 09. 1885, 1, reported twenty thousand people in attendance, while Warner, Woman Evangelist, 51, cites estimates of between twenty thousand and twenty-five thousand. Though Woodworth-Etter tended to preach in smaller cities, she held revivals in Memphis and Cleveland (1885), Indianapolis (1886), Louisville (1888), Oakland (1889–90), St. Louis (1890), and Dallas, Chicago, Atlanta, and Los Angeles between 1912 and 1918. Her huge success at F. F. Bosworth's, Dallas church in 1912 marked her entry onto the Pentecostal stage. Bosworth became a nationally-known healing evangelist in the 1920s.Google Scholar

17. Wendte, Charles W., “A Timely Call,” Oakland Daily Evening Tribune, 30 11. 1889;Google Scholar“Religious Craze in Indiana,” 1;Google Scholar“Cataleptic Capers,” Indianapolis Sentinel, 15 12. 1886.Google Scholar

18. “Under the Woman's, Spell,” San Francisco Examiner, 11 01. 1890. Woodworth-Etter did not explicitly advocate a blurring of social and class lines, though she believed that in the power of the Spirit such distinctions disappeared.Google Scholar

19. Woodworth-Etter, M. B., Spirit Filled Sermons (Indianapolis: n.p., 1921), 43, 42–54, 77–82;Google ScholarWoodworth, , Life and Experience, 214–18, 239–47;Google ScholarWoodworth-Etter, , Holy Ghost Sermons (Indianapolis: n.p., 1918), 48–54;Google ScholarWoodworth-Etter, , Divine Healing: Health for Body, Soul and Spirit (Indianapolis: n.p., n.d. [ca. 1923]), an unpaginated tract located in the Woodworth-Etter Papers, Flower Pentecostal Heritage Center, Assemblies of God, Springfield, MO (hereafter, AOG). The belief that Satan caused all illness was commonplace in incipient Pentecostalism.Google ScholarSee Wacker, , “Pentecostal Tradition,” 523–24;Google ScholarAnderson, , Vision, 95–96. As Anderson suggests, “Healing and ‘casting out demons’ were almost synonymous terms in Pentecostal vocabulary” (95). In addition to personal sins, Woodworth-Etter stressed that the sins of parents could be the proximate cause of sickness in children. Likewise, the faith of parents could claim the blessing of healing in dire cases, such as that of a girl in Springfield, Illinois, suffering from spinal meningitis and paralysis, who was in no condition to exercise her own faith. Woodworth-Etter, Signs and Wonders, 94–95.Google Scholar

20. Woodworth-Etter, , Signs and Wonders, passim; “Cancer Cured by Faith,” St. Louis Globe-Democrat, 3 Sept. 1887, 12.Google Scholar

21. Woodworth-Etter, , Spirit Filled Sermons, 72–75;Google Scholaridem, Signs and Wonders, 187–96, 223–33, 535;Google Scholar“Pentecostal Power,” San Francisco Examiner, 11 01. 1890; Feick, comp., Life and Testimony, 24. For interpretations of early Pentecostal restorationism and millennialism,Google Scholarsee Wacker, Grant, “Playing for Keeps: The Primitivist Impulse in Early Pentecostalism,” in The American Quest for the Primitive Church, ed. Hughes, Richard T. (Urbana: University of Illinois Press, 1988), 196–219; Faupel, Everlasting Gospel; Anderson, Vision; and Blumhofer, Restoring the Faith.Google Scholar

22. Woodworth-Etter, , Spirit Filled Sermons, 72–75, 122–27;Google ScholarWoodworth-Etter, , Questions and Answers on Divine Healing, rev. and enl. (Indianapolis: n.p., n.d. [ca. 1922]), 23.Google ScholarWarner, Woman Evangelist, 194–99, has demonstrated that significant portions of Questions and Answers (a large part of which was first published in Life and Experience [1904], 258–74) were lifted verbatim without attribution fromGoogle ScholarByers, J. W., The Grace of Healing (Moundsville, W.Va.: Gospel Trumpet, 1899), 265–85. Byers was a minister with the Church of God (Anderson, Ind.). Nevertheless, the material accurately reflects the teachings of Woodworth-Etter throughout her ministry.Google Scholar

23. “Cancer Cured by Faith,” 12.

24. Ibid.

25. “A Cheerful Liar,” Champaign County Herald, 7 09. 1887;Google Scholar“The Camp Meeting,” Champaign County Herald, 24 08. 1887, 1. Newspaper accounts of healing revivals commonly made this distinction between nervous and physical diseases. Dr. T. J. Bowles of Muncie, Indiana, for example, offered a psychological explanation for Woodworth-Etter's, cure of Mrs. C. P. Diltz, whose “paralysis of the will” had led to her total physical helplessness. “A Case That Passes for a Faith Cure Reported from Madison County,” 2.Google Scholar

26. Busey, S. H. to the editor, The Church Advocate (Harrisburg, Perm.), 14 09. 1887, 4. This was the denominational organ of Woodworth-Etter's, Church of God (Winebrennerian). For the heavy opposition her ministry provoked in the church, see C. H. Forney, History of the Churches of God in the United States of North America (n.p.: Churches of God, 1914), 237, 356–57. “Cancer Cured by Faith,” 12, identifies Busey asthe “millionaire banker” of Urbana. Woodworth, Trials and Triumphs, 156;Google Scholar“Pentecostal Power,” San Francisco Examiner, 11 01. 1890.Google Scholar

27. Warner, , Woman Evangelist, 192–94.Google Scholar

28. Kokomo Dispatch (Indiana), 5 Feb. 1885, 5. “Rigid Religion,” Fort Wayne Sentinel, 31 Jan. 1885, 1, reported that businessmen and saloonkeepers in Hartford City closed early for lack of business and to attend Woodworth-Etter's, meetings.Google Scholar

29. “Mobbed Mrs. Woodworth,” Missouri Republican (St. Louis), 18 06 1890,Google Scholar and “Battle, After,” Oakland Daily Evening Tribune, 10 12. 1889, 1, provide examples of the mob violence and death threats Woodworth-Etter braved. Fort Wayne Gazette, 23 Jan. 1885, 6; “Mockers to Meet with Punishment,” Indianapolis Star, 27 Sept. 1904, 3.Google Scholar

30. dwyer, James L., “Elijah the Third,” American Mercury, 07 1927, 291–92;Google ScholarDowie, John Alexander, “The Chains of Good and Evil,” A Voice From Zion [hereafter, VFZ], 01. 1905, 15–16;Google ScholarDowie, , “He Is Just the Same Today,” VFZ, 01. 1900, 10–13;Google ScholarDowie, , “Zion's, Protest Against Swine's, Flesh as a Disease-Producer,” VFZ, 06 1898, 17;Google ScholarWacker, Grant, “Marching to Zion: Religion in a Modern Utopian Community,” Church History 54 (1985): 498.CrossRefGoogle ScholarThe best sources for Dowie's, years in Australia are Edna Sheldrake, comp., The Personal Letters of John Alexander Dowie (Zion City, Ill.: Wilbur Glenn Voliva, 1912);Google Scholarand Lindsay, Gordon, The Life of John Alexander Dowie … (n.p.: Voice of Healing, 1951), 17–89.Google Scholar“God's, Witnesses to Divine Healing: Mr. F. A. Graves,” Leaves of Healing, 24 07 1897, 609, contains a cryptic reference by Dowie that appears to suggest the death of his daughter was associated with epilepsy, and that it prompted his full entrance into the ministry of healing.Google ScholarLindsay, , Life of Dowie, 70, quotes an uncited letter from Dowie to a friend that says his daughter suffered from a “fit” and was “insensible,” and that she also may have had the measles. Sheldrake, Personal Letters of Dowie, 318–22, contains the full text of the letter.Google Scholar See also “How God Gave Dowie the Ministry of Healing,” in The Sermons of John Alexander Dowie, Champion of the Faith, ed. Lindsay, Gordon (n.p.: Voice of Healing, n.d.), 22–28.Google ScholarThe secondary literatureon Dowie is extensive, though much of it dates before 1930. Among more recent works, see Faupel, , Everlasting Gospel, 116–35;Google ScholarWacker, , Marching to Zion; Mullin, Miracles, 203–8;Google ScholarBlumhofer, Edith L., “The Christian Catholic Apostolic Church and the Apostolic Faith: A Study in the 1906 Pentecostal Revival,” in Charismatic Experiences in History, ed. Robeck, Cecil M. Jr (Peabody, Mass.: Hendrickson, 1985), 126–46;Google ScholarChappell, , “Divine Healing Movement,” 284–340;Google ScholarCook, Philip L., Zion City, Illinois: Twentieth-Century Utopia (Syracuse, N.Y.: Syracuse University Press, 1996);Google Scholar and Heath, Alden, “Apostle in Zion,” Journal of the Illinois State Historical Society 70 (1977): 98–113.Google Scholar

31. For Dowie's, early ministry on the West Coast, see Dowie, John Alexander, American First Fruits, Being a Brief Record of Eight Months's Divine Healing Missions in the State of California, 4th ed. (Chicago: Zion, 1895);Google ScholarDowie, , Our Second Year's, Harvest, Being a Brief Record of a Year of Divine Healing Missions on the Pacific Coast of America … (Chicago: International Divine Healing Association, 1891);Google ScholarDowie, , “Divine Healing Vindicated,” VFZ, 09. 1898, 21–23;Google Scholar“Cures, J. A. Dowie's,” Oakland Daily Evening Tribune, 16 04. 1890;Google ScholarBovard, Freeman D., “Dowie's, Story of the Pacific Coast,” Christian Advocate, 10 12. 1903, 2001–2;Google Scholar and Reinders, Robert C., “Training for a Prophet: The West Coast Missions of John Alexander Dowie, 1888–1890,” Pacific Historian 30 (1986): 3–14.Google Scholar

32. Cook, , Zion City, 12–13;Google ScholarWacker, , “Marching to Zion,” 498.Google Scholar

33. Cook, , Zion City is the most thorough account of the city (later renamed Zion) under Dowie.Google Scholar For other views of its early days, see Taylor, Jabez, The Development of the City of Zion (Zion, Ill: n.p., n.d.);Google ScholarTownshend, Grover, “A City of the Plains,” Munsey's, Magazine, 09. 1902, 843–45;Google Scholar and Friedman, I. K., “John Alexander Dowie,” Everybody's, Magazine, 11. 1903, 567–75.Google Scholar“Who's, Who in Zion,” Zion Historical Society ser. 4 (1971): 1–30, box 59, file 16, John W. Carver Healing Collection, B. L. Fisher Library, Asbury Theological Seminary, Wilmore, Ky. (hereafter, ATS), identifies key figures in Zion both during and after Dowie's, lifetime.Google ScholarChappell, P. G., “Healing Movements,” in Dictionary of Pentecostal and Charismatic Movements, 366–67, claims Dowie as the most prominent American divine healer between 1894 and 1905. Various accounts put themembership of the Christian Catholic Church in 1900 at between twenty-five and fifty thousand;Google Scholarsee Wacker, , “Marching to Zion,” 502.Google Scholar

34. Just about any of Dowie's, sermons display the characteristics mentioned here. See, for example, Dowie, John Alexander, “Reasonings for Inquirers Concerning Divine Healing Teaching,” VFZ, 07 1900, 1–31.Google ScholarDowie, John Alexander, sound recording, 1903, Carver Healing Collection, ATS. Dowie proved adept at handling the rare opposition that arose in his meetings. See, for example, Dowie, “‘Christ's, Methods of Healing’: Reply to the Exposition of the Sunday School Lesson by the Rev. Dr. John Lindsay Withrow, Pastor of the Third Presbyterian Church, Chicago, in the [Chicago] Record of Jan. 8, 1898,” VFZ, May 1898, 28. Like Woodworth-Etter, Dowie suggested that death would come to mockers of divine healing.Google ScholarDowie, , “Lessons on Divine Healing from the Story of the Leper,” VFZ, 12. 1900, 12.Google Scholar

35. Dowie, John Alexander, “The Coming of Elijah, Restorer of All Things,” VFZ, 07 1901, 8–57;Google ScholarDowie, , “Power of the Covenant of Final Restoration …,” VFZ, 10. 1902, 27 ff;Google ScholarDowie, , “The Principles, Practices and Purposes of the Christian Catholic Church in Zion,” VFZ, 08. 1900, 3–15;Google ScholarDowie, , “Faith the Mightiest Power,” VFZ, 11. 1904, 13;Google ScholarCook, , Zion City, 57–59, 171–73.Google Scholar

36. Swain, John, “John Alexander Dowie: The Prophet and His Profits,” Century Magazine, 11. 1902, 937.Google Scholar

37. Dowie, John Alexander, “I Will’: An Address on Divine Healing With Answers to Questions,” VFZ, 09. 1897, 20–21;Google ScholarDowie, , “Satan the Denier,” VFZ, 02. 1900, 23.Google Scholar

38. Dowie, , “Reasonings for Inquirers,” 28–29.Google Scholar

39. Ibid., 17; Dowie, , “Jesus the Healer,” VFZ, 02. 1900, 3;Google Scholar“Divine Healing Vindicated,” 34–35;Google Scholar“Talks With Ministers on Divine Healing,” VFZ, 06 1897, 4;Google Scholar “Satan the Defiler,” 19. Dowie stressed individual human sin as the proximate cause of illness, though he also intimated it could be inherited. See Dowie, , “Do You Know God's, Way of Healing?” VFZ, 01. 1900, 5;Google Scholar and “‘I Will,’” 41. For examples of his demonizing, see Dowie, , Zion's, Holy War Against the Hosts of Hell in Chicago (Chicago: Zion, 1900);Google ScholarZion's, Conflict With Methodist Apostasy, Especially in Connection With Freemasonry (Chicago: Zion, 1900).Google Scholar For his attack on Woodworth-Etter, see “Trance Evangelism,” Leaves of Healing, 8 03. 1895, 380–82.Google Scholar He also savaged Martin Wells Knapp, a radical holiness healer in Cincinnati, in “Spurious holiness Exposed,” 12, and Simpson, A. B., head of the Christian and Missionary Alliance and a noted divine healer, in “The Great Neglected Chapter,” Leaves of Healing, 25 09. 1897, 762–67.Google Scholar

40. “God's, Witnesses to Divine Healing: Mr. F. A. Graves,’ 609–11, 621; 611. Dowie believed epilepsy resulted from demon possession.Google Scholar

41. “God's, Witnesses to Divine Healing: MrsParsons, Maggie E.,” Leaves of Healing, 28 09. 1894, 65–67; 66 (the Wisconsin State Journal account is reprinted on 67). For “women's, diseases” and the sometimes barbaric way the medical community treated them around the turn of the century, see Russett, Sexual Science; Shorter, From Paralysis to Fatigue, 69–92. The illnesses of Maggie Parsons and many other patients Dowie cured are open to psychosomatic interpretations, but others are less so. Blindness, deafness, shortened limbs, typhoid fever and countless other afflictions yielded to Dowie's, touch.Google Scholar See, for example, , A. W. N., “God's, Witnesses to Divine Healing: Quickly Healed of Lameness, Tumor, Rheumatic Gout, and Spinal Curvature,” Leaves of Healing, 23 05 1903, 129–30;Google Scholar and Dowie, Jane, “How Jesus Heals the Little Ones,” VFZ, 02. 1901, 1–35.Google Scholar

42. For an account of Dowie's, downfall, see Barton, William E., “The Dream of Dowie—and the Awakening of Zion,” The Independent, 12 04. 1906, 915–17.Google Scholar Concerning the financial allegations against Dowie, proof of deliberate fraud is lacking, though it is clear he enjoyed a lavish lifestyle as Zion City's, economy crumbled after 1903. Rumors circulated about Dowie's, undue fondness for Ruth Hofer, a young Swiss deaconess living in Zion City in 1904–5, and about his supposed plans for a polygamous colony in Mexico. See Cook, Zion City, 204–5, 200–201, 159; Wacker, “Marching to Zion,” 507–8. Donna Quaife Knoth, “John Alexander Dowie: White Lake's, Healing Evangelist,” Michigan History, May/June 1990, 36–38, tells of the expensive summer home where the Dowies vacationed after 1899. For newspaper accounts of these and other controversies surrounding Dowie, see the Hannah Whitall Smith Papers, “Fanaticism Collection,” box 6, files 19–25, ATS, . Gardiner, Gordon P., Out of Zion and Into the World (Shippensburg, Perm.: Companion Press, 1990), identifies many former Dowie followers who assumed leadership in early Pentecostalism. On Parham, see Blumhofer, “The Christian Catholic Apostolic Church and the Apostolic Faith”; Edith Blumhofer, “A Pentecostal Branch Grows in Dowie's, Zion: Charles F. Parham's, 1906 Invasion,” Assemblies of God Heritage, Fall 1986, 3–5. The Waukegan Daily Gazette, based in Waukegan, Illinois, adjacent to Zion City, covered events in the fall of 1906. See, for example, “Dowie Loses Zion,” 19 Sept. 1906;Google Scholar“Is Voliva's, Hold in Danger?” 26 Sept. 1906;Google Scholar“Declare Parham Is Gaining,” 28 Sept. 1906.Google Scholar

43. Parham, Sarah E., The Life of Charles F. Parham: Founder of the Apostolic Faith Movement (1930; reprint, New York: Garland, 1985), 1–2;Google ScholarGoff, James R. Jr, Fields White Unto Harvest: Charles F. Parham and the Missionary Origins of Pentecostalism (Fayetteville, Ark.: University of Arkansas Press, 1988), 23–26. Along with Goff's biography, secondary sources on Parham include: Faupel, Everlasting Gospel, 158–86;Google ScholarAnderson, , Vision, 47–61;Google ScholarSynan, , Holiness-Pentecostal Tradition, 89–92;Google Scholarand Chappell, “Divine Healing Movement,” 340–57.Google Scholar

44. Parham, , Life of Parham, 6;Google ScholarParham, Charles F., A Voice Crying in the Wilderness, 4th ed. (1944 [1902]; reprinted in The Sermons of Charles F. Parham, New York: Garland, 1985), 15–18.Google Scholar

45. Parham, , Life of Parham, 31–33;Google ScholarGoff, , Fields White, 38–39. Contemporary news accounts suggest something of the stir caused by the outbreak of glossolalia in 1901:Google Scholar“A Queer Faith,” Topeka Daily Capital, 6 01. 1901, 2;Google Scholar“New Sect in Kansas Speaks with Strange Tongues,” St. Louis Post-Dispatch, 25 01. 1901;Google Scholar“Parham's, New Religion Practiced at ‘Stone's, Folly,’” Kansas City Times, 27 01. 1901;Google Scholar and “New Religion ‘Discovered’ at ‘stone's, Folly’ Near Topeka,” Topeka Mail & Breeze, 22 02. 1901.Google Scholar “Stone's, Folly” was the local name given to the eclectic, unfinished mansion that housed Parham's, school. See Ripley, John W., “Erastus Stone's, Dream Castle—Birthplace of Pentecostalism,” Shawnee County Historical Bulletin, 06 1975, 42–53.Google Scholar

46. For Parham', healing theology and practices, see Parham, Life of Parham, 29–50;Google ScholarParham, , Voice Crying, 39–52;Google ScholarParham, Robert L., comp., Selected Sermons of the Late Charles F. Parham, Sarah E. Parham: Co-Founders of the Original Apostolic Faith Movement (Baxter Springs, Kans: Apostolic Faith Bible College, 1941), 23–50;Google Scholar“Healing,” Apostolic Faith (Melrose, Kans.), Aug. 1905, 1–6;Google ScholarParham, Charles F., Divine Health, tract (Baxter Springs, Kans.: Apostolic Faith Paper, n.d.);Google Scholarand Fields, Goff, White, , 41–42. For healing as an expression of sanctification, see Parham, Voice Crying, 50–52.Google Scholar The contemporary description is from “Three Months of Religious Fervor,” Joplin Daily News Herald (Mo.), 24 01. 1904, 11.Google ScholarFor Sarah Parham, see Parham, , Life of Parham, 33.Google Scholar

47. Ora, (Harris) Childers, “Consumption,” Apostolic Faith (Topeka), 22 03. 1899, 5;Google ScholarParham, , Life of Parham, 34.Google ScholarParham published his periodical Apostolic Faith from several different locations between 1899 and 1906; by May 1906, he had settled it in Baxter Springs, Kansas.Google Scholar

48. “Story of His Beliefs,” Kansas City Times, 4 02. 1901;Google ScholarBlumhofer, , Restoring the Faith, 52–53;Google ScholarParham, , Life of Parham, 87.Google Scholar“Was a Pentecost,” Kansas City journal, 21 01. 1901, 1, describes an unsuccessful meeting in Kansas City at which Parham focused on glossolalia and seems not to have discussed healing.Google Scholar

49. Parham, , Life of Parham, 88–89;Google ScholarBlumhofer, , Restoring the Faith, 53; “Three Months of Religious Fervor,” 11. Directly below the Daily News Herald story, an advertisement promised “No More Aches and Pains” to women suffering menstrual difficulties, which can drive “women into the direst stages of nervous excitement.” Mrs. Anna D. Moore, Vice President of the United Daughters’ Industrial Club in New Orleans, testified that after only twenty-two bottles of Wine of Cardui her problems ceased.Google Scholar

50. Parham, , Life of Parham, 113–15;Google ScholarGoff, , Fields White, 96–97;Google ScholarSuburbanite (Houston Heights, Tex.), 12 Aug. 1905, quoted in Goff, Fields White, 97. One of Parham', workers wrote to her family in the days preceding Dulaney', healing: “Each week is better & better, but the events of the last few days, simply beggar description. …” Rilda Cole to “Dear Ones,” Houston, Tex., 1 Aug. 1905,Google ScholarPapers, Charles F. Parham, AOG, . Gray, W. W., “The Houston Meeting,” Apostolic Faith (Melrose, Kans.), 08. 1905, 8–9, provides another account of the Houston revival.Google Scholar

51. Parham, , Life of Parham, 163–64;Google ScholarBlumhofer, , Restoring the Faith, 61. Until his death in 1929, Parham maintained that true tongues speech was xenoglossolalic, or that it reflected actual foreign languages unknown to the speaker. There is ample evidence to suggest that Parham's, negative reaction to Azusa was based in part on his antipathy to racial mixing and equality.Google ScholarGoff, , Fields White, 130–32.Google ScholarBy contrast, a notable aspect of Dowie's, ministry was its interracial nature. Cook, Zion City, 91–97;Google Scholar and “God', Witnesses to Divine Healing: Mrs. Emma Parker,” Leaves of Healing, 27 11. 1896, 65–67. Woodworth-Etter's, revivals were sometimes interracial.Google ScholarGatewood, Willard B. Jr, ed., Slave and Freeman: The Autobiography of George L. Knox (Lexington: University of Kentucky Press, 1979), 126–27.Google ScholarFor Seymour and Azusa, see Blumhofer, , Restoring the Faith, 56–62; and Anderson, Vision, 60–61, 65–74.Google Scholar

52. “Evangelist Is Arrested,” San Antonio Light, 19 July 1907, 1, reported that Parham was arrested, along with a young man, for committing “an unnatural offense.” See also “Sensation at San Antonio,” Houston Chronicle, 21 07 1907, 14;Google Scholar and “Voliva Split Hits Preacher,” San Antonio Light, 24 07 1907, 2. Contemporaries and historians agree about the sexual nature of Parham's, act, but they disagree as to whether it was sodomy, adultery, or masturbation. By far the most detailed account of the incident is Goff, Fields White, 136–41, and esp. 222–28 nn. 31–53. See also Anderson, Vision, 272–73 n. 8;Google ScholarBlumhofer, , Restoring the Faith, 68 n. 82. Parham argued that the charges, for which he was never indicted because of lack of evidence, were false rumors spread by enemies, including Wilbur G. Voliva, Dowie's, successor in Zion City. Goff, Fields White, 138–40, shows that Voliva capitalized on the charges—and seemingly embellished them—to discredit Parham. Parham', wife Sarah supported him through the ordeal.Google Scholar

53. Buckley, James Monroe, Methodist editor of the Christian Advocate, was a prominent critic. See, for example, Christian Advocate, 12 Feb. 1885, 102; Christian Advocate, 12 Sept. 1889, 589;Google Scholar and Buckley, J. M., Faith-Healing, Christian Science and Kindred Phenomena (New York: Century, 1892).CrossRefGoogle ScholarAnderson, , Vision, 93–94, cites evidence that casts doubt on the claims of both healers and the healed.Google Scholar For studies of the still poorly understood influence of the mind on the body, see Harrington, Anne, ed., The Placebo Effect: An Interdisciplinary Exploration (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1997).Google Scholar

54. Woodworth-Etter, , Life and Experience (1904), 215–16, 246;Google ScholarDowie, , “‘I Will’; Apostolic Faith (Topeka), 9 Aug. 1899, 2;Google ScholarParham, , Life of Parham, 43.Google ScholarInbody, Tyron L., The Transforming God: An Interpretation of Suffering and Evil (Louisville: Westminster John Knox, 1997), 39–42.Google Scholar

55. Starr, Social Transformation of American Medicine, 79–144;Google ScholarFuller, Alternative Medicine.Google Scholar See Delbanco, Andrew, The Death of Satan: How Americans Have Lost the Sense of Evil (New York: Farrar, Straus and Giroux, 1995), 125–53, for the “loss of providence” and the growing reliance on the idea of chance to explain human affairs in the postbellum era.Google Scholar

56. Scarry, Elaine, The Body in Pain: The Making and Unmaking of the World (New York: Oxford University Press, 1985);Google ScholarDowie, “Story of the Leper,” 18.Google ScholarOrsi, Robert, Thank You, St. Jude: Women's, Devotion to the Patron Saint of Hopeless Causes (New Haven: YaleUniversity Press, 1996), 175–77, also draws upon Scarry's, insights to interpret the healings of twentieth-century American Catholic women who prayed to St. Jude. Feick, comp., Life and Testimony, 67, 128, 129; Parham, Life of Parhatn, dedication page. Of course, other religious leaders, including some who did not practice healing, received affectionate parental titles. They also may have given life-altering language and meaning to their followers in the manner suggested, though not necessarily through healing.Google Scholar

57. For the centrality of human agency in Dowie's, healing ministry, for instance, see Dowie, John Alexander, “‘Christ's, Methods of Healing,’” 22;Google ScholarDowie, , “Knowing and Doing God's, Will,” VFZ, 12. 1900, 24, 27; and Dowie, “Story of the Leper,” 14. Ora (Harris) Childers, “Consumption,” 5.Google Scholar

58. Woodworth-Etter, , Life and Experience (1904), 251–52;Google ScholarWoodworth-Etter, , Holy Ghost Sermons, 63–64; Dowie “Divine Healing Vindicated,” 26. Anderson, Vision, 93, cites early Pentecostal healing's, capacity to generate large crowds.Google Scholar

59. Woodworth-Etter, , Signs and Wonders, 141.Google Scholar See also Woodworth-Etter, , Spirit Filled Sermons, 103–5, 118;Google Scholar and Mary [sic] Woodworth-Etter, , “When God Visits St. Louis,” in Touched by Fire: Eyewitness Accounts of the Early Twentieth-Century Pentecostal Revival, ed. Warner, Wayne E. (Plainfield, N.J.: Logos International, 1978), 55. While radical holiness and early Pentecostal adherents practiced faith healing and generally assumed its absence implied a lack of spiritual growth, many did not denounce medicine and doctors as fully as did Woodworth-Etter, Dowie, and Parham.Google Scholar

60. For glossolalia as early Pentecostalism's, main initiation rite, see, for example, Wacker, Heaven Below, 40–44.Google Scholar

61. See the photos of medical devices in Dowie tabernacles in Leaves of Healing, 21 Dec. 1894, 224 (where the quotations are located); and Leaves of Healing, 3 July 1897, 568–69.Google ScholarIt was not uncommon for Dowie, when calling upon individuals for responses during a sermon, to point out their former medical instruments. See “Testimony of Mrs. Amos Dresser, Jr.,” Leaves of Healing, 6 11. 1896, 20, for the suggestion that Lily Ferry's, failure to publicly testify after her healing caused her to become ill again.Google Scholar

62. Wacker, , “Pentecostal Tradition,” 532;Google ScholarWacker, , “Marching to Zion,” 510. Carrie Judd Montgomery, personal diary, 5 Aug. and 19 Aug. 1909, Papers of Carrie Judd Montgomery and George S. Montgomery, AOG, box 17. See also Carrie Judd Montgomery to “My darling Mother,” 14 Jan. 1907, 4, 5, in Montgomery Papers, AOG, box 17. Parham, Voice Crying, 40.Google Scholar

63. For the Protestant focus on athletics and the body, see Ladd, Tony and Mathisen, James A., Muscular Christianity: Evangelical Protestants and the Development of American Sport (Grand Rapids, Mich.: Baker Books, 1999), 22–68;Google Scholar and Morse, Richard C., History of the North American Young Men's, Christian Associations (New York: Association Press, 1919), 75–78, 166, 170–71.Google ScholarHundley, W. M., “The Flag of the Salvation Army Eclipsed by the Standard of Zion City,” Physical Culture, 04. 1903, 271–74; 271;Google ScholarDowie, , “Doctors, Drugs and Devils: Or, the Foes of Christ the Healer,” Physical Culture, 01. 1904, 81–86. Though Dowie rejected worldly entertainments, Zion City developed sports leagues under the direction of his son Gladstone.Google ScholarSee Cook, , Zion City, 136–38.Google ScholarDowie, , “Reasonings for Inquirers,” 17;Google ScholarWoodworth-Etter, , Holy Ghost Sermons, 145.Google ScholarSee also Parham, , Voice Crying, 50–52.Google Scholar

64. Woodworth-Etter, Spirit Filled Sermons, 122, 132;Google ScholarFaupel, , Everlasting Gospel, 116–35.Google ScholarWacker, Grant, “The Holy Spirit and the Spirit of the Age in American Protestantism, 1880–1910,” Journal of American History 72 (1985): 45–62, demonstrates the heightened emphasis on the Holy Spirit across turn-of-the-century Protestantism. The healers’ stress on the immanence of God helps explain their antipathy for human and natural means. Both Woodworth-Etter and Parham, for example, preached without notes because they wanted to be open to the direct inspiration of the Holy Spirit. Warner, Woman Evangelist, 261;CrossRefGoogle ScholarParham, Life of Parham, 18.Google Scholar

65. Dowie, , “Satan the Defiler,” 23;Google ScholarDowie, , “Story of the Leper,” 28;Google ScholarParham, Charles F., Everlasting Gospel ([ca. 1911]; reprinted in Sermons of Charles F. Parham), 51–52;Google ScholarParham, , Life of Parham, 14.Google Scholar See also Parham, Sarah E., “Immortality,” Selected Sermons, 93–115. Woodworth-Etter taught the traditional understanding of hell. Woodworth-Etter, Spirit Filled Sermons, 147–59. Dowie and Parham', views on hell and eternal suffering were not typical of divine healers in incipient Pentecostalism. Nevertheless, they aresignificant because they reflect the more extreme implications of their radical healing teachings and practices.Google Scholar

66. See Dowie, “Spurious holiness,” 23, where he defines sickness in terms of being unclean and impure. Woodworth-Etter, quoted in “Throw Physic to the Dogs,” Daily Illinois State Journal (Springfield), 28 07 1888; Dowie, “Zion's, Protest Against Swine's, Flesh,” 15;Google Scholar“Doctors and Medicine,” Leaves of Healing, 21 09. 1894, 61;Google ScholarBell, James B., M.D., “Divine Healing From a Medical Standpoint,” Apostolic Faith (Topeka), 30 03. 1899, 1.Google ScholarDowie, John Alexander, “Doctors, Drugs, and Devils; or, the Foes of Christ the Healer,” VFZ, 10. 1897, 17, recounts a case where a young woman with “idiopathic muscular atrophy” was paraded naked in front of fifty to sixty “wicked doctors.” Dowie had neither a medical degree nor a doctorate.Google Scholar

67. For nineteenth-century therapeutics, see Warner, John Harley, The Therapeutic Perspective: Medical Practice, Knowledge, and Identity in America, 1820–1885 (Princeton, N.J: Princeton University Press, 1997);Google Scholar and Rosenberg, Charles E., “The Therapeutic Revolution: Medicine, Meaning, and Social Change in Nineteenth-Century America,” in The Therapeutic Revolution: Essays in the Social History of American Medicine, eds. Vogel, Morris J. and Rosenberg (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 1979), 3–25. Wacker, “Marching to Zion,” 499–500, cites Dowie's, claims regarding his legal battles; the ordinance at issue was later overturned.Google Scholar“Divine Healer Tells Why Husband's, Ills Defy Her Treatment,” Atlanta Journal, 13 04. 1914, 1, suggests Woodworth-Etter's, opposition to doctors may have mellowed over the years, though the case in question was that of her husband. Like Dowie, Woodworth-Etter encountered legal troubles because of her healing practices.Google Scholar See Warner, Wayne E., “1914: Pentecostal Evangelist Arrested in Framingham Tent,” Middlesex News (Framingham, Mass.), 18 11. 1989, 7A.Google Scholar

68. For examples of behavioral renunciation, see Dowie, John Alexander, “Tobacco: Satan's, Consuming Fire, and Its Allies,” VTZ, 07 1898, 1–22;Google ScholarDowie, , “Zion', Protest Against Swine's, Flesh”; Woodworth-Etter, Signs and Wonders, passim; Parham, Life of Parham, passim; Parham, Voice Crying, 50.Google ScholarFloyd, Halleck, “Mrs. Woodworth's, Work,” Christian Conservator, 15 07 1886, 2, points to the “anti-church spirit” that prevailed in her revivals.Google ScholarWendte, Charles W., “A Timely Call”;Google Scholar“Repudiated by Her Church,” Marion Chronicle (Indiana), 25 11. 1887, 1;Google Scholar“Parhamites Were Disturbed,” Houston Chronicle, 5 10. 1906, 8;Google ScholarParham to “Bro. C” [J. G. Campbell], Gladwin, Michigan, 10 Sept. 1909, Parham Papers, AOG.Google Scholar

69. Woodworth-Etter charged a nominal fee for entry to some of her early camp-meeting revivals.Google ScholarForney, , History of the Churches of God, 209.Google ScholarGatewood, , ed., Slave and Freeman, 126–27, suggests financial gain motivated at least some of Woodworth-Etter decisions about where to preach. Even after Woodworth-Etter established her tabernacle, she could not resist itinerating. Her last tour was in 1922, when she was nearing eighty years of age. Warner, Woman Evangelist, 270–81. Goff, Fields White, 147–59, examines Parham's, diminishing influence in early Pentecostalism. Cook, Zion City, 56.Google Scholar

70. Dowie, , “Story of the Leper,” 21.Google Scholar

71. Cook, , Zion City, 120–21;Google ScholarWacker, , “Marching to Zion,” 506;Google ScholarDowie, , “Faith the Mightiest Power,” 24;Google ScholarBuckley, James M., “Dowie, Analyzed and Classified,” Century Magazine, 10. 1902, 930.Google Scholar

72. Wacker, , “The Pentecostal Tradition,” 529, uses the term “death redefinition”;Google ScholarDowie, , “Jesus the Healer,” 13;Google ScholarDowie, , “‘I Will,’” 30–31;Google ScholarParham, Life of Parham, 77. Woodworth- Etter also referred to God's, sovereign purposes in explaining her husband's, continuing sickness. “Husband', Ills,” 1.Google Scholar

73. Parham, , “We Have Found Him,” in Selected Sermons, 3;Google ScholarParham, , Voice Crying, 71. Dowie, “Do You Know God's, Way of Healing?” 7. Anderson, Vision, stresses the otherworldly and regressive character of Pentecostalism. Wacker, Heaven Below, persuasively counters Anderson', argument by recognizing its worldly shrewdness.Google Scholar