¹ Quote found in “Toyohiko Kagawa,” Christian Century 48 (September 16, 1931), 1135Google Scholar. The Christian Century lists previous fads of the recent past as the leadership of the missionary movement (John Mott, Sherwood Eddy, and Robert Speer), the leadership of the Interchurch World Movement of the 1920s, and missionary to India, E. Stanley Jones. See also Fowler, Betram B., “Apostle of Brotherhood,” Christian Science Monitor, July 17, 1935Google Scholar, WM3; Fey, Harold E., “Play Fair with Kagawa!” Christian Century 50 (October 11, 1933), 1271Google Scholar.

² Walls's, Andrew most well known works include The Missionary Movement in Christian History: Studies in the Transmission of Faith (Maryknoll, N.Y.: Orbis, 1996)Google Scholar and The Cross-Cultural Process in Christian History (Maryknoll, N.Y.: Orbis, 2002)Google Scholar. Jenkins's, Phillip work includes The Next Christendom: The Coming of Global Christianity (New York: Oxford University Press, 2002)CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

³ See Schildgen, Robert, Toyohiko Kagawa: Apostle of Love and Social Justice (Berkley, Calif.: Centenary, 1988)Google Scholar; Furuya, Yasuo C., “Who Was Toyohiko Kagawa,” Princeton Seminary Bulletin 23, no. 3 (2002): 301–12Google Scholar; Fukada, Robert Mikio, “Toyohiko Kagawa: A Mosaic Artist for God,” Princeton Seminary Bulletin 10, no. 1 (1989): 23–38Google Scholar as places to start for a critical biography of Kagawa.

⁴ Axling, William, Kagawa (New York: Harper and Brothers, 1932)Google Scholar was by far the most popular biography. See also Baumann, Margaret, Kagawa: An Apostle of Japan (New York: Macmillan, 1936)Google Scholar; Bradshaw, Emerson O., Unconquerable Kagawa (St. Paul, Minn.: Macalester Park, 1952)Google Scholar; Davey, Cyril J., Kagawa of Japan (New York: Abingdon, 1960)Google Scholar.

⁵ See “Tour's End,” Time (July 6, 1936)Google Scholar, http://www.time.com/time/magazine/archives/. Kagawa's tours were well orchestrated by American supporters of Kagawa to provide maximum exposure of his ideas. Often publication of a biography of Kagawa or translations of Kagawa's own books preceded his arrival. His tours were sponsored by such organizations as the Kagawa National Committee, the Federal Council of Churches, and the YMCA.

⁶ Schildgen, Toyohiko Kagawa, 2.

⁷ Hutchinson, Paul, “Kagawa: Proletarian Saint,” Atlantic 157 (May 1936): 597Google Scholar; “Can Christian Missions Be Saved,” Christian Century 47 (March 12, 1930), 327Google Scholar; “What Is Kagawa's Trip Accomplishing,” Christian Century 53 (March 4, 1936), 349Google Scholar.

⁸ For Christian Century's coverage of Kagawa versus the missionaries in the Kingdom of God Movement, see “Kagawa Out of Japan Movement,” Christian Century 50 (September 13, 1933), 1152Google Scholar; “Kagawa's Position,” Christian Century 50 (November 22, 1933), 1463–65Google Scholar; Brumbaugh, T. T., “Letter to the Editor,” Christian Century 50 (November 22, 1933), 1475Google Scholar. See also “Kagawa, Toyohiko, 1888–1960,” Christian Century 77 (May 4, 1960), 533Google Scholar; Hutchinson, “Kagawa: Proletarian Saint,” 597; Schildgen, Toyohiko Kagawa, 132, 140; “Peace Talk with Japan,” Time (April 21, 1941)Google Scholar, http://www.time.com/time/magazine/archives/.

⁹ Fisher, Galen M., “Kagawa Returns to Japan,” Christian Century 54 (June 9, 1937), 742Google Scholar; Fey, Harold E., “Looking at Life with Kagawa,” Christian Century 47 (March 12, 1930), 331–32Google Scholar.

¹⁰ Kagawa's English pronunciation remained difficult to understand, and he always accompanied his speeches with cryptic chalkboard drawings in attempt to illustrate his message. These drawings accentuated the curiosity of Western audiences.

¹¹ “Kagawa Scoffs at War,” New York Times, January 25, 1936, 16Google Scholar; Schildgen, Toyohiko Kagawa, 197; LaRoe, Wilbur Jr., “Kagawa Appraises Modern Japan,” Christian Century 53 (February 5, 1936), 225Google Scholar; “Notes on Kagawa Tour,” Christian Century 53 (February 19, 1936), 304Google Scholar.

¹² “‘Gandhi of Japan’ Put Under Arrest,” New York Times, September 5, 1940, 5Google Scholar; Hutchinson, “Kagawa: Proletarian Saint,” 596; Schildgen, Toyohiko Kagawa, 2. For the American observer's quote, see “Southern Cities Greet Kagawa,” Christian Century 53 (February 5, 1936), 242Google Scholar.

¹³ “Kagawa Foresees New Depression,” Christian Century 53 (March 4, 1936), 373Google Scholar.

¹⁴ “Dr. Kagawa Finds Nation in Tragedy,” New York Times, January 27, 1936, 2Google Scholar.

¹⁵ Schildgen, Toyohiko Kagawa, 187.

¹⁶ Hutchison, William R., “Protestantism as Establishment,” in Between the Times: The Travail of the Protestant Establishment in America, 1900–1960, ed. Hutchison, William R. (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1989), 4–5Google Scholar. Hutchison also recounts the historiographical issues involved in labeling mainline Protestantism as an establishment.

¹⁷ Mead, Sidney, “American Protestantism since the Civil War. I. From Denominationalism to Americanism,” Journal of Religion 36 (January 1956): 2Google Scholar. See also Handy, Robert, “The American Religious Depression, 1925–1935,” in Religious American History: A Reader, ed. Butler, Jon and Stout, Harry S. (New York: Oxford University Press, 1998), 375Google Scholar; Hutchison, “Protestantism as Establishment,” 9.

¹⁸ In his first book, Reinhold Niebuhr, pessimistically noted “a psychology of defeat has gripped the forces of religion.” See Niebuhr, , Does Civilization Need Religion? A Study in the Social Resources and Limitations of Religion in Modern Life (New York: Macmillan, 1927), 2Google Scholar.

¹⁹ Quote found in Carter, Paul A., The Decline and Revival of the Social Gospel: Social and Political Liberalism in American Protestant Churches, 1920–1940 (Hamden, Conn.: Archon, 1971), 191Google Scholar. See also Handy, “The American Religious Depression,” 373, 379.

²⁰ Robert Handy's research is the most well known in arguing for an American religious depression. While noting a decline in mainline Protestantism, evangelical and fundamentalist groups continued to grow. Pointing to their numerical, institutional, and cultural growth raises questions whether the 1920s and 1930s were a religious depression or a transferring of loyalties. See Carpenter, Joel A., “Fundamentalist Institutions and the Rise of Evangelical Protestantism, 1929–1942.” Church History 49, no. 1 (March 1980): 62–75CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

²¹ For tracing mainline memberships trends in the 1920s, see Weber, H. C., Evangelism: A Graphic Survey (New York: Macmillan, 1929), 181Google Scholar. See also Handy, “The American Religious Depression,” 373; Carter, Decline and Revival, 200.

²² “Larger than a Man's Hand,” Christian Century 57 (October 29, 1930), 1302Google Scholar.

²³ The missions movement debated the civilization/evangelization question throughout its history. At various times, either side held the upper hand. Under the leadership of Rufus Anderson in America and Henry Venn in Great Britain in the mid-nineteenth century, the predominant strategy was to avoid replicating Western civilization in missions. At the height of missions in the mainline (ca. 1880s–1920s), however, the civilizing impulse figured prominently. Among histories of the American Protestant missions movement, see especially Hutchison, William R., Errand to the World: American Protestant Thought and Foreign Missions (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1987)Google Scholar. See also Stanley, Brian, “Christian Missions, Antislavery, and Claims of Humanity (1813–1873),” in Cambridge History of Christianity: World Christianities, c.1815–c.1914, vol. 8, ed. Gilley, Sheridan and Stanley, Brian (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2006), 443–57Google Scholar. This debate has continued. In the American neo-evangelicalism in the 1950s and 1970s, new evangelicals identified themselves against the mainline by shifting the dualities from civilization and evangelization to the debate the relationship between evangelization and social action.

²⁴ Hutchison, Errand to the World, 100. I employ the term “mission field” here as it was used by mainline Protestantism at the time. Scholarship has since found this term inadequate as did the mainline missions movement itself. See discussion to follow.

²⁵ Throughout the literature in the Christian and popular presses, writers employ the term, “the East” to refer to any culture outside of America and Western Europe.

²⁶ While far predating Lamin Sanneh's groundbreaking study of translation as central to the spread of global Christianity, missionaries, and mission, thinkers already turned to themes of translation and indigenization as models of the successes of foreign missions. See Sanneh, , Translating the Message: The Missionary Impact on Culture (Maryknoll, N.Y.: Orbis, 1989).Google Scholar

²⁷ Latourette, Kenneth Scott, The Emergence of a World Christian Community (New Haven, Conn.: Yale University Press, 1949), 11Google Scholar. In comparing the numbers of Western missionaries to national Christians through the 1920s and 1930s, see Fahs, Charles H., “Missionary and National Personnel,” in Interpretative Statistical Survey of the World Missions of the Christian Church, ed. Parker, Joseph I. (New York: International Missionary Council, 1938), 243Google Scholar; “The Missionary's Conscience,” Christian Century 54 (October 13, 1937), 1254Google Scholar. See also a Stanley, “Christian Missions, Antislavery, and Claims of Humanity,” 457; “Larger than a Man's Hand,” Christian Century 57 (October 29, 1930), 1303Google Scholar.

²⁸ “Finds Christianity Gaining in the World,” New York Times, July 17, 1933, 11Google Scholar.

²⁹ Thomas Sieger Derr, “The Political Thought of the Ecumenical Movement, 1900–1939,” (Ph.D. diss., Columbia University, 1972), 290.

³⁰ For a full report on these three mission conferences, see Shivute, Tomas, The Theology of Mission and Evangelism in the International Missionary Council from Edinburgh to New Delhi (Helsinki: Finnish Missionary Society, 1980), 67Google Scholar; Hutchison, Errand to the World, 179–80.

³¹ Since Indian independence, this 1938 conference is now most commonly referred not as Madras but as Tambaram. However, historical documents describing the text often refer to Madras.

³² Higdon, E. K., “From Main Street to Madras,” Christian Century 55 (September 7, 1938), 1057Google Scholar; “Kagawa in America,” Christian Century 52 (December 4, 1935), 1542Google Scholar.

³³ “Is This a Turning-Point in Christian History?” Christian Century 49 (September 28, 1932), 1155Google Scholar.

³⁴ “Where is He,” Time (December 26, 1938)Google Scholar, http://www.time.com/time/magazine/archives/.

³⁵ “Mott on Missions,” Time (June 26, 1939)Google Scholar. See also Latourette, The Emergence of a World Christianity, 14; White, Hughes Vernon, “End Mission Imperialism Now!” Christian Century 51 (February 14, 1934), 220Google Scholar; Axling, Kagawa, x.

³⁶ In addition to missionary personnel, the movement invested millions of dollars in Asia. In 1939 the mainline invested over 2.5 million dollars just in Japan and Korea. See “God and the Emperor,” Time (September 9, 1940), http://www.time.com/time/magazine/archives/.

³⁷ Latourette, Kenneth Scott, “The Real Issue in Foreign Missions,” Christian Century 48 (April 15, 1931), 506Google Scholar; Hutchison, Errand to the World, 128, 175; “Nationalism is Throttling Missions,” Christian Century 50 (September 13, 1933), 1140Google Scholar; and Speer, Robert E., “True and Abiding Basis of Foreign Missions,” Missionary Review of the World (October 1929): 757Google Scholar.

³⁸ Of Japanese Christians in 1940, the largest groups were Presbyterian (55,372), Methodists (50,505), Congregational (33,523), and Episcopalian (28,587). See Parker, F. Calvin, The Southern Baptist Mission in Japan, 1889–1989 (Lanham, Md.: University Press of America, 1991), 155Google Scholar.

³⁹ While the numbers of Christians remained small, the mainline boasted there was one Bible in Japan for every family. See Latourette, , “The Church on the Field,” in Interpretative Statistical Survey of the World Missions of the Christian Church, ed. Parker, Joseph I. (New York: International Missionary Council, 1938), 241Google Scholar.

⁴⁰ “A Native and a Foreigner Appraise Japan's Issues,” New York Times, September 2, 1934, BR9Google Scholar.

⁴¹ “The Japanization of Christianity,” Christian Century 56 (August 2, 1939), 944Google Scholar; Brumbaugh, T. T., “Religion in Japan Today,” Christian Century 53 (August 5, 1936), 1060–61Google Scholar; Howes, John F., “Two Types: Kagawa and Uchimura,” Theology Today 23 (April 1966): 89CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Speer, Robert E., “True and Abiding Basis of Foreign Missions,” Missionary Review of the World (October 1929): 757Google Scholar; and “The Dilemma of the Missionary in Japan,” Christian Century 54 (November 3, 1937), 1352Google Scholar.

⁴² The mainline began referring to Kagawa as a “world citizen” by 1934. See “Kagawa Messages Stir Filipinos,” Christian Century 51 (May 9, 1934), 642Google Scholar; “Toyohiko Kagawa,” Christian Century 48 (September 16, 1931), 1135Google Scholar; “An Appeal From Japan,” Christian Century 58 (September 17, 1941), 1136Google Scholar.

⁴³ “Apostle of Brotherhood,” Christian Science Monitor, July 17, 1935Google Scholar, WM3.

⁴⁴ The Laymen's Report itself was published as Rethinking Missions: A Laymen's Inquiry After One Hundred Years, ed. Hocking, William Ernest (New York: Harper, 1932)Google Scholar. Hutchison, Errand to the World, describes the impact of the Laymen's Report in detail, 159–75. In addition to religious periodicals, the popular press also covered the response to the Laymen's Report on the mood of missions at home. See “Re-thinking Missions,” Time (November 28, 1932), http://www.time.com/time/magazine/archives.

⁴⁵ On Pearl Buck's larger role in the mainline missionary experience, see Wacker, Grant, “The Waning of the Missionary Impulse: The Case of Pearl S. Buck,” in The Foreign Missionary Enterprise at Home: Explorations in North American Cultural History, ed. Bays, Daniels H. and Wacker, Grant (Tuscaloosa: University of Alabama Press, 2003), 191–205Google Scholar.

⁴⁶ Machen's quote found in Hutchison, Errand to the World, 172.

⁴⁷ “Kagawa and the Missions Report,” Christian Century 50 (May 24, 1933), 680–81Google Scholar.

⁴⁸ Kagawa, Toyohiko, “Missions Without the Cross,” Christian Century 50 (May 24, 1933), 685–87Google Scholar.

⁴⁹ “Dr. Kagawa Offers Plan to Halt War,” New York Times, January 28, 1936, 5Google Scholar.

⁵⁰ Fukada, Robert Mikio, “The Legacy of Toyohiko Kagawa,” International Bulletin of Missionary Research 12 (January 1988): 18CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Robert Mikio Fukada, “Toyohiko Kagawa: A Mosaic Artist for God,” 23.

⁵¹ Kagawa was aware that these basic theological tenets had created a major struggle in the fundamentalist–modernist debates of the 1920s. He hoped and intentionally worked in order that his global Christianity would be able to rise above these Western divisions.

⁵² “What is Kagawa's Message,” Christian Century 53 (May 13, 1936), 714Google Scholar; Schildgen, Toyohiko Kagawa, 187; Hutchinson, “Kagawa: Proletarian Saint,” 600; “This Kagawa is Dangerous,” Christian Century 47 (May 21, 1930), 643Google Scholar; and “Kagawa Messages Stir Filipinos,” Christian Century 51 (May 9, 1934), 642–43Google Scholar.

⁵³ “Social Gospel,” Time (February 3, 1936)Google Scholar, http://www.time.com/time/magazine/archives/; “Is the Cooperative Movement Christian?” Christian Century 53 (March 11, 1936), 390Google Scholar; “Religion,” American Journal of Sociology 38 (July 1932–May 1933), 907Google Scholar. For the best overview of mainline Protestantism's interaction with social questions in the Great Depression, see Miller, Robert Moats, American Protestantism and Social Issues 1919–1939 (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1958)Google Scholar. See also Handy, “The American Religious Depression,” 378.

⁵⁴ Along with the early Reinhold Niebuhr and other influential Christian theologians, entire denominations explored the economic implications of Christianity and socialism. The Northern Baptists went on record in 1932 saying, “all wealth and all labor power are intended by the Creator for the highest good of all people … and no person can establish a rightful claim upon or within the community for more than a normal living.” See Carter, Decline and Revival, 151.

⁵⁵ Derr, “Political Thought,” 628, notes American interaction with economic systems in Europe. For the mainline's reactions to communism, see Havelock, E. A., “Must Christians Reject Communism?” Christian Century 52 (October 16, 1935), 1307–8Google Scholar; “The New Attack on Americanism,” Christian Century 52 (March 20, 1935), 360Google Scholar. The 1934 poll conducted by Kirby Page surveyed 20,870 clergymen from ten different Protestant denominations and Jewish movements, but his poll probably focused on the more liberal wing of the mainline. See also Miller, American Protestantism and Social Issues, 101, 118.

⁵⁶ There were many books of the day articulating defining the cooperative movement. See Fowler, Bertram B., Consumer Cooperation in America: Democracy's Way Out (New York: Vanguard, 1936)Google Scholar; Sorenson, Helen, The Consumer Movement: What It Is and What It Means (New York: Harper, 1941), 1–6Google Scholar; and Schmiedeler, Edgar, Cooperation: A Christian Mode of Industry (Ozone Park, N.Y.: Catholic Literary Guild, 1941)Google Scholar. For Kagawa's implementation of the cooperative concept in Japan, see Schildgen, Toyohiko Kagawa, 18, 63–64.

⁵⁷ President Roosevelt himself was interested in the prospects of cooperatives within his New Deal legislation.

⁵⁸ The Christian Century as well as the popular press ran scores of articles updating the progress of Kagawa's tour in 1935 and 1936. See especially “Kagawa-Apostle of the Christian Cooperative,” Christian Century 52 (September 25, 1935), 1197Google Scholar; “Kagawa's Itinerary,” Christian Century 52 (October 23, 1935), 1354Google Scholar. For the continued debate on co-ops in America, see “Co-ops” Time (July 13, 1936)Google Scholar. Three million Americans were members of cooperatives through the Great Depression, but they produced only one percent of U.S. business. In Britain, cooperatives represented an eighth of business over the same time period.

⁵⁹ Some churches did not publicly support their clergy's endorsement of socialism. Within the denomination, the Methodist Protestant Church and the Southern Baptists censured socialism in 1936 and 1938 respectively.

⁶⁰ Kagawa noted the loss of freedom of religion and ethics and its bent toward violence as his objections to communism. Regarding capitalism, Kagawa claimed despite its strengths, it currently “has produced evils which now threaten to overbalance all the advantages.” See Brumbaugh, T. T., “Kagawa on Cooperatives,” Christian Century 52 (February 27, 1935), 267Google Scholar; “Lost Leader,” Time (October 2, 1933)Google Scholar, http://www.time.com/time/magazine/archives/.

⁶¹ “Address at the Methodist General Conference (North),” 1936, quoted in Carter, Decline and Revival, 186

⁶² “Kagawa, Toyohiko, “Peace by World Cooperatives,” Christian Century 53 (April 29, 1936), 627Google Scholar; “Dr. Kagawa Offers Plan to Halt War,” New York Times, January 28, 1936, 5Google Scholar; “End of War Seen in Cooperatives,” New York Times, January 26, 1936Google Scholar, N1.

⁶³ The derogatory term was often employed by Kagawa's opponents. “Insurance Agents Asked to Fight Cooperatives,” Christian Century 53 (June 24, 1936), 893Google Scholar.

⁶⁴ “Kagawa Entry Protested,” New York Times, December 25, 1935, 3Google Scholar; Schildgen, Toyohiko Kagawa, 182–84. The Attack Opens on Kagawa,” Christian Century 53 (April 7, 1936), 523; “Attacks Upon Kagawa Continues,” Christian Century 53 (June 3, 1936), 787–88Google Scholar.

⁶⁵ Schildgen, Toyohiko Kagawa, 191–92; “Kagawa: A Japanese Christian Starts an American Church War,” Newsweek 7 (April 28, 1936), 42Google Scholar; “Tour's End,” Time (July 6, 1936)Google Scholar, http://www.time.com/time/magazine/archives.

⁶⁶ For a step-by-step analysis of the government's victory in gaining control over Christianity, see Ion, Hamish A., “The Cross Under an Imperial Sun: Imperialism, Nationalism, and Japanese Christianity, 1895–1945,” in Handbook of Christianity in Japan, ed. Mullins, Mark R. (Leiden: Brill, 2003), 88–93Google Scholar.

⁶⁷ For the debate whether to pull the missionaries out of Japan or allow them to stay, see the reports in the Christian Century, issues March 5, March 10, March 12, and April 9, 1941. For the mainline's interpretation of the current state of Japanese Christianity, see Howard, Henry, “The Plight of Japanese Christians,” Christian Century 54 (December 22, 1937), 1592Google Scholar. In 1942 the Christian Century ran six articles debating the nature of Japanese Christianity and Shinto Nationalism. See especially, Holtom, D. C., “What Have Japanese Christians Surrendered,” Christian Century 59 (January 28, 1942), 111Google Scholar; Brumbaugh, T. T., “Is This the End of Missions?” Christian Century 58 (March 12, 1941), 355Google Scholar; Axling, William, “Japan's Christians Unite,” Christian Century 58 (June 25, 1941), 826Google Scholar; “Nationalism and Missions,” Christian Century 57 (March 20, 1940), 275–76Google Scholar; and Fey, Harold E., “The Emperor Who Plays God,” Christian Century 57 (August 28, 1940), 1049Google Scholar.

⁶⁸ “God and the Emperor,” Time (September 9, 1940)Google Scholar, http://www.time.com/time/magazine/archives; Schildgen, Toyohiko Kagawa, 215; Furuya, “Who Was Toyohiko Kagawa,” 309; Fey, Harold E., “Kagawa Revisits America,” Christian Century 58 (May 21, 1941), 684, 686Google Scholar. Not only did Kagawa advocate peace, he partnered with missionary E. Stanley Jones to attempt to broker a political peace agreement by arranging for a meeting between the Japanese government and Franklin Roosevelt. The event never fully materialized before the Japanese attack on Pearl Harbor. See Schildgen, Toyohiko Kagawa, 222–24.

⁶⁹ “Kagawa on the Radio,” Christian Century 62 (June 6, 1945), 671Google Scholar; “Japanese Talks Reconciliation,” Christian Science Monitor, August 8, 1945, 11Google Scholar; and Schildgen, Toyohiko Kagawa, 229–30.

⁷⁰ “Through Christian Eyes,” Time 46 (September 24, 1935), 26–27Google Scholar.

⁷¹ “I Would Rather Be Dead,” Christian Century 62 (September 26, 1945), 1088Google Scholar; Mackin, Thomas, “As Kagawa Sees Japan's Future,” Christian Century 62 (October 10, 1945), 1154–55Google Scholar; and Schildgen, Toyohiko Kagawa, 238–39.

⁷² Rubin, Barnard, “Under Christian Guise, This Jap Fostered War,” Stars and Stripes, Pacific Edition, December 20, 1945, 2Google Scholar; “Light on Attack on Kagawa,” Christian Century 63 (March 20, 1946), 355–56Google Scholar; T. T. Brumbaugh, “Kagawa: Christian Socialist,” Christian Century 62, no. 51 [n.d.], 1531–32; “A Letter to Kagawa, Christian Century 64 (July 30, 1947), 918–19Google Scholar; and Schildgen, Toyohiko Kagawa, 257–60.

⁷³ Hutchinson, Paul, “Japan – A Laboratory Test,” Christian Century 64 (January 8, 1947), 39–41Google Scholar; Kirk, Walter W. Van, “The Future of Christianity in Japan,” Christian Century 63 (February 6, 1946), 169Google Scholar.

⁷⁴ “Students, What Now?” Christian Century 65 (January 14, 1948), 40Google Scholar; “Now or Never in Japan,” Christian Century 65 (January 21, 1948), 70–71Google Scholar; “Two More Missions Ships to Sail,” Christian Century 63 (December 11, 1946), 1492Google Scholar; Hessel, R. A. Egon, “Paganism Unshaken in Japan,” Christian Century 66 (September 21, 1949), 1103Google Scholar; and “Opportunity Is Passing for Missions in Japan,” Christian Century 66 (September 21, 1949), 1093Google Scholar.

⁷⁵ Drummond, Henry, “Kagawa: Christian Evangelist,” Christian Century 77 (July 13, 1960), 823Google Scholar; “Kagawa Arrives on Revival Tour,” New York Times, July 15, 1950, 14Google Scholar; and “Kagawa Returning For a 6-Month Tour,” New York Times, June 17, 1950, 9Google Scholar. For more information about mainline Protestantism in the Cold War, see Kirby, Dianne, “The Cold War, the Hegemony of the United States, and the Golden Age of Christian Democracy,” in Cambridge History of Christianity: World Christianities, c.1914–c.2000, vol. 9, ed. McLeod, Hugh (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2006), 286, 303Google Scholar; and Ellwood, Robert S., 1950: Crossroads of American Religious Life (Louisville, Ky.: Westminster John Knox, 2000), 11, 99Google Scholar.

⁷⁶ “Toyohiko Kagawa,” Christian Century 48 (September 16, 1931), 1135Google Scholar.