This article was written while on a postdoctoral fellowship at the Center for Chinese Studies at the University of California, Berkeley. I am indebted to the Center for its financial support and intellectual stimulation.

¹ On the role of guilds in the Chinese economy, see Bingdi, He, Zhongguo huiguan shilun [An historical survey of landsmannschaften in China] (Taipei: Xuesheng shuju, 1966);Google ScholarTadashi, Negishi, Chūgoku no girudo [Guilds of China] (Tokyo: Nippon hyoron shinsha, 1953);Google ScholarJones, Susan Mann, “Finance in Ningpo: The ‘Ch'ien-chuang,’ 1750–1880,” in Economic Organization in China, Willmott, W. E., ed. (Stanford: Stanford University Press, 1972) 47–77;Google ScholarMorse, Hosea Ballou, The Gilds of China (London: Longman's, 1909);Google Scholar and Macgowan, D. J., “Chinese Guilds or Chambers of Commerce and Trade Unions,'’ Journal of the North China Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society, 21:3 (1886), 133–92.Google Scholar On the prohibition against gentry associations, see Lo, Jungpang, ed. and trans., K'ang Yu-wei: A Biography and a Symposium (Tucson: The University of Arizona Press, 1967), 71.Google Scholar

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³ I am indebted to Kenneth Jowitt for suggesting the use of this term.

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¹² Quan, , Zhongguo hanghui, 159. There is, at the moment, little empirical evidence as to precisely how enforceable such regulations were. The point, however, is that even if guilds had considerable authority, they did not, in the traditional period, emerge as pouvoirs intermediares.Google Scholar

¹³ Negishi, , Chūgoku, 378–79.Google Scholar

¹⁴ Remer, Charles F., A Study of Chinese Boycotts: With Special Reference to Their Economic Effectiveness (Baltimore: The Johns Hopkins Press, 1933), 13.Google Scholar For a fuller description of the boycott, see Rowe, , “Urban Society,” 275–89.Google Scholar

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¹⁸ In his Economic and Social History of Medieval Europe (New York: Harcourt, 1956),Google Scholar Henri Pirenne writes (p. 55), “The medieval burgess … was a different kind of person from all who lived outside the town walls. Once outside the gates and the moat we are in another world, or more exactly, in the domain of another law.”

¹⁹ Negishi, , Chūgoku, 73.Google Scholar

²⁰ Ibid., 384, and Tadashi, Negishi, Shanghai no girudo [The guilds of Shanghai] (Tokyo: Nippon hyoronsha, 1951), 7–14.Google Scholar

²¹ The development of tuanlian is surveyed by Kuhn, Philip A. in Rebellion and Its Enemies in Late Imperial China: Militarization and Social Structure, 1796–1864 (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1970). See especially 211–23.Google Scholar

²² Michael, Franz, “Regionalism in Nineteenth-Century China,” introduction to Li Hungchang and the Huai Army: A Study in Nineteenth-Century Regionalism, by Spector, Stanley (Seattle: University of Washington Press, 1964), xxi–xliii.Google Scholar

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²⁴ Ibid., 97–100.

²⁵ Jones, Susan Mann, “Commercial Tax-Farming at the County Level under the Republic: A New Perspective on Merchant Networks in Chinese Society”(Paper presented at the Conference on Urban-Rural Networks in Chinese Society,Mackinac Island, Michigan,28 August–2 September, 1979).Google Scholar

²⁶ One stimulus for this development was the favored tax status of the foreigners. By guaranteeing tax revenues, guilds were able to gain control of likin and destination taxes (loudi shui) and lower the burden on themselves. These guild monopolies were later challenged with at least partial success by “contract merchants” (baoshang) who were outsiders. See Sanford, James Coates, “Chinese Commercial Organization and Behavior of the Late Nineteenth and Early Twentieth Centuries” (Ph.D. diss., Harvard University, 1976), 126–27, 132–33.Google Scholar

²⁷ Negishi, , Chügoku, 65–66;Google ScholarSanford, , “Chinese Commercial Organization,” 120.Google Scholar

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³² Banister, , “History,” I, 52, 60–61.Google Scholar See also Murphey, Rhoads, Shanghai, Key to Modern China (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1953), 97–100, 103–11, 127–29.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

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³⁵ The development oizizhi thought has been surveyed by Kuhn, Philip A. in his “Local Self-Government under the Republic: Problems of Control, Autonomy, and Mobilization,” in Conflict and Control in Late Imperial China, Wakeman, Frederick Jr, and Grant, Carolyn, eds. (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1975), 256–98.Google Scholar

³⁶ Ibid., 275.

³⁷ Yang et al., Statistics, table I.

³⁸ Guanying, Zheng, Shengshi weiyan [Words of warning to a seemingly prosperous age] (Shanghai: Commercial Press, 1895), 681.Google Scholar On Zheng, see Hao, Yen-p'ing, “Cheng Kuan-ying: The Comprador as Reformer,” Journal of Asian Studies 29:1 (11 1969), 15–23.CrossRefGoogle Scholar For an excellent survey of this school of thought, see Ermin, Wang, “Shangzhan guannian yu zhongshang sixiang” [The concept of commercial war and mercantilist thought] in his Zhongguo jindai sixiang shi lun [History of China's modern thought] (Taipei: Huashi chuban she, 1977), 233–79.Google Scholar See also Xunyan, Li Chen (Mabel Lee), “WanQing de zhongshang zhuyi” [The “exalt commerce” movement of the late Qing] Zhongyang yanjiuyuan jindai yanjiusuo jikan [Bulletin of the Institue of Modern History, Academia Sinica], 3 (07 1972), 207–21.Google Scholar

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⁴⁰ Cited in Wang, , “Shangzhan guannian,” 302.Google Scholar

⁴¹ Cited ibid., 252, 242.

⁴² Zheng, , Shengshi weiyan, 692.Google Scholar

⁴³ Ibid. See also Qichao, Liang, “Lun Zhongguo yi jiangchiu falu zhi xue” [China ought to strive for the study of law], in Yinbingshi heji, wenji [Collected essays from the ice-drinker's study], 40 ce (Shanghai: Zhonghua shuju, 1936), ce 1, zhuan 1:93–94;Google Scholar and idem, “Lun zhengfu yu renmin zhi quanxian” [On the demarcation of authority between the government and the people] in ibid., ce 4, zhuan 10: 1–6.Google Scholar

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⁴⁵ Zheng, , Shengshi weiyan, 680–81, 692.Google Scholar

⁴⁶ Cited in Fengtian, Zhao, WanQing wushi nian jingji sixiang shi [A history of economic thought during the last fifty years of the Qing] (Peiping: Harvard-Yenching Institute, 1930), 111.Google Scholar

⁴⁷ Ibid., 101; Wang, , “Shangzhan guannian,” 304.Google Scholar

⁴⁸ Zheng, , Shengshi weiyan, 692.Google Scholar

⁴⁹ Cited in Wang, , “Shangzhan guannian,” 240.Google Scholar

⁵⁰ Zheng, , Shengshi weiyan, 679.Google Scholar

⁵¹ Xuanhuai, Sheng, Sheng shangshu Yuzhai cungao chukan [Collected drafts of Board President Sheng Yuzhai, first draft], Jingduan, Lu, ed., 101 zhuan (Shanghai, 1930; rpt. Taipei: Wenhai chuban she, 1974),Google Scholarzhuan 7:35a–37b.Google Scholar

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⁵³ Jian, Zhang, “Shanghui yi” [A discussion of chambers of commerce], in Zhang Jizi jiulu [The nine records of Zhang Jian], Xiaoro, Zhang, ed. (Shanghai: Zhonghua shuju, 1930),Google Scholar Shiye lu [Record on industry], ce 8, zhuan I:4a–4b.Google Scholar

⁵⁴ Qichao, Liang, “Xinmin shuo” [On the new people], in Yinbingshi wenji quanbian [Collected essays from the ice-drinker's study], 4 vols. (Shanghai: Xinmin shuju, 1935),Google Scholarzhuan 1:1–86;Google Scholarzhuan 2:1–82;Google Scholar and zhuan 3:1–117.Google Scholar

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⁵⁶ Ibid., 105–6.

⁵⁷ Liang, , “Xinmin shuo,” zhuan 1:1.Google Scholar

⁵⁸ See in particular the section of “Xinmin shuo” subtitled “Lun shengli fenli” [On producing and consuming wealth].

⁵⁹ See the following essays by Liang Qichao in Yinbingshi heji, wenji: “Lun Xuehui” [On study associations], ce 1, zhuan 1:31–34;Google Scholar “Shuochun xu” [Preface to on grouping], ce 2, zhuan 2:3–4;Google Scholar “Shuochun” [On grouping], ce 2, zhuan 2:4–7;Google Scholar “Shanghui yi” [On chambers of commerce], ce 2, zhuan 4:1–7;Google Scholar and “Lun shangye huiyisuo zhi yi” [On the benefits of commercial consultative associations], ce 2, zhuan 4:7–11.Google Scholar While the notion of chun is important for Liang, he is frustratingly vague about the form and content he envisioned. In general they were to be gentry groups (such as study associations) and professional groups (such as chambers of commerce), but Liang was unconcerned with defining them either in terms of organizational structure or in terms of their specific relationship to the state. For Liang, groups were the logical focus of efforts to create and sustain an ethos of citizenship—particularly, his conception of public virtue (gongde).

⁶⁰ Chan, Wellington, Merchants, Mandarins, and Modern Enterprise in Late Ch'ing China (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1977), 201.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

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⁶⁵ Ibid., 341–42.

⁶⁶ Feuerwerker, , China's Early Industrialization, 71;Google Scholar and Garrett, Shirley S., “The Chambers of Commerce and the YMCA,” in The Chinese City between Two Worlds, Elvin, Mark and Skinner, G. William, eds. (Stanford: Stanford University Press, 1974), 218.Google Scholar

⁶⁷ It is often forgotten that the KMT fully accepted the Marxist critique of capitalism. For explications of KMT ideology, see Mengwu, Sa, Sanmin zhuyi zhengzhi xue [The political science of the Three Principles of the People] (Shanghai: Xin shengming yuekan shuju, 1929);Google ScholarYuanchong, Shao, Shao Yuanchong xiansheng yanjiang ji, diyi ji [The collected speeches of Mr. Shao Yuanchong, vol. 1] (Shanghai: Commercial Press, 1928);Google Scholar and Fuhai, Zhou, Sanmin zhuyi lilun de tixi [The system of the Three Principles of the People] (Shanghai: Xin shengming yuekan she, 1928; second printing, 1929).Google Scholar

⁶⁸ On the concept of neotraditionalism, see Jowitt, Kenneth, “Soviet Neotraditionalism: The Political Corruption of a Leninist Regime,” Soviet Studies (July 1983), forthcoming.Google Scholar

⁶⁹ It is important to distinguish between the Nationalist regime as a government and the Kuomintang as a party organization. The Kuomintang was only one component, and not necessarily the most important component, of the Nationalist regime. Much confusion results, I think, from collapsing these two entities.

⁷⁰ This theme is being developed at length in my manuscript, “Party, State, and Local Elites in Republican China,” (forthcoming, University of Hawaii Press).

⁷¹ See, in particular, Tsou, Tang, “Back from the Brink of Revolutionary-'Feudal' Totalitarianism: Some Preliminary Reflections” (Paper presented at the Luce Seminar, University of Chicago, 30–31 May 1980.Google Scholar

⁷² It should be noted that while the Nationalist regime sharply suppressed the authority of the party organization, it continued, as it does today, to claim legitimacy on the basis of Kuomintang ideology. This raises interesting issues about the relationship between ideology, state, and party in one-party authoritarian regimes.

⁷³ The qualitative difference between a polity with a single party and one with a party system (containing more than one party) is argued emphatically by Sartori, Giovani in his Party and Party Systems: A Framework for Analysis, vol. I (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1976).Google Scholar