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Family Metaphors: The Language of an Independence Revolution

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  03 June 2009

Mary Lowenthal Felstiner
Affiliation:
San Francisco State University

Abstract

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Type
Metaphors of Revolution
Copyright
Copyright © Society for the Comparative Study of Society and History 1983

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References

1 A promising literature on the uses of metaphor in political thought has appeared in recent years. Most studies focus on language theory rather than on historical interpretation; a few use metaphors to elucidate history, but without designing criteria to evaluate them. The neglect of metaphors by historians and interpreters of political theory has been pointed out by Zashin, Elliot and Chapman, Philip C., “The Uses of Metaphor and Analogy: Toward a Renewal of Political Language,” The Journal of Politics, 36:2 (05 1974), 292;CrossRefGoogle Scholar and by Cohen, Ted, “Metaphor and the Cultivation of Intimacy,” in On Metaphor, Sacks, Sheldon, ed. (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1979), 1, 3.Google Scholar On the lack of criteria for evaluating the effectiveness of a particular metaphor, see Booth, Wayne, “Metaphor as Rhetoric: The Problem of Evaluation” and “Ten Literal ‘Theses’” in On Metaphor, Sacks, , ed., 49,54, 1974.Google Scholar Two collections, mainly of theoretical articles on metaphor by social scientists, are outstanding sources: Ortony, Andrew, ed., Metaphor and Thought (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1979);Google Scholar and Sapir, J. David and Crocker, J. Christopher, eds., The Social Use of Metaphor: Essays on the Anthropology of Rhetoric (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 1977).CrossRefGoogle Scholar For a survey of recent political science interpretations, see Miller, Eugene F., “Metaphor and Political Knowledge,” American Political Science Review, 73:1 (03 1979), 155–70;CrossRefGoogle Scholar and Drucker, H. M., “Just Analogies?: The Place of Analogies in Political Thinking,” Political Studies, 18:4 (1970), 448–60.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

2 Some of the major document collections on independence are Colección de antíguos perióclicos chilenos, Cruz, Guillermo Feliú, ed., 20 vols. (Santiago: Imprenta Cultura, etc., 1952–66),Google Scholar hereafter cited as CAPC; Colección de historiadores y documentos relativos a la independencia de Chile, 30 vols. (Santiago: Imprenta Cervantes, 19001939),Google Scholar hereafter cited as CHD1; Archivo de don Bernardo O'Higgins, Donoso, Ricardo et al. , eds. (Santiago: Nascimento, 1946),Google Scholar hereafter cited as AOH. Standard histories of the independence period include Jaime Eyzaguirre, Ideario y ruta de la emancipación chilena (Santiago: Editorial Universitaria, 1957);Google ScholarVillalobos, Nestor Meza, La conciencia política chilena durante la monarquía (Santiago: Universidad de Chile, 1958);Google ScholarVillalobos, Sergio, Tradición y reforma en 1810 (Santiago: Universidad de Chile, 1961).Google Scholar

3 Collier, Simon, Ideas and Politics of Chilean Independence 1808–1833 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1967). Collier was not looking for metaphors, but I have made use of the abundant and brilliantly chosen quotations in his book.Google Scholar

4 Collier, , Ideas and Politics, 212–17.Google Scholar

5 Grez, Vicente, Las mujeres de la independencia (Santiago: Zig-Zag, 1966), 55, 62;Google ScholarCartas pehuenches (1819), in CAPC, XI (1958).Google Scholar

6 Quoted, in Collier, , Ideas and Politics, 212, 213, 194, 214.Google Scholar

7 5 October 1811, Sesiones de los cuerpos lejislativos de la República de Chile, 1811–1845, Letelier, Valentín, ed. (Santiago: Imprenta Cervantes, 1885–1908), I, 119, hereafter cited as SCL.Google Scholar

8 Erikson, Erik, Childhood and Society (New York: W. W. Norton and Company, 1950), 285.Google Scholar

9 Quoted, in Collier, , Ideas and Politics, 194.Google Scholar

10 Ibid., 195, 110, 118, 189.

11 Ibid., 211, 161.

12 Estimates in Cruz, Guillermo Feliú, La abolición de la esclavitud en Chile: estudio histórico y social (Santiago: Universidad de Chile, 1942), 3940;Google Scholar quotation from Salas, Manuel de in Francisco Antonio Encina, Historia de Chile desde la prehistoria hasta 1891, 20 vols. (Santiago: Nascimento, 1940–52), V, 160–63.Google Scholar The image of enslavement by an empire was invoked elsewhere at this time by slaveowners advocating independence. See Levi, Darrell E., A Familia Prado (Sao Paulo: Cultura 70, 1976), 61.Google Scholar

13 11 October 1811, SCL, I, 133.Google Scholar

14 15 10 1811, SCL, I, 138;Google Scholar I found records of slave sales 1811 through 1823 in the Archivo de los Notarios de Santiago; see also SCL, I, 151;Google ScholarCruz, Feliú, La abolición, 62;Google ScholarSater, William F., “The Black Experience in Chile,” in Slavery and Race Relations in Latin America, Toplin, Robert Brent, ed. (Westport Conn.:, Greenwood Press, 1974), 3536.Google Scholar

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18 Chile, Aurora de, 30 08 1812 (rpt. Santiago: Imprenta Cervantes, 1903), p. 117;Google Scholaribid., 8 October 1812, p. 145; ibid., 5 November 1812, p. 161;Gazeta de Santiago (1818), quoted in Collier, Ideas and Politics, 210;Google ScholarIndependence Manifesto, in Manning, Diplomatic Correspondence, III, 902.Google Scholar

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21 Aurora de Chile, 28 05 1812, p. 63.Google Scholar

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24 Henríquez, (1811), quoted in Collier, Ideas and Politics, 155.Google Scholar

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26 El Liberal (1823), quoted in Collier, Ideas and Politics, 198;Google ScholarBolívar, (1815), quoted in The Origins of the Latin American Revolutions, 1808–1826, Humphreys, R. A. and Lynch, John, eds. (New York: Alfred A. Knopf, 1965), 262;Google ScholarAurora de Chile, 8 10 1812, p. 145;Google ScholarEl semanario republicano, 18 11 1813, CHDI, XXIV, 57.Google Scholar

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28 Actas del Cabildo de Santiago durante el período Llamado de la Patria Vieja, 1810–1814, 14 08 1810, 2d ed., Medina, J. T., ed. (Santiago: Fondo José Toribio Medina, 1960), 36;Google ScholarGaceta ministerial (1819), Henríquez (1812), SCL (n.d.), all quoted in Collier, Ideas and Politics, 214, 216.Google Scholar

29 Irisarri, Antonio José de, Historia crítica del asesinato del gran mariscal de Ayacucho (Havana: Casa de las Américas, 1964), 36;Google ScholarEl Argos de Chile, 18 06 1818, in CAPC, X.Google Scholar

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31 Black, Max, “More about Metaphor”, in Metaphor and Thought, Ortony, ed., 2829;Google ScholarHowe, James, “Carrying the Village: Cuna Political Metaphor,” in Social Use of Metaphor, Sapir, and Crocker, , eds., 158.Google Scholar

32 Schochet, Gordon J., Patriarchalism in Political Thought: The Authoritarian Family and Political Speculation and Attitudes, especially in Seventeenth-Century England (Oxford: Blackwell, 1975), 6472;Google ScholarBurrows, Edwin G. and Wallace, Michael, “The American Revolution: The Ideology and Psychology of National Liberation,” Perspectives in American History, 6 (1972), 255–94;Google ScholarGreven, Philip J., Jr., Four Generations: Population, Land, and Family in Colonial Andover, Massachusetts (Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 1970), 281–82;Google Scholaridem, The Protestant Temperament: Patterns of Child-Rearing, Religious Experience, and the Self in Early America (New York: Alfred A. Knopf, 1977), 336–39;Google ScholarLynn, Kenneth S., A Divided People (Westport, Conn.: Greenwood Press, 1977), 100105;Google Scholar see also Waters, John J., The Otis Family in Provincial and Revolutionary Massachusetts (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1968), 133;Google ScholarBrennan, and Pateman, , “Mere Auxiliaries,” 196–98;Google ScholarHulliung, Mark, “Patriarchalism and Its Early Enemies,” Political Theory, 2:4 (11 1974), 410–19;CrossRefGoogle ScholarWeinstein, Fred and Platt, Gerald M., The Wish To Be Free: Society, Psyche, and Value Change (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1969);Google ScholarJordan, Winthrop, “Familial Politics: Thomas Paine and the Killing of the King, 1776,” The Journal of American History, 60:2 (11 1973), 299301;CrossRefGoogle ScholarDeMause, Lloyd, Foundations of Psychohistory (New York: Creative Books Inc., 1982), 113–16.Google Scholar

33 Greven portrays militant revolutionary attitudes as a response to fathers who asserted absolute authority over their sons, while Lynn sees in independence ideology a response to fathers who granted sons autonomy. Greven, , Protestant Temperament, 335–61;Google ScholarLynn, , A Divided People, 6869, 99100;Google ScholarBurrows, and Wallace, , “American Revolution,” 255.Google Scholar

,34 Schochet, Patriarchalism, 72;Google ScholarHinton, R. W. K., “Husbands, Fathers, and Conquerors,” Political Studies, 16:1 (02 1968), 66.CrossRefGoogle Scholar Evidence for the breakdown of patriarchal authority in the eighteenth-century English family appears in summary in Trumbach, Randolph, The Rise of the Egalitarian Family: Aristocratic Kinship and Domestic Relations in Eighteenth-Century England (New York: Academic Press, 1978), 288–90;Google ScholarStone, Lawrence, The Family, Sex, and Marriage in England, 1500–1800 (New York: Harper and Row, 1977), 655–66.Google Scholar

35 Finestrad, Joaquin de (1789), quoted in Phelan, John Leddy, The People and the King: The Comunero Revolution in Colombia, 1781 (Madison: University of Wisconsin Press, 1978), 213;Google Scholar the other quotations are: Luis Campino, in Meza Villalobos, La conciencia politico, 312; Meneses, Francisco, in Conversaciones historicas de Claudio Gay con algunos de los testigos y adores de la independencia de Chile, 1808–1826, Cruz, Guillermo Feliu, ed. (Santiago: Editorial Andres Bello, 1965), 24;Google ScholarViva el Rey, gaceta del gobierno de Chile, 27 11 1815, in CAPC, II, 11.Google Scholar

36 On European Enlightmenment influences, see Collier, Ideas and Politics, 3543;Google ScholarHumphreys, and Lynch, , Origins, 3151;Google ScholarWhitaker, Arthur P., ed., Latin America and the Enlightenment (Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 1961);Google ScholarGóngora, Mario, Studies in the Colonial History of Spanish America (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1975), 177–93.Google Scholar

37 Suárez, Francisco, Selections from Three Works (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1944), II, 365;Google ScholarLocke quoted in Schochet, Patriarchalism, 250;Google ScholarPaine quoted in Burrows and Wallace, “American Revolution,” 215.Google Scholar

38 See Whitaker, , Latin America, 5369;Google ScholarHumphreys, and Lynch, , Origins, 7593;Google ScholarRodriguez, Mario, “The Presence of the American Revolution in the Contemporaneous Spanish World,” Proceedings of the Pacific Coast Council on Latin American Studies, 6 (19771979), 1524;Google ScholarDavis, Harold Eugene, “Ideas in the Independence Movements of Mexico and the United States,” Proceedings of the Pacific Coast Council on Latin American Studies, 6 (19771979), 113;Google ScholarHanke, Lewis, ed., Do the Americas Have a Common History: A Critique of the Bolton Theory (New York: Alfred A. Knopf, 1964);Google ScholarDetweiler, Robert and Ruiz, Ramon, Liberation in the Americas: Comparative Aspects of the Independence Movements in Mexico and the United States (San Diego: The Campanile Press, 1978);Google ScholarMorris, Richard B., The Emerging Nations and the American Revolution (New York: Harper and Row, 1970), 129157.Google Scholar

39 Bailyn, Bernard, The Ideological Origins of the American Revolution (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1973), 235–46;Google ScholarBurrows, and Wallace, , “American Revolution,” 168ff. Jay Fliegelman, Prodigals and Pilgrims: The American Revolution against Patriarchal Authority, 1750–1800 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1982), 3.Google ScholarThe Virginians, Paine, and Abigail Adams quoted in Jordan, “Familial Politics,” 299, 301;Google ScholarFranklin, in Bailyn, , Ideological Origins, 89;Google ScholarJohn, Adams and Jefferson, in Lynn, A Divided People, 104, 105;Google Scholar see also DeMause, , Foundations, 113–16.Google Scholar

40 “Jamaica Letter,” 6 11 1815, in Humphreys and Lynch, Origins, 263.Google Scholar

41 See Greven, Four Generations; Waters, Otis Family; Balmori, Diana and Oppenheimer, Robert, “Family Clusters: Generational Nucleation in Nineteenth-Century Argentina and Chile,” Comparative Studies in Society and History, 21:2 (04 1979), 231–61;CrossRefGoogle ScholarFelstiner, Mary Lowenthal, “The Larrain Family in the Independence of Chile, 1780–1830” (Ph.D. diss., Stanford University, 1970).Google Scholar

42 Information about godparents, marriages among relatives, residences, and family economic networks comes mainly from the Archivo de los Escribanos de Santiago and the Archivo de los Notarios de Santiago. See Felstiner, Mary Lowenthal, “Kinship Politics in the Chilean Independence Movement,” Hispanic American Historical Review, 56:1 (02 1976), 5961;CrossRefGoogle Scholaridem, “Larrain Famíly,” 28–52. On residence patterns, see also Zapiola, José, Recuerdos de treinta anos (1810–1840) (Santiago: G. Miranda, 1902), 280309;Google ScholarOrtiz, Carlos Stuardo, “Vecinos de Santiago en 1808,” Boletin de la Academia Chilena de Historia, 26:60 (1959), 205–21.Google Scholar

43 Studies show similarities in elite family behavior all over colonial Latin America. For example, Blank, Stephanie, “Patrons, Clients, and Kin in Seventeenth-Century Caracas,” Hispanic American Historical Review, 54:2 (05 1974), 260–83;CrossRefGoogle ScholarRamos, Donald, “Marriage and the Family in Colonial Vila Rica,” Hispanic American Historical Review, 55:2 (05 1975), 200225;CrossRefGoogle ScholarKennedy, John Norman, “Bahian Elites, 1750–1822,” Hispanic American Historical Review, 53:3 (08 1973), 415–39;CrossRefGoogle ScholarBauer, Arnold J., Chilean Rural Society from the Spanish Conquest to 1930 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1975);Google ScholarBrading, David A., Miners and Merchants in Bourbon Mexico, 1763–1810 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1971);Google ScholarSchwartz, Stuart B., Sovereignty and Society in Colonial Brazil (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1973);Google Scholar Phelan, People and the King; Socolow, Susan Migden, The Merchants of Buenos Aires, 1778–1810: Family and Commerce (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press,1978);CrossRefGoogle Scholaridem, “Marriage, Birth, and Inheritance: The Merchants of Eighteenth-Century Buenos Aires,” Hispanic American Historial Review, 60:3 (08 1980), 387406;CrossRefGoogle ScholarBarbier, Jacques A., Reform and Politics in Bourbon Chile, 1755–1796 (Ottawa: University of Ottawa Press, 1980);Google ScholarLadd, Doris M., The Mexican Nobility at Independence, 1780–1826 (Austin: The University of Texas Press, 1976).Google Scholar

44 On family business networks in Chile, see Felstiner, “Kinship Politics,” 6061;Google ScholarVillalobos, Sergio, “El comercio extranjero a fines de la dominaciOn espanola,” Journal of Inter-American Studies, 4 (10 1962), 537–39.Google Scholar

45 Some typical petitions for office: Solicitación, 1803, Fondo Varios, vol. 418, pieza 4; Solar, Domingo Amunátegui, La sociedad chilena del siglo XVIII: Mayorazgos i títulos de Castilla, 3 vols. (Santiago: Imprenta Barcelona, 19011904);Google Scholar Relación de examen, 27 April 1790, Real Audiencia, vol. 598, pieza 2; 13 September 1790, vol. 1662, pieza 4; vol. 2787, pieza 7. On the importance of family relations for acquiring offices, see Barbier, , Reform and Politics, 109, 192–93.Google Scholar

46 Independence Manifesto (1818) in Manning, Diplomatic Correspondence, III, 902.Google Scholar

47 Vidaurre, Felipe Gómez de, Historia geográfica, natural y civil del reino de Chile. in Colección de historiadores de Chile y de documentos relativos a la historia nacional (Santiago: Imprenta Universitaria, 1889), XV, 292, hereafter cited as CHDN;Google Scholarportrait in Eyzaguirre, Jaime, Historia de Chile: Génesis la nacionalidad (Santiago: Zig-Zag, 1965), 394.Google Scholar

48 Socolow gives similar examples of paternal power in Buenos Aires in Merchants of Buenos Aires, 3339.Google Scholar

49 Chilean elite women tended to marry between ages fourteen and twenty-one, and marriages were arranged between cousins as early as age seven. Thirty-two was the average marriage age of seventeen titled Creole men whose careers I followed. By law, no child under age twenty-five could marry without parental approval; even over age twenty-five, lack of parental consent could mean forfeiting dowry and inheritance rights. Ots, José Maria, Instituciones sociales de la América Española en el período colonial (Buenos Aires: Imprenta Lopez, 1934), 121;Google Scholar quotations from Haenke, Thaddaus, Descripción del reyno de Chile (Santiago: Nascimento, 1942), 99;Google ScholarVidaurre, Gómez de, Historia geográfica, 289;Google ScholarBarbier, Jacques A., “Elites and Cadres in Bourbon Chile,” Hispanic American Historical Review, 52:3 (08 1972), 416–35.Google Scholar

50 Aurora de Chile, 28 May 1812, p. 63;Google ScholarAntonio José de Irisarri, El cristiano errante: novela que tiene mucho de historia, Cruz, Guillermo Feliú, ed. (Santiago: Imprenta Universitaria, 1929), 25.Google Scholar

51 AOH, I, 21.Google Scholar

52 Birthplaces of mothers of twenty-four revolutionary leaders: Chile (15), Peru (2), Ireland (1), unknown (6). Of wives: Chile (11), unknown (8), unmarried (5). Of fathers: Spain (10), Chile (8), Ireland (2), Argentina (1), Peru (I), unknown (2). See Felstiner, "Larrain Family," appendix.

53 Egaña, Juan, El chileno consolado en los presidios (1825), AOH, XX, xxi:Google ScholarGrez, , Las mujeres, 5455;Google ScholarOndarza O., Antonio S., Doña Javiera Carrera, heroúna de la Patria Vieja (Santiago: Editorial Neupert, 1967), 1737.Google Scholar

54 On Basques in Chile, see Ojeda, Luis Thayer, Navarros y vascongados en Chile (Santiago: G. E. Miranda, 1904);Google Scholaridem, Elementos étnicos gue han intervenido en la poblacign de Chile (Santiago: Imprenta La Ilustración, 1919);Google ScholarMackenna, Benjamin Vicuña, Los oríjenes de las familias chilenas (Santiago: G. E. Miranda, 1903), I.Google Scholar

55 Solar, Domingo Amunátegui, Personajes de la colonia (Santiago: Imprenta Balcells, 1925), 218.Google Scholar

56 García, José Perez, Historia de Chile, CHDN (Santiago: Imprenta Elzeviriana, 1900), XXIII;Google ScholarShafer, Robert Jones, The Economic Societies in the Spanish World (1763–1821) (Syracuse, N.Y.: Syracuse University Press, 1958), 195213;Google ScholarMedina, José Toribio, Diccionario biográfico colonial de Chile (Santiago: Imprenta Elzeviriana, 1906), 678;Google ScholarIrisarri, , El cristiano, 302–3;Google ScholarBernardo, to O'Higgins, Ambrosio, 29 June 1800, AOH, I, 13.Google Scholar

57 Bernardo O'Higgins later tried to imitate the qualities of govemance which won his father admiration, even after independence. Haigh, Samuel, Sketches of Buenos Ayres and Chile (London: J. Carpenter, 1829), 166;Google Scholar Collier, Ideas and Politics, 227.

58 Irisarri, , El cristiano, 302-3.Google Scholar

59 Eyzaguirre, Jaime, “El doctor don Miguel de Eyzaguirre, universitario y magistrado, 1770–1821,” Boletín de la Academia Chilena de Historia, 22:53 (1955), 158.Google Scholar Burrows and Wallace found a similar shift in the self-perception of North Americans when material conditions changed: “American Revolution,” 284–87.

60 Humphreys, and Lynch, , Origins, 250–60;Google ScholarGonzalo Vial, Correa, “Teoría y práctica de la igualdad en Indias,” Historia, 3 (1964), 87163;Google ScholarVillalobos, Meza, La conciencia política, 250;Google ScholarBurkholder, Mark A. and Chandler, D. S., From Impotence to Authority: The Spanish Crown and the American Audiencias, 1687–1808 (Columbia: University of Missouri Press, 1977), 134, 91, 96, 110.Google Scholar For detailed examples of Bourbon attacks on local influence in Chile, see Barbier, , Reform and Politics, 110, 113, 187.Google Scholar

61 Felstiner, , “Kinship Politics,” 6466;Google ScholarCarrasco, Captain General García to the King, 27 08 1810, CHDI, IX, 7.Google Scholar

62 Carmagnani, Marcello, “Colonial Latin American Demography: Growth of the Chilean Population, 1700–1830,” Journal of Social History, 1:2 (Winter 1967), 187–91;CrossRefGoogle ScholarBurkholder, and Chandler, , From Impotence, 115116; Socolow, “Marriage,” 405.Google Scholar

63 Felstiner, , “Kinship Politics,” 7273.Google Scholar

64 Chile, El presidente de, 12 08 1807, CHDI, XVIII, 96;Google ScholarTalavera, Manuel Antonio, Revoluciones de Chile, CHDI, XXIX, 32, 3839;Google Scholar José Ignacio Arangua in Conversaciones históricas, Feliú Cruz, ed., 7, 9.

65 Zorrilla, José Joaquin Rodríguez, 26 08 1810, CHDI, IX, 4647;Google Scholar see also García Carrasco to the King, 27 August 1810, CHDI, IX, 1726; and CHDI, XXV, 235.Google Scholar

66 One kinship group included the Larraín Salas brothers, Mackenna, Irisarri, Pérez, Rosales, Vicuña Larraín, Martínez de Rozas, Salas, Rojas, Infante, the Errázuriz brothers; another included the Carrera brothers, sister and father; those from outside Santiago included Egaña, Henríquez, O'Higgins, Vera y Pintado. See Felstiner, “Kinship Politics,” 73–74; and “Larrain Family,” appendix.

67 Hareven, Tamara K., “The History of the Family as an Interdisciplinary Field,” The Journal of Interdisciplinary History, 2:2 (Autumn 1971), 411.Google Scholar

68 El semanario republicano, 2 10 1813, CHDI, XXIV, 75.Google Scholar

69 Black, , “More about Metaphor,” in Metaphor and Thought, Ortony, ed., 37;Google Scholar others maintain that metaphors mold communities and policies. See Howe, , “Carrying the Village,” in Sapir and Crocker, eds., Social Use of Metaphor, 160; Donald A. Schön, “Generative Metaphor: A Perspective on Problem-Setting in Social Policy,” in Metaphor and Thought, 269.Google Scholar

70 7 June 1826, SCL, XII, 69.Google Scholar The campaign to suppress entails began in 1818, succeeded in 1857. The inheritance portions of the Civil Code were worked out in 1853. As in Spanish law, parents were required to leave three-fourths of the estate to their own children. Código civil de la República de Chile in Obras completas de Andres Bello (Caracas: Ministerio de Educación, 1954), XIII, 173, 199, 297, 299.Google ScholarUndurraga, Manuel Sommarriva, Derecho sucesorio (Santiago: Nascimento, 1961), 110.Google Scholar The heirs often ran their landed legacies as a single operation. Balmori, and Oppenheimer, , “Family Clusters,” 245–46.Google Scholar

71 The legal right to govern wife and minors included their litigation, contracts, debts, and loans. The code did not even bother to provide reasons why women could not exercise these rights, or manage the interests of their own children if their husbands died. Urquieta, Pedro Lira, El cóligo civil chileno y su época (Santiago: Editorial Juríclica, 1956), 865;Google ScholarAlvarez, Vicente Olea, Evolución histórica y análysis crítico de la sociedad conyugal de bienes en el código civil chileno (Santiago: Editorial Jurídica, 1966), 167–77, 192–96.Google Scholar Spanish colonial law concerning women's property is summarized in Asuncion Lavrin and Edith Couturier, “Dowries and Wills: A View of Women's Socioeconomic Role in Colonial Guadalajara and Puebla, 1640–1790,” Hispanic American Historical Review, 59:2 (05 1979), 280304.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

72 Catastro de 1834, Santiago, Contaduría Mayor, segunda serie; Rejistro jeneral del catastro formado en el año 1852 (Santiago, 1855).Google Scholar The income figures in these registers were compiled by landowners for tax assessments, but they do give some sense of the relative position and continuity of landholders. See also Bauer, , Chilean Rural Society, 3034.Google Scholar

73 See Felstiner, , “Kinship Politics,” 77;Google ScholarBalmori, and Oppenheimer, , “Family Clusters,” 239, 251;Google ScholarCruz, Guillermo Fetiú, Prólogo a la obra ‘La guerra civil de 1891’ de Hernán Ramírez (Santiago: n. p., 1951), 2526.Google Scholar