¹ For output and export figures for Argentine and Canadian wheat, see Bennett, M.K., “World Wheat Crops, 1885–1932, New Series, with Areas and Yields by Countries,” Wheat Studies, 9 (1933);Google Scholar Royal Institute of International Affairs, , World Agriculture, An International Survey (London: RIIA, 1932), 15.Google Scholar See also Malenbaum, Wilfred, The World Wheat Economy, 1885–1939 (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University, 1953),CrossRefGoogle Scholar ch. VIII; Knick Harley, C., “Transportation, the World Wheat Cycle, and the Kuznets Cycle, 1850–1913,” Explorations in Economic History, 17:3 (1980), 218–50.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

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³ Hayami, Y. and Ruttan, V.W., “Factor Prices and Technical Change in Agricultural Development: The United States and Japan, 1880–1960,” Journal of Political Economy, 78:4 (1970), 1115–41,CrossRefGoogle Scholar and Agricultural Development: An International Perspective (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1971).Google ScholarPubMed See also V. W. Ruttan, H. P. Binswanger, Y. Hayami, et al., “Factor Productivity and Growth: A Historical Interpretation,” in Binswanger, Hans P. et al. , Induced Innovation: Technology, Institutions and Development (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1978).Google Scholar

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⁵ Baldwin, Robert, “Patterns of Development in Newly Settled Regions,” The Manchester School of Economic and Social Studies, 24:2 (1956), 61–79.Google Scholar

⁶ Watkins, M.H., “A Staple Theory of Economic Growth,” Canadian Journal of Economics and Political Science, 19:2 (1963), 141–58;CrossRefGoogle ScholarHirschman, A.O., “A Generalized Linkage Approach to Development, with Special Reference to Staples,” in his Essays in Trespassing: Economics to Politics and Beyond (London: Cambridge University Press, 1981).Google Scholar The staple approach is still a popular approach to Canadian economic history. For a useful summary see Richards, John, “The Staples Debates,” in Explorations in Canadian Economic History: Essays in Honour of Irene Spry, Cameron, Duncan, ed. (Ottawa: University of Ottawa Press, 1985).Google Scholar For an application to Argentina, see Brown, Jonathan, A Socio-Economic History of Argentina, 1776–1860 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1979).Google Scholar

⁷ Harriet Friedmann makes this case most strongly, though I would dispute her implication that household production in agriculture necessarily displayed more resilience and dynamism than wage systems in agriculture. See her “World Market, State, and Family Farm: Social Bases of Household Production in the Era of Wage Labour,” Comparative Studies in Society and History, 20:4 (1978), 545–86.Google Scholar For other important studies, see Lazonick, William, “Production Relations, Labor Productivity and Choice of Technique: British and U.S. Cotton Spinning,” Journal of Economic History, 41:3 (1981), 491–516;CrossRefGoogle ScholarLivingston, James, “The Social Analysis of Economic History and Theory: Conjectures on Late Nineteenth-Century American Development,” American Historical Review, 92:1 (1987), 69–95;CrossRefGoogle ScholarBlock, Fred, “Political Choice and the Multiple ‘Logics’ of Capital,” Theory and Society, 15:1–2 (1986), 175–92;CrossRefGoogle ScholarGordon, David M. et al. , Segmented Work, Divided Workers: The Historical Transformation of Labour in the United States (New York: Cambridge University Press, 1982).Google Scholar

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¹⁰ Blain, Marc A., “Le rôle de la dépendance externe et des structures sociales dans l'économie frumentaire du Canada et de l'Argentine,” Revue d'Histoire de l'Amerique Française, 26 (1972), 260;Google ScholarSolberg, Carl, The Prairies and the Pampas: Agrarian Policy in Canada and Argentina, 1880–1930 (Stanford: Stanford University Press, 1987),Google Scholar ch. 4; Sábato, Jorge, La clase dominante en la Argentina moderna: formatión y caracteristicas (Buenos Aires: Grupo Editor Latino americano, 1988),Google Scholar ch. 1; Sabato, Hilda, Agrarian Capitalism and the World Market: Buenos Aires in the Pastoral Age, 1840s–1880s (Albuquerque, 1990),Google Scholar ch. 2, 4.

¹¹ Molinas, Francisco, La colonization argentina y las industrias agropecuarias (Buenos Aires, 1910), 100;Google ScholarSteven Castro, Donald, “Development of Argentine Immigration Policy, 1852–1914” (Ph.D. thesis, University of California Los Angeles 1970), 30;Google ScholarAdelman, Jeremy, “The Harvest Hand: Wage-Labouring on the Pampas, 1890–1914,” in Essays in Argentine Labour History, 1870–1930, Adelman, Jeremy, ed. (Macmillan/St. Antony's Press, forthcoming).CrossRefGoogle Scholar

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¹⁵ National Archives of Canada (NAC), RG 76, vol. 129, file 28885, pt. 1, Frank Pedly to Tito Di Aicardi, 15 August, 1901; Adelman, Frontier Development, ch. 5.

¹⁶ Hall, D.J., “Clifford Sifton: Immigration and Settlement Policy, 1896–1905,” in The Settlement of the West, Palmer, H., ed. (Calgary: University of Calgary Press, 1977);Google ScholarTroper, H.M., Only Farmers Need Apply: Official Canadian Government Encouragement of Immigration from the United States, 1896–1911 (Toronto, 1972).Google Scholar

¹⁷ The Canada Year Book, various years.

¹⁸ Canada, Census of Canada, 1911. On the importance of capital gains and ownership, see Adelman, Jeremy, “Prairie Farm Debt and the Financial Crisis of 1914,” Canadian Historical Review, 71:4(1990), 491–519;CrossRefGoogle ScholarVoisey, Paul, Vulcan: The Making of a Prairie Community (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1988), 150–7;Google ScholarMackintosh, W.A., Economic Problems of the Prairie Provinces (Toronto, 1935), 11.Google Scholar For a shrewd contemporary description, see Mavor, James, “Agricultural Development in the North-West on Canada, 1905 until 1909” Reports on the State of Science (British Association for the Advancement of Science, 1910), 227.Google Scholar For a general account of the ubiquity of petty speculation on the United States frontier, see Swierenga, Robert, “The Equity Effects of Public Land Speculation in Iowa: Large versus Small Speculators,” Journal of Economic History, 36:4 (1974), 1008–20.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

¹⁹ Argentine Republic, Tercer Censo Nacional, 1914, tomo V, p. 837. The high rate of tenancy was even more pronounced in more remote areas of the province where the wheat frontier expanded over the years.

²⁰ For a classic treatment of farming on the pampas, see Scobie, James, Revolution on the Pampas: A Social History of Argentine Wheat, 1860–1919 (Austin: University of Texas Press, 1967);Google ScholarScarzanella, Eugenia, “Corn Fever: Italian Farmers in Argentina, 1875–1912,” Bulletin of Latin American Research, 3:1 (1984), 1–24.CrossRefGoogle Scholar For a discussion of the role of contracts in agriculture, see Steven Cheung, N.S., The Theory of Share Tenancy (Chicago, 1969);Google ScholarReid, Joseph D. Jr., “The Theory of Sharecropping: Occam's Razor and Economic Analysis,” History of Political Economy, 19 (1987).CrossRefGoogle Scholar For an application of this approach to Brazil that provides some neat comparisons with Argentina, see Holloway, Thomas H., Immigrants on the Land: Coffee and Society in Sao Paulo, 1886–1934 (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1980).Google Scholar

²¹ For details on rural wage labour, see Bloquel, Adriana BlancBonaudo, Marta, Sonsogni, Elida, Yensina, Carlos, “La conformatión del mercado de trabajo en la Provincia de Santa Fe (1870–1900),” 12 Anuario. Segunda Epoca (Rosario, 1986–1987);Google Scholar Jeremy Adelman, “The Harvest Hand: Wage Labouring on the Pampas” (in press); Moltedo, Luis, Fenömenos migratorios argentinos (Rosario, 1912).Google Scholar

²² Mavor, , Report to the Board of Trade on the North West of Canada, with Special Reference to Wheat Production for Export (London, 1904), 56.Google Scholar H. Clare Pentland argued that free land in Canada increased the inelasticity of an economy already short of labour throughout its history. See his Labour and Capital in Canada, 1650–1860 (Toronto: Lorimer, 1981), 117–20.Google Scholar For wagelabour recruitment in the east, see Thompson, John H., “Bringing in the Sheaves: The Harvest Excursionists, 1890–1929,” Canadian Historical Review, 59 (1978);CrossRefGoogle ScholarCherwinski, W.J.C., “In Search of Jake Trumper: The Farm Hand and the Prairie Farm Family,” in Building Beyond the Homestead, Jones, D.C. and MacPherson, I., eds. (Calgary: University of Calgary Press, 1985);Google Scholar“The Incredible Harvest Excursion of 1908,” Labour/te Travail, 5 (Spring, 1980).Google Scholar

²³ Jeremy Adelman, “Prairie Farm Debt and the Financial Crisis of 1914”; Regehr, T.D., “Bankers and Farmers in Western Canada, 1900–1939,” in The Developing West: Essays in Honour of Lewis H. Thomas, Foster, John, ed. (Edmonton: University of Alberta Press, 1983).Google Scholar See also Province of Saskatchewan, , Report of the Agricultural Credit Commission of the Province of Saskatchewan (Regina 1913),Google Scholar and Report of the Royal Commission of Inquiry in Farming Conditions (Regina, 1921).Google Scholar

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²⁷ Rogin, The Introduction of Farm Machinery, 217–41. The labour expended in farming was saved especially in the harvest, though the introduction of harvesting machinery would have been inconceivable without the breakthroughs in seed-bed preparation. Ruttan, Binswanger, Hayami, et at., “Factor Productivity,” 57; Rasmussen, Wayne D., “The Impact of Technical Change on American Agriculture, 1862–1962,” Journal of Economic History, 22:4 (1962), 578–91;CrossRefGoogle ScholarGallman, Robert E., “Changes in Total U.S. Factor Productivity in the Nineteenth Century,” Agricultural History, 46:1 (1972), 191–210,Google Scholar at 206–7; Parker, W.N. and Klein, J.L., “Productivity Growth in Grain Production in the United States, 1840–60 and 1900–10,” in New Economic History, Temin, Peter, ed. (London: Penguin, 1973), 83Google Scholar and 103–9. The pattern of productivity growth in the United States paralleled that of Canada and Argentina. See Mclnnis, R.M., “Output and Productivity in Canadian Agriculture, 1870–71 to 1926–27,” in Long-Term Factors in American Economic Growth, Engerman, S. and Gallman, R., eds. (Chicago, 1986):Google Scholar Jeremy Adelman, Frontier Development, ch. 7.

²⁸ Buckley, Kenneth, Capital Formation in Canada, 1896–1930 (Toronto: McClelland and Stewart, 1974 edition), 7.Google Scholar For a recent calculation that arrives at lower figures, see Mclnnis, “Output and Productivity in Canadian Agriculture.” For a critique of his figures, see Gavin Wright's comments in the same volume.

²⁹ Grain Growers' Guide, August 5, 1914.

³⁰ Farmers' Advocate, February 12, 1913.

³¹ Farm and Ranch Review, April 1905; Grain Growers' Guide, November 23, 1910.

³² English Tenant-Farmers on the Agricultural Resources of Canada (London, 1894), 22.Google Scholar

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³⁴ Lumsden, James, Through Canada in Harvest Time: A Study of Life and Labour in the Golden West (London, 1903), 117.Google Scholar

³⁵ Farm and Ranch Review, October 20, 1915; Farmers' Advocate, July 8, 1914; Canadian Thresherman, February 1913.

³⁶ Farmers' Advocate, February 24, 1909.

³⁷ See “Condition of Grain Crops and the Use of Soil Packers,” Bulletin No. 18, (Regina: Saskatchewan Department of Agriculture, 1910).Google Scholar

³⁸ Farmers' Advocate, January 13, 1909; Farm and Ranch Review, July 1906; Canadian Thresherman, March 1913; Nor'West Farmer, January 5, 1901.

³⁹ The Canadian Thresherman, January 1913.

⁴⁰ Farm and Ranch Review, July 1906.

⁴¹ Farmers' Advocate, June 4, 1913; Canadian Thresherman, July 1913.

⁴² Lumsden, Through Canada in Harvest Time, 114.

⁴³ Istrati, Konrad, Virgin Sod: Opening and Settling the Prairies of Southern Saskatchewan (Regina, 1986), 75–89.Google Scholar

⁴⁴ For an excellent discussion, see Isern, Thomas, Custom Combining on the Great Plains (Saskatoon, 1982),Google Scholarpassim; Ernest B. Ingles, “The Custom Threshermen in Western Canada, 1890–1925,” in Building Beyond the Homestead, Jones and MacPherson, eds.; Professor Shaw, Thomas, “Large and Small Threshers,” Farmers' Advocate, 06 1, 1914.Google Scholar

⁴⁵ Farmers' Advocate, June 4, 1913.

⁴⁶ Saskatchewan, Annual Report of the Department of Agriculture, 1914.

⁴⁷ “Cotton Papers,” Public Archives of Manitoba, MG 8, B 99, vol. 10, Threshing Costs.

⁴⁸ Adelman, Jeremy, “The Early Experience of the Doukhobors on the Canadian Prairies,” The Journal of Canadian Studies, 25:4(1990–1991), 111–28.Google Scholar

⁴⁹ NAC, RG 17, A. 1.1, General Correspondence, vol. 1049, file 189153, memo of Dominion Agriculturalist J. H. Grisdale to Swedish Consulate in Washington. Grisdale outlined the various laboursaving devices and explained the constant fear of labour scarcity. For early views of the labour scarcity problem, see Caird, James, Prairie Farming in America, with Notes by the Way on Canada and the United States (London, 1859), 21;Google Scholar Canada, Department of Agriculture, , Canada in 1880: Reports of Tenant Farmers' Delegates on the Dominion of Canada as a Field for Settlement (London, 1881), 12,Google Scholar 64. This is the general thesis of H. J. Habakkuk. See his American and British Technology in the Nineteenth Century (London: Cambridge University Press, 1962).Google ScholarPubMed

⁵⁰ Harriet Friedmann has explored the theoretical implications of the self-employment aspect of household farming. See her “World Market, State, and Family Farm: Social Bases of Household Production in the Era of Wage Labor” and “Household Production and the National Economy: Concepts for the Analysis of Agrarian Formations,” Journal of Peasant Studies, 7:1 (1980), 158–84.Google Scholar See also Hedley, Max, “Relations of Production of the ‘Family Farm’: Canadian Prairies,” Journal of Peasant Studies, 9:1 (1981), 71–85.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

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⁵² Canada, Census of Canada, 1901 and 1916; Buckley, Capital Formation in Canada, 36.

⁵³ This was clear to farmers and agronomists of the day. See Canadian Farm Implements, July, 1905; Farmers' Advocate, May 24, 1911. Furtan, Hartley and Lee, George, “Economic Development of the Saskatchewan Wheat Economy,” Canadian Journal of Agricultural Economics, 25 (1977).CrossRefGoogle Scholar

⁵⁴ Burmeister, Klaus, Western Canada in 1909: Travel Letters by Wilhelm Cohnstaedt (Regina, 1976), 27–29;Google Scholar Canada, Parliament, House of Commons, Banking and Commerce Committee, 1912–1913, Proceedings (Ottawa, 1913), 435;Google Scholar Voisey, Vulcan, 33–38.

⁵⁵ Saskatchewan Archive Board, R–243, vol. 3, testimony of R. H. Hoyer; Province of Saskatchewan, , Report of the Agricultural Credit Commission of the Province of Saskatchewan (Regina, 1913).Google Scholar See also Farm and Ranch Review, March 1908; Canadian Farm Implements, July 1905.

⁵⁶ Farm and Ranch Review, May 10, 1910; Jeremy Adelman, “Prairie Farm Debt.”

⁵⁷ Mavor, , “The Economic Results of the Specialist Production and Marketing of Wheat,” Political Science Quarterly, 26 (1911);CrossRefGoogle Scholar Buckley, Capital Formation in Canada, 36; Dick, Trevor J.O., “Productivity Change and Grain Farm Practice on the Canadian Prairies, 1900–1930,” Journal of Economic History, 40:1 (1980), 105–10;CrossRefGoogle Scholar and “Mechanization and North American Prairie Farm Costs, 1896–1930,” Journal of Economic History, 42:3 (1982), 659–82.Google Scholar In the most recent attempt to estimate productivity growth in Canadian agriculture during this period, Mclnnis notes that capital investments grew apace with other inputs, averaging, for the country as a whole, a growth of 2.95 percent per annum between the years 1871 and 1921. The highest growth rate came between 1901 and 1921, registering 3.89 percent growth per annum. Mclnnis is quick to point out that the rate of capital investment exceeded the rate of growth of farm output. See Mclnnis, “Output and Productivity in Canadian Agriculture, 1870–71 to 1926–27,” 759–60.

⁵⁸ See Wright, “Comment,” in Long-Term Factors in American Economic Growth, Engerman and Gallman, eds. This was also true of American agriculture in the west. See Parker and Klein, “Productivity Growth in Grain Production in the United States,” 102–3. According to Parker and Klein, mechanization, especially in reaping and harvesting, accounted for half the overall growth in productivity, without necessarily enhancing the productivity of capital inputs. See also Robert E. Gallman, “Changes in Total U.S. Agricultural Factor Productivity in the Nineteenth Century,” 191–210.

⁵⁹ Farmers' Advocate, March 12, 1913.

⁶⁰ Boletin del Departamento National de Agricultura, t. XIV (1890), 194,Google Scholar and t. XV (1891), 626; El Campo y el Sport, mayo 6, 1893; La Semana Rural, julio 12, 1898.

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⁶⁴ Gacela Rural, julio 1913.

⁶⁵ La Agricultura, enero 27, 1898.

⁶⁶ La Agricultura, diciembre 19, 1901; abril 23, 1896; Congreso Nacional, Investigatión parlamentaria, 50; Boletin del Ministerio de Agricultura, 6:5 (diciembre 1906), 320; Anales de la Sociedad Rural Argentina, xxxv (1900).Google Scholar

⁶⁷ El Municipio (Pergamino), abril 7, 1901; La Agricultura, mayo 30, 1895.

⁶⁸ Frank Bicknell,Wheat Production and Farm Life in Argentina, United States Department of Agriculture, Bureau of Statistics, Bulletin no. 27, 26; Nacional, Congreso, Diario de Sesiones, Diputados, Sesiones Ordinarios, t. I, 08 23 1899.Google Scholar

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⁷¹ Bicknell, Wheat Production and Farm Life, 65; See also Rañna, Eduardo, Instructions practicaspara el cultivo de los cereales en la Republica Argentina (Buenos Aires, 1905), 31–32;Google Scholar and Miatello, Hugo, “Investigatión Agrícola en la Provincia de Santa Fe,” Anales del Ministerio de Agricultura, I (1904), 249;Google ScholarProducción Nacional, enero 16, 1896; La Agricultura, enero 14, 1897;abril 18, 1901.

⁷² Boletin del Ministerio de Agricultura, 14:8 (agosto 1912). See also Ferré, Jose Adolfo, Maquinas para la cosecha de cereales (Buenos Aires, 1917).Google Scholar

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⁷⁴ See Jeremy Adelman, Frontier Development, appendix II; Archivo William Walker, Instituto Torcuato Di Telia, copiador ‘C’ III, Walker to Agar Cross, February 23, 1903.

⁷⁵ La Agricultura, enero 27, 1898; Eduardo Larguí'a, “Datos económicos sobre la trilla,” Boletin No. 1, Oficina Quimico-agrícola de la Provincia de Buenos Aires (marzo 1898); Tort, Maria Isabel, “Los contratistas de maquinaria agrícola: una modalidad de organizatión economica del trabajo agricola en la Pampa Humeda,” Centro de estudios e Investigaciones Laborales, Documento de Trabajo No. 11 (Buenos Aires, 1983).Google Scholar

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⁷⁷ Ministerio de Agriculture, Memoria, 1904–1905; Huret, Jules, De Buenos Aires au Gran Chaco (Paris, 1911), 464.Google Scholar See also William Walker's contracts, in which the estate owner furnished the machinery (Archivo William Walker, III, draft contract, June 1, 1902).

⁷⁸ Girola, Carlos, “Agriculture argentina,” Anales de la Sociedad Rural Argentina, xxvi (1892); xlGoogle Scholar(mayo–junio 1905); Zeballos, Estanislao, La concurrencia universaly la agricultura en ambas Americas: lnforme presentado al excelentisimo senor Ministro de Relaciones Exteriores de la Republica Argentina, Dr. Don Eduardo Costa (Washington, 1894), 464.Google Scholar

⁷⁹ La Agricultura, septiembre 12, 1901; El Campo y el sport, diciembre 4, 189.

⁸⁰ South American Journal, August 5, 1899.

⁸¹ Productión Nacional, enero 16, 1896; La Agricultura, septiembre 12, 1895; noviembre 23, 1899; Conde, Roberto Cortes, “Tendencias en la evolucion de los salarios reales en la Argentina, 1880–1910,” Instituto Torcuato Di Telia, Documento de Trabajo no. 74 (Buenos Aires, 1975);Google Scholar Jeremy Adelman, “The Harvest Hand: Wage-Labouring on the Pampas.”

⁸² See Ministerio de Agricultura, Memoria, 1905–1907; Jeremy Adelman, “Agricultural Credit in the Province of Buenos Aires.”

⁸³ Boletin de Agricultura y Ganaderia, 6:99 (marzo 1906);Google Scholar Jeremy Adelman, “Agricultural Credit in the Province of Buenos Aires,” 69–88.