Hostname: page-component-84b7d79bbc-c654p Total loading time: 0 Render date: 2024-07-30T14:19:36.092Z Has data issue: false hasContentIssue false
  • English
  • Français

‘The Continuation of Politics by Other Means’: Britain, the Two Germanys and the Olympic Games, 1949–1972

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  29 September 2009

R. GERALD HUGHES  and
RACHEL J. OWEN
R. GERALD HUGHES
Affiliation:
Department of International Politics, Aberystwyth University, Aberystwyth, SY23 3FE, Wales; rbh@aber.ac.uk, rjo@aber.ac.uk.
RACHEL J. OWEN
Affiliation:
Department of International Politics, Aberystwyth University, Aberystwyth, SY23 3FE, Wales; rbh@aber.ac.uk, rjo@aber.ac.uk.
Get access Rights & Permissions [Opens in a new window]

Abstract

This article evaluates the interplay between international sport and international politics during the cold war through an examination of the two Germanys and the Olympics from a British perspective. Germany was at the centre of Olympic and cold war politics between 1945 and the early 1970s, and the two German states competed fiercely over questions of national legitimacy. West Germany was initially successful in denying international recognition to the ‘other’ German state. East Germany countered this by developing a strategy that utilised international sport, particularly the Olympic Games, to further its claims for statehood. While recognising the flaws in the West German case against East Germany, British policy was constrained by the need to accommodate Bonn's sensibilities, given that the Federal Republic was a major ally. An examination of this ‘Olympian’ struggle from a British perspective tells us much about the West's cold war strategy and casts new light on this arena of East–West competition.

‘le prolongement de la politique par d'autres moyens’: la grande-bretagne, les deux allemagnes et les jeux olympiques, 1949–1972

Cet article évalue l'interaction entre sport et politique internationale pendant la Guerre froide à travers l'étude des deux Allemagnes et des Jeux Olympiques au point de vue britannique. Entre 1945 et les années 1970, les deux Allemagnes, menant une compétition féroce sur la question de la légitimité nationale, se trouvaient au centre des politiques de la Guerre froide et des Jeux Olympiques. Initialement, l'Allemagne de l'Ouest parvint à empêcher que ‘l'autre’ Etat allemand soit internationalement reconnu. Mais l'Allemagne de l'Est contra ses efforts en développant une stratégie qui utilisait le sport international, plus particulièrement les Jeux Olympiques, pour revendiquer son statut d'Etat souverain. Alors même que la Grande-Bretagne reconnaissait les déficiences de la politique ouest-allemande face à l'Allemagne de l'Est, elle ne pouvait négliger la sensibilité de Bonn, puisque la République fédérale était un allié majeur. L'analyse de cette lutte ‘olympique’ vue d'une perspective britannique nous dit beaucoup sur la stratégie occidentale de la Guerre froide et jette un nouveau regard sur ce domaine de la compétition Est–Ouest.

‘die fortführung der politik mit anderen mitteln’: großbritannien, die beiden deutschen staaten und die olympischen spiele, 1949–1972

Dieser Artikel betrachtet die Wechselwirkungen zwischen internationalem Sport und internationaler Politik während des Kalten Krieges, indem er aus britischer Perspektive die Beteiligung der beiden deutschen Staaten an den olympischen Spielen betrachtet. Zwischen 1945 und den 1970er Jahren stand Deutschland im Mittelpunkt der Politik des Kalten Krieges und somit auch der olympischen Spiele. Die beiden deutschen Staaten lieferten sich einen erbitterten Kampf um die Frage nationaler Legitimität. Zu Beginn verhinderte Westdeutschland erfolgreich, dass der ‘andere’ deutsche Staat international anerkannt wurde. Ostdeutschland konterte jedoch mit einer Strategie, die den internationalen Sport, vor allem die olympischen Spiele, gebrauchte, um die Anerkennung seiner Souveränität zu fördern. Obwohl die britische Politik die Schwächen der westdeutschen Politik gegen Ostdeutschland erkannte, musste sie auf Bonns Empfindlichkeiten Rücksicht nehmen, da die Bundesrepublik ein wichtiger Alliierter war. Die Untersuchung dieses ‘olympischen’ Kampfes aus britischer Perspektive sagt viel über die westliche Strategie im Kalten Krieg aus und wirft neues Licht auf diesen Teil der Ost–West-Konfrontation.

Type
Articles
Information
Contemporary European History , Volume 18 , Issue 4 , November 2009 , pp. 443 - 474
Copyright
Copyright © Cambridge University Press 2009

Access options

Get access to the full version of this content by using one of the access options below. (Log in options will check for institutional or personal access. Content may require purchase if you do not have access.)

References

1 Beacom, Aaron, ‘Sport in International Relations: A Case for Cross-Disciplinary Investigation’, Sports Historian, 20, 2 (2000), 1CrossRefGoogle Scholar. On political disputes concerning the Olympics during the cold war see, e.g., Espy, Richard, The Politics of the Olympic Games, with an Epilogue, 1976–1980 (Berkeley, CA: University of California Press, 1981)Google Scholar; Hill, Christopher R., Olympic Politics: Athens to Atlanta 1896–1996, 2nd edn (Manchester: Manchester University Press, 1996)Google Scholar; Kanin, David B., A Political History of the Olympic Games (Boulder, CO: Westview Press, 1981), 26–40Google Scholar; Levermore, Roger, ‘Sport and International Relations: Continued Neglect?’ in Levermore, Roger and Budd, Adrian, eds., Sport and International Relations: An Emerging Relationship? (London and New York: Routledge, 2004), 6–15Google Scholar; Pound, Richard W., Inside the Olympics: A Behind-the-Scenes Look at the Politics, the Scandals and the Glory of the Games (Toronto: John Wiley, 2004)Google Scholar; Riordan, Jim and Krüger, Arnd, eds., The International Politics of Sport in the Twentieth Century (London and New York: E. & F. N. Spon, 1999)Google Scholar; Senn, Alfred E., Power, Politics and the Olympic Games: A History of the Power Brokers, Events and Controversies that Shaped the Games (Champaign, IL: Human Kinetics, 1999)Google Scholar; Tomlinson, Alan and Young, Christopher, eds., National Identity and Global Sports Events: Culture, Politics and Spectacle in the Olympics and the Football World Cup (Albany, NY: State University of New York Press, 2007)Google Scholar; Wagg, Stephen and Andrews, David L., eds., East Plays West: Sport and the Cold War (London: Routledge, 2007)Google Scholar. On British and US views of the issue of Olympic recognition in relation to divided Germany (and China) during the cold war, see Rachel J. Owen, ‘The Olympic Games and the Issue of Recognition: British and American Perspectives, 1944–1972’, Ph.D. thesis, University of Wales Aberystwyth, 2006. For a strongly pro-West German history of the Olympics, see Diem, Carl, Olympiaden: Eine Geschichte des Sports (Stuttgart: Cotta, 1964)Google Scholar.

2 For a useful discussion of this, see Shaw, Tony, ‘The Politics of Cold War Culture’, Journal of Cold War Studies, 3, 1 (2001), 59–76CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

3 Houlihan, Barrie, Sport and International Politics (London: Harvester Wheatsheaf, 1994)Google Scholar, especially 29–45, 52–4.

4 Young, Christopher, ‘“Nicht mehr die herrlichste Nebensache der Welt”: Sport, West Berlin and the Four Powers Agreement 1971’, German Politics and Society, 25, 1 (2007), 28–45CrossRefGoogle Scholar. The advent of ‘ping-pong diplomacy’ between the United States and the People's Republic of China is the most famous instance of the role of sport in the détente process. For more on this, see Owen, ‘Olympic Games’, 276–95.

5 On Britain and Germany in the cold war, see Hughes, R. Gerald, ‘“Don't Let's Be Beastly to the Germans”: Britain and the German Affair in History’, Twentieth Century British History, 17, 2 (2006), 266–77Google Scholar; Glees, Anthony, ‘The British and the Germans: From Enemies to Partners’ in Verheyen, Dirk and Søe, Christian, eds., The Germans and Their Neighbours (Boulder, CO: Westview Press, 1993), 35–57Google Scholar.

6 On Potsdam, see Butler, Rohan and Pelly, Margaret, eds., Documents on British Policy Overseas, series I, Vol. 1, The Conference at Potsdam July–August 1945 (London: HMSO, 1984)Google Scholar.

7 On this, see Lee, Sabine, An Uneasy Relationship: British–German Relations between 1955 and 1961 (Brockmeyer: Bochum, 1996)Google Scholar; Noakes, Jeremy, Wende, Peter and Wright, Jonathan, eds., Britain and Germany in Europe 1949–1990 (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2002)Google Scholar; Hughes, R. Gerald, Britain, Germany and the Cold War: The Search for a European Détente, 1949–1967 (London: Routledge, 2007)CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Macintyre, Terry, Anglo-German Relations during the Labour Governments 1964–70: NATO Strategy, Détente and European Integration (Manchester: Manchester University Press, 2007)CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

8 Hughes, R. Gerald, ‘“We Are Not Seeking Strength for its Own Sake”: The Labour Party and West Germany, 1951–64’, Cold War History, 3, 1 (2002), 68, 77–8CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Hughes, ‘“Don't Let's Be Beastly to the Germans”’, 274–6; Hughes, Britain, Germany and the Cold War, 130–1.

9 Holt, Richard, ‘Great Britain: The Amateur Tradition’, in Kruger, Arnd and Murray, William J., eds., The Nazi Olympics: Sport, Politics and Appeasement in the 1930s (Urbana-Champaign, IL: University of Illinois Press, 2003), 70Google Scholar.

10 Berger, Stefan and LaPorte, Norman, eds., The Other Germany: Perceptions and Influences in British–East German Relations, 1945–1990 (Augsburg: Wißner-Verlag, 2005)Google Scholar; Bauerkämper, Arnd, ed., Britain and the GDR: Relations and Perceptions in a Divided World (Berlin and Vienna: Philo, 2002)Google Scholar; Larres, Klaus, ‘Britain and the GDR: Political and Economic Relations, 1949–1989’, in Larres, Klaus and Meehan, Elizabeth, eds., Uneasy Allies: British–German Relations and European Integration since 1945 (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2000)Google Scholar; Larres, Klaus, ‘Britain and the GDR in the 1960s: The Politics of Trade and Recognition by Stealth’, in Noakes, Jeremy, Wende, Peter and Wright, Jonathan, eds., Britain and Germany in Europe (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2002)Google Scholar; Hoff, Henning, Großbritannien und die DDR 1955–1973: Diplomatie auf Umwegen (Munich: Oldenbourg, 2003)CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Golz, Hans-Georg, Verordnete Völkerfreundschaft: Das Wirken der Freundschaftsgesellschaft DDR–Großbritannien und der Britain–GDR Society (Leipzig: Leipziger Universitätsverlag, 2004)Google Scholar.

11 As argued by Arnd Bauerkämper, ‘It Took Three to Tango: The Role of the Federal Republic of Germany in the Relationship between Britain and the GDR, 1949 to 1990’, in Berger and LaPorte, The Other Germany, 45–60.

12 At the 1968 meeting that finally accorded the GDR full Olympic status, made reference Heinz Schöbel, a GDR official, to the athletes of the ‘German Democratic Republic who could not take part with equal rights in international championships held in the Federal Republic of Germany, as did all other countries’. ‘Extracts from the Minutes of the 67th Session of the International Olympic Committee. Mexico City, 7th–11th October 1968’, Newsletter (Olympic Review), 15 (1968), 599.

13 Kilian, Werner, Die Hallstein Doktrin: der diplomatische Krieg zwischen der BRD und der DDR 1955–1973 (Berlin: Duncker & Humblot Verlag, 2001)Google Scholar; Gray, William Glenn, Germany's Cold War: The Global Campaign to Isolate East Germany, 1949–1969 (Chapel Hill, NC, and London: University of North Carolina Press, 2003)Google Scholar; Booz, Rüdiger M., ‘Hallsteinzeit’: deutsche Außenpolitik 1955–1972 (Bonn: Bouvier, 1995)Google Scholar. This campaign of isolating the GDR was the most important dimension of the West German policies of Deutschlandpolitik and Ostpolitik. On these, see Gotto, Klaus, ‘Adenauer's Deutschland– und Ostpolitik 1954–1963’, in Morsey, Rudolf and Repgen, Konrad, eds., Adenauer Studien, Vol. 3: Untersuchungen und dokumente zur Ostpolitk und Biographie (Mainz: Matthias Grünewald, 1974), 3–91Google Scholar.

14 Balbier, Uta Andrea, ‘“Zu Gast bei Freunden”: How the Federal Republic of Germany Learned to Take Sport Seriously’, Eurozine, 36 (2006), at http://eurozine.com/pdf/2006-06-09-balbier-en.pdf, 1Google Scholar. On early FRG attempts to promote itself abroad, see Paulmann, Johannes, ‘Auswärtige Repräsentationen nach 1945: Zur Geschichte der deutschen Selbstdarstellung im Ausland’, in Paulmann, Johannes, ed., Auswärtige Repräsentationen: Deutsche Kulturdiplomatie nach 1945 (Cologne: Böhlau, 2005), 1–32Google Scholar.

15 On this see Carr, G. A., ‘The Use of Sport in the German Democratic Republic for the Promotion of National Consciousness and International Prestige’, Journal of Sport History, 1, 2 (1974), 123–36Google Scholar; Carr, G. A., ‘The Involvement of Politics in the Sporting Relationships of East and West Germany 1945–1972’, Journal of Sport History, 7, 1 (1980), 40–50Google Scholar; Dennis, Michael, ‘Sports Participation in the GDR’, GDR Monitor, 7 (1982), 10–22Google Scholar; Grix, Jonathan, ‘The Decline of Mass Sport Provision in the German Democratic Republic’, International Journal of the History of Sport, 25, 4 (2008), 406–20CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Hoberman, John M., ‘The Transformation of East German sport’, Journal of Sport History, 17, 1 (1990), 62–8Google Scholar; Magdalinski, Tara, ‘Sports History and East German National Identity’, Peace Review, 11, 4 (1999), 539–45CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Ostermann, Waldemar, ‘Sport in the Cultural and Educational Development of Post-war Germany’, in Lowe, Benjamin, Kanin, David B. and Strenk, Andrew, eds. Sport and International Relations (Champaign, IL: Stipes, 1978), 505–14)Google Scholar; Andrew Strenk, ‘Diplomats in Tracksuits: Linkages between Sports and Foreign Policy in the German Democratic Republic’, in Lowe, Kanin and Strenk, Sport and International Relations, 1978; Volkwein, Karen, ‘Sport and Ethics in Unified Germany: A Critical Analysis’, in Barney, Robert K. and Meier, Klaus V., eds., Proceedings: First International Symposium for Olympic Research (London, Ontario: University of Western Ontario, 1992), 55–65Google Scholar, available at www.1a84foundation.org/SportsLibrary/ISOR/ISOR1992i.pdf. For a documentary history of the direction of sport by the East German Politburo, see Teichler, Hans Joachim, Die Sportbeschlüsse des Politbüros: Eine Studie zum Verhältnis von SED und Sport mit einem Gesamtverzeichnis und einer Dokumentation ausgewählter Beschlüsse (Cologne: Sport & Buch Strauss, 2002)Google Scholar.

16 On this, see Blasius, Tobias, Olympische Bewegung, Kalter Krieg und Deutschlandpolitik 1949–1972 (Frankfurt a.M.: Lang, 2001)Google Scholar; Balbier, Uta A., Kalter Krieg auf der Aschenbahn: Der deutsch-deutscher Sport 1950–72: Eine politische Geschichte (Paderborn: Schöningh, 2006)Google Scholar; Geyer, Martin H., ‘Der Kampf um nationale Repräsentation: Deutsch-deutsche Sportbeziehungen und die “Hallstein-Doktrin”’, Vierteljahrshefte für Zeitgeschichte, 44, 1 (1996), 55–86Google Scholar; Geyer, Martin H., ‘On the Road to a German “Postnationalism”? Athletic Competition between the Two German States in the Era of Konrad Adenauer’, German Politics and Society, 25, 2 (2007), 140–67CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

17 Geyer, ‘Der Kampf um nationale Repräsentation’, 56.

18 There are numerous examples of the political use of the Olympics in recent German history. Aside from the 1936 ‘Nazi’ Games, the Weimar Republic had sought to exploit its exclusion from the Olympics for national ends after 1918. Berlin had also been chosen as the venue for the 1916 games. These were cancelled because of the First World War and Germany was excluded from the Olympic movement by the Allied-dominated IOC. Signally, this led to the Deutscher Reichsausschuss für Olympische Spiele (DRA) being renamed the Deutscher Reichsausschuss für Leibesübungen (DRL) in 1917. Accordingly, between 1922 and 1930 Germany held three of its own summer and winter games as a response to continuing exclusion from the Olympic Games. On this see Naul, R., ‘Nationales Olympia und deutsche Kampfspiele’, in Nationales Olympisches Komitee für Deutschland/Lämmer, Manfred, eds., Deutschland in der Olympischen Bewegung: Eine Zwischenbilanz (Frankfurt a. Main: NOK für Deutschland, 1999), 25–35Google Scholar.

19 Speech of the first secretary of the Central Committee of the SED, Walter Ulbricht, at the third Sportkonferenz des Staatlichen Komitees für Körperkultur und Sport, Karl-Marx-Stadt, 1955. See Balbier, ‘“Zu Gast bei Freunden”’, 2.

20 Geyer, ‘On the Road to a German “Postnationalism”?’, 146.

21 Adenauer, Konrad, Teegespräche 1959–1961, ed. Küsters, Hans Jürgen (Berlin: Siedler, 1988), 516Google Scholar.

22 Feinstein, Margarete Myers, State Symbols: The Quest for Legitimacy in the Federal Republic of Germany and the German Democratic Republic, 1949–1959 (Boston: Brill, 2001), 226Google Scholar.

23 The ‘German Sports Board’ was founded in 1948, one year before the GDR was even established. Volkwein, ‘Sport and Ethics in Unified Germany’, in Barney and Meier, Proceedings, 55.

24 The GDR Academy of Sciences, Panorama DDR and Intertext Berlin, GDR, Information GDR: the Comprehensive and Authoritative Reference Source of the German Democratic Republic (Oxford: Pergamon Press, 1989), 675Google Scholar.

25 As Patricia Hogwood notes, while the Alleinvertretungsanspruch had no basis in law its symbolic significance was very great indeed. Hogwood, Patricia, ‘Citizenship Controversies in Germany: The Twin Legacy of Völkisch Nationalism and the Alleinvertretungsanspruch’, German Politics, 9, 3 (2000), 125–44CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

26 On the role of the DSB (‘between paternalism and autonomy’), see Balbier, Kalter Krieg auf der Aschenbahn, 47–57.

27 Faure, J., ‘Nationalstaaten “und” Sport’, in François, E., Siegrist, H. and Vogel, J., eds., Nation und Emotion: Deutschland und Frankreich im Vergleich: 19. und 20. Jahrhundert (Göttingen: Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht, 1995), 321–42CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

28 On this see Schweigler, Gebhard L., ‘Sport und Staatsbewußtsein im geteilten Deutschland’, Politische Studien, 23 (1972), 462–77Google Scholar.

29 This view was articulated by the well-informed commentator Terence Prittie (the Manchester Guardian chief German correspondent, 1946–63) at the Anglo-German Königswinter Conference (10–12 March 1967). National Library of Wales (NLW): Desmond Donnelly, MP: Papers (B19, box 2).

30 For a summary of Brundage's presidency of the IOC see Guttmann, Allen, The Games Must Go On: Avery Brundage and the Olympic Movement (New York: Columbia University Press, 1984)Google Scholar. More dubiously, Brundage claimed a pivotal role in ensuring that the campaign to boycott the 1936 ‘Nazi Olympics’ came to nought. Guttman, Allen, ‘The Nazi Olympics and the American Boycott Controversy’, in Arnaud, Pierre and Riordan, James, eds., Sport and International Politics: the Impact of Fascism and Communism on Sport (London and New York: E. & F. N. Spon, 1998), 37Google Scholar.

31 The first post-war German representation was at the 1952 Helsinki games, although this only comprised athletes from West Germany. The FRG and the GDR participated in the 1956, 1960 and 1964 Olympics, each time as an all-German team under a specially designed German Olympic flag and using the ‘Ode to Joy’ theme from Beethoven's Ninth Symphony as an anthem. In 1968 the two Germanys competed separately (but with the same German Olympic flag and anthem), while in 1972 the process of segregation was completed as the FRG and the GDR competed as entirely separate national teams with different flags and anthems.

32 Senn, Power, Politics and the Olympic Games, 95.

33 Soviet press article of 1964, quoted in Coakley, J., Sports in Society: Issues and Controversies, 6th edn (New York: McGraw Hill, 1998), 414Google Scholar.

34 National Archives/Public Record Office, Kew (hereafter PRO): FO 975/82, FO research report, ‘Sport behind the Iron Curtain’, n.d. (1955).

35 Dwight D. Eisenhower Library, Abilene, Kansas (hereafter DDEL): C. D. Jackson Papers, 1931–67, Box 62. Washburn memorandum, ‘International Athletics – Cold War Battleground’, 28 October 1954.

36 Coakley, Sports in Society, 410, 414. On this, see also Crawford, Russ, The Use of Sports to Promote the American Way of Life during the Cold War: Cultural Propaganda, 1945–1963 (Ceredigion: Mellen Press, 2008)Google Scholar.

37 Massaro, John, ‘Press Box Propaganda? The Cold War and Sports Illustrated, 1956’, Journal of American Culture, 26, 3 (2003), 361–2CrossRefGoogle Scholar. See also Whitfield, Stephen J., The Culture of the Cold War (Baltimore, MD: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1996)Google Scholar; White, John Kenneth, Still Seeing Red: How the Cold War Shaped the New American Politics (Boulder, CO: Westview Press, 1997)Google Scholar.

38 Mader, Julius, Gangster in Aktion: Aufbau und Verbrechen des amerikanischen Geheimdienstes (East Berlin: Kongress-Verlag, 1961), 21Google Scholar.

39 Dulles, Allen, The Craft of Intelligence (London: Weidenfeld & Nicolson, 1963), 208Google Scholar.

40 It is probable that the CIA provided covert finance to Western athletes prior to the Helsinki Olympics. Lucas, Scott, Freedom's War: The US Crusade against the Soviet Union 1945–1956 (New York: New York University Press, 1999), 110Google Scholar.

41 For instance, Deighton, Anne, The Impossible Peace: Britain, the Division of Germany and the Origins of the Cold War, 1945–1947 (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1990)Google Scholar; Deighton, Anne, ‘The “Frozen Front”: The Labour Government, the Division of Germany and the Origins of the Cold War, 1945–7’, International Affairs, 63, 3 (1987), 449–65Google Scholar.

42 Larres, ‘Britain and the GDR in the 1960s’, in Noakes, Wende and Wright, Britain and Germany in Europe, 187–9, 216–17. The FRG was to become increasingly important in terms of British hopes of joining the European Economic Community (EEC). On this see Philippe, Hartmut, ‘The Germans Hold the Key’: Anglo-German Relations and the Second British Approach to Europe (Augsburg: Wißner-Verlag, 2007)Google Scholar.

43 On this see, e.g., Hughes, Britain, Germany and the Cold War, 46, 53–4, 64, 86, 94, 95–6, 102, 106, 114–15, 122, 127–8, 135–6.

44 On this, see Stefan Berger and Darren Lilleker, ‘The British Labour Party and the German Democratic Republic during the Era of Non-recognition 1949–1973’, Historical Journal, 45, 2 (2002), 433–58; Hughes, ‘“We Are Not Seeking Strength for its Own Sake”’, 67–94; Berger, Stefan and LaPorte, Norman, ‘Ostpolitik before Ostpolitik: The British Labour Party and the German Democratic Republic (GDR), 1955–64’, European History Quarterly, 36, 3 (2006), 396–420CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Berger, Stefan and LaPorte, Norman, ‘In Search of Antifascism: The British Left's Response to the German Democratic Republic during the Cold War’, German History, 26, 4 (2008), 536–52CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

45 Bauerkämper, ‘It Took Three to Tango’, 45.

46 Feld, Werner, Reunification and West German–Soviet Relations: The Role of the Reunification Issue in the Foreign Policy of the Federal Republic of Germany, 1949–1957, with Special Attention to Policy toward the Soviet Union (The Hague: Martinus Nijhoff, 1963), 113CrossRefGoogle Scholar. For Adenauer's speech of 21 October 1949 denouncing the GDR, see ‘Regierungserklärung vor dem Deutschen Bundestag zur Gründung der DDR’, in Schwarz, Hans-Peter, ed., Konrad Adenauer: Reden 1917–1967: Eine Auswahl (Stuttgart: DVA, 1975), 170–3Google Scholar.

47 Ostermann, Christian, ‘“Little Room for Maneuver”: Relations between the United States and the GDR’, in Junker, Detlef, ed., The United States and Germany in the Era of the Cold War: A Handbook, Volume 1, 1945–1968 (Washington, DC: Cambridge University Press/German Historical Institute, 2004), 172Google Scholar; NATO declaration, London, 12 December 1949. Foreign Relations of the United States (FRUS), ‘Council of Foreign Ministers; Germany and Austria’, 1949, III (Washington DC: Government Printing Office, 1974), 532.

48 New York conference, 18 September 1950. Zeitschrift für ausländisches öffentliches Recht und Völkerrecht, XIII (Stuttgart and Cologne: Kohlhammer, 1951), 667Google Scholar; von Oppen, Beate Ruhm, ed., Documents on Germany Under Occupation 1945–1954 (London: Royal Institute for International Affairs/Oxford University Press, 1955), 517–18Google Scholar.

49 The Labour MP Desmond Donnelly described the GDR as a ‘Communist police state under . . . Russian influence.’ Desmond Donnelly, ‘Barriers too Great for a United Germany’, Daily Mail, 7 Sept. 1954. See also his pieces, ‘Nothing Can Stop the Germans Rearming’, Daily Mail, 6 Sept. 1954, and ‘The Red Voters Had no Choice’, Daily Mail, 18 Oct. 1954. NLW: Donnelly Papers (F10).

50 Thus, for example, the September 1950 statement was repeated verbatim in the Final Act of the London Nine-Power Conference on 3 October 1954. Ruhm von Oppen, Documents, 607. The nine powers were Belgium, Canada, France, the FRG, Italy, Luxembourg, the Netherlands, the United Kingdom and the United States.

51 Strauß to Bundestag, 16 July 1952, Verhandlungen des Deutschen Bundestages, 1. Wahlperiode, 9853.

52 Radio interview with Adenauer, 11 June 1953. Hughes, Britain, Germany and the Cold War, 15.

53 See, for instance, the letter of Adenauer to the chairman of the Allied High Commission, McCloy, John C. [231–11 II/6646/50], 24 August 1950, document 112, Akten zur Auswärtigen Politik der Bundesrepublik Deutschland (AAPD): September 1949 bis Dezember 1950 (Munich: Oldenbourg, 1997)Google Scholar.

54 Gray, Germany's Cold War, 8. For British perspectives on the Alleinvertretungsanspruch, see Hughes, Britain, Germany and the Cold War, 14, 34, 50, 72, 153, 156.

55 PRO, FO 371/98011 [C 1801/4] British embassy, Washington DC to FO, 22 July 1952.

56 On this see Ostermann, ‘“Little Room for Maneuver”’, 172–9.

57 Schwartz, Thomas A., America's Germany: John J. McCloy and the Federal Republic of Germany (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1991), 89CrossRefGoogle Scholar. Cited in Ostermann, ‘“Little Room for Maneuver”’, 173.

58 This position was made clear soon after the Potsdam Conference. PRO, FO 370/1150, Memo from Aberdare, International Olympic Committee to FO, 15 May 1945; Aberdare to Chisholm, FO, 2 September 1945. On the 1948 games, see Buschmann, Jürgen and Lennartz, Karl, ‘Germany and the 1948 Olympic Games in London’, Journal of Olympic History, 6, 3 (1998), 22–8Google Scholar.

59 ‘The National Olympic Committees: Germany (1895)’, Bulletin du Comité International Olympique, 64 (1958), 59. The continuity in personnel – regardless of activities in the Nazi era – actually counted in favour of the FRG here. On this, see Magdalinski, Tara, ‘Historical Interpretation and the Continuity of Sports Administrators from Nazi to West Germany’, Sport History Review, 27, 1 (1996), 1–13CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

60 Bulletin du Comité International Olympique, 31 (1952), 20.

61 PRO, FO 371/98011 [C 1801/1ii], ‘The Sports Situation in Germany in its Relation to the International Field’, Berlin Despatch Number 9 (Annex), from Berenson, Office of the GOC, Berlin to Sir Ivone Kirkpatrick, United Kingdom High Commissioner, 8 February 1952.

62 PRO, FO 371/98011 [C 1801/2] FO, 27 February 1952. See also Guttmann, The Games Must Go On, 153.

63 ‘Decision of the Executive Committee of the International Olympic Committee regarding the German situation’, 11 February 1952. Bulletin du Comité International Olympique, 32 (1952), 37. For British comment on this see PRO, FO 371/98011 [C 1801/1i] FO report of Stockholm Radio, 12 February 1952.

64 Bulletin du Comité International Olympique, 32 (1952), 11. See also Balbier, Kalter Krieg auf der Aschenbahn, 77.

65 PRO, FO 371/98011 [C 1801/2] FO minute, 27 February 1952.

66 ‘The National Olympic Committees: Germany (1895)’, Bulletin du Comité International Olympique, 64 (1958), 59.

67 Blasius, Olympische Bewegung, 94–122. The Saarland, which did not become a part of the FRG until 1957, competed as a separate team in 1952 and as part of the all-German team in 1956.

68 Christopher R. Hill, ‘The Cold War and the Olympic Movement: 1980 and 1984 Boycotts by the US and Russia’, History Today, January 1999, 2.

69 Hill, Olympic Politics, 38–9.

70 PRO, FO 371/98011 [C 1801/1ii], ‘The Sports Situation in Germany in its Relation to the International Field’ (Annex), Berenson, GOC Berlin to Sir Ivone Kirkpatrick, UK High Commissioner, 8 February 1952.

71 Spilker, Dirk, The East German Leadership and the Division of Germany: Patriotism and Propaganda 1945–53 (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2006)CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

72 Abelshauser, Werner and Schwegler, Walter, Anfänge westdeutscher Sicherheitspolitik, 1945–1956: IV: Wirtschaft und Rüstung, Souveränität und Sicherheit (Munich: Oldenbourg, 1997), 330–1Google Scholar; Carr, ‘The Use of Sport in the German Democratic Republic’, 124.

73 F. Stephen Larrabee, ‘Moscow and the German Question’, in Verheyen and Søe, The Germans and Their Neighbours, 206–8.

74 This struggle was global and the GDR was particularly active in pursuit of its goal of international recognition in the Third World. On this see Troche, Alexander, Ulbricht und die Dritte Welt: Ost-Berlins ‘Kampf’ gegen die Bonner ‘Alleinvertretungsanmaßung’ (Erlangen: Palm & Enke, 1996)Google Scholar; Spranger, Hans-Joachim and Brock, Lothar, Die beiden deutschen Staaten in der Dritten Welt: eine Herausforderung für die Bundesrepublik Deutschland (Opladen: Westdeutscher Verlag, 1987)CrossRefGoogle Scholar. In certain states, such as Algeria, this competition began even before independence. On this see Cahn, Jean-Paul and Müller, Klaus-Jürgen, La République fédérale d'Allemagne et la guerre d'Algerie, 1954–1962 (Paris: Lé Félin, 2003)Google Scholar; Mathilde von Bulow, ‘The Foreign Policy of the Federal Republic of Germany, Franco-German Relations, and the Algerian War’, Ph.D. thesis, University of Cambridge, 2006; Bougherara, Nassima, Les rapports franco-allemands à l'épreuve de la question algérienne (1955–1963) (Bern: Peter Lang, 2006)Google Scholar.

75 PRO, FO 371/160570 [CG 1072/24] FO Memorandum, 25 October 1961.

76 Fédération Internationale de Football Association (FIFA).

77 Wolfgang Buss, ‘Sport and Human Rights in the Early Years of the German Democratic Republic’, 1999, available at www.ausport.gov.au/fulltext/1999/nsw/p64-68.pdf, 4.

78 Conversation between the State Department's J. J. Reinstein and an official of the British embassy, Washington, 29 October 1955, FRUS, ‘Central and Southeastern Europe’, 1955–57, XXVI (Washington DC: Government Printing Office, 1992), 554–5.

79 On this, see Giselher Spitzer, ‘Zwischen 1949 und 1952: Drei NOKs in Deutschland’, in NOK für Deutschland/Lämmer, Deutschland in der Olympischen Bewegung, 177–204.

80 Thus the umbrella GDR sports organisation, founded in 1957, was entitled the Deutscher Turn- und Sportbund (DTSB, ‘German Gymnastic and Sport Union’).

81 On the process whereby the SED appropriated sport for state ends, see Reinartz, Klaus, ‘Die Zweiteilung des DDR-Sports auf Beschluß der SED’, in Teichler, Hans Joachim and Reinartz, Klaus, eds., Das Leistungssportsystem der DDR in den 80er Jahren und im Prozeß der Wende (Schorndorf: Verlag Karl Hofmann, 1999), 55–85Google Scholar.

82 Supporters of the East German case cited as precedents the examples of Bohemia (whose NOC had been officially recognised despite Bohemia's being part of the Austro-Hungarian Empire) in 1900, 1908 and 1912 and Finland (a part of the Russian Empire) in 1908 and 1912.

83 PRO, FO 371/109555 [CS 1801/1] FO Report, ‘The DDR Application for Membership within the IOC’, annex to letter from Berenson, Cultural Relations Group to Political Advisor, British Military Government, Berlin, 27 April 1954. Burghley competed at the 1928 and 1932 Olympics and later served as president of the Amateur Athletic Association (AAA), president of the International Amateur Athletic Federation (IAAF) and as a member and vice-president of the IOC.

84 PRO, CAB 129/74, C (55) 83, 25 March 1955. As Arnold Wolfers noted in 1962: ‘If the restoration of the former territorial integrity of the country enjoyed top priority among German national goals, West Germany could bring it about at the price of turning Communist and joining the Soviet camp.’ Wolfers, Arnold, ‘The Goals of Foreign Policy’, in his Discord and Collaboration: Essays on International Politics (Baltimore, MD: Johns Hopkins Press, 1962), 79Google Scholar. On British fears that Germany might turn to the east, see Gossel, Daniel, Briten, Deutsche und Europa: Die Deutsche Frage in der britischen Außenpolitik, 1945–1962 (Stuttgart: Franz Steiner, 1999), 226Google Scholar. On this issue more generally, see Larres, Klaus, ‘Germany and the West: the “Rapallo Factor” in German Foreign Policy from the 1950s to the 1990s’, in Larres, Klaus and Panayi, Panikos, eds., The Federal Republic of Germany since 1949: Politics, Society and Economy Before and After Unification (London: Longman, 1996), 278–326Google Scholar.

85 Hill, Olympic Politics, 39.

86 PRO, FO 371/109555 [CS 1801/1] Barnes to Palliser, 30 April 1954. See also PRO, FO 371/109555 [CS 1801/2] Philip de Zuleta, FO Minute ‘International Olympic Committee’, 1 May 1954.

87 Miller, David, Athens to Athens: The Official History of the Olympic Games and the IOC, 1894–2004 (London and Edinburgh: Mainstream Publishing, 2003), 139Google Scholar.

88 Extract from the minutes of the conference of the Executive Board of the IOC, Paris, 10 June 1955; ‘Entente between the two National Olympic Committees of Germany’, Bulletin du Comité International Olympique, 52 (1955), 34, 50Google Scholar.

89 ‘The National Olympic Committees: Germany (1895)’, Bulletin du Comité International Olympique, 64 (1958), 60 (emphasis in original).

90 PRO, FO 371/109555 [CS 1801/2] ‘Application by GDR for membership of the International Olympic Committee’, note by Michael Palliser, FO, 5 May 1954.

91 Hill, ‘The Cold War and the Olympic Movement’, 2.

92 Feld, Reunification and West German–Soviet Relations, 114.

93 Adenauer to the Bundestag, 22 September 1955, Verhandlungen des Deutschen Bundestages, 2. Wahlperiode, 5647.

94 ‘Statement by the Three Western Foreign Ministers on the Soviet Treaty with the DDR, September 28, 1955’. Heidelmeyer, Wolfgang and Hindrichs, Guenter, eds., Documents on Berlin 1943–1963, (Munich: Oldenbourg, 1963), 175Google Scholar.

95 Daume to Schröder, 29 January 1956. Cited in Geyer, ‘Der Kampf um nationale Repräsentation’, 58.

96 In both instances athletes from the FRG made up the majority of the combined team. The winter Olympic team consisted of fifty-eight athletes from the West and eighteen from the East. In Melbourne the numbers were 138 and thirty-seven respectively. Guttmann, The Games Must Go On, 154.

97 Miller, Athens to Athens, 139.

98 Brundage's Opening Address to the 60th Session of the IOC, Baden-Baden, 16 October 1963, Guttmann, The Games Must Go On, 155.

99 Greenberg, S., Whitaker's Olympic Almanac: An Encyclopaedia of the Olympic Games (London: The Stationary Office, 2000), 33Google Scholar.

100 In Melbourne and Rome the GDR claimed one and three gold medals respectively. Jahrbuch der Deutschen Demokratischen Republik 1961 (Berlin (Ost): Verlag die Wirtschaft, 1961), 404.

101 Federal Government Declaration, 28 June 1956. Siegler, Heinrich, Wiedervereinigung und Sicherheit Deutschland, 2nd edn (Bonn: Verlag für Zeit Achiv, 1957), 141–2Google Scholar. On the relationship between the Alleinvertretungsanspruch and the Hallstein Doctrine, see Benz, Wolfgang, ‘Die Bundesrepublik Deutschalnd 1949–1989’, in Weidenfeld, Werner and Zimmermanm, Hartmut, eds., Deutschland Handbuch: Eine doppelte Bilanz 1949–1989 (Munich/Viennna; Hanser, 1989), 53, 61Google Scholar.

102 Geyer, ‘Der Kampf um nationale Repräsentation’, 67.

103 This was the cause of Bonn's breaking of relations with Yugoslavia in 1957. On this see Sabrina Petra Ramet, ‘Yugoslavia and the Two Germanys’, in Verheyen and Søe, The Germans and Their Neighbours, 319 ff.; Ihme-Tuchel, Beate, ‘Das Bemühen der SED um die diplomatische Anerkennung durch Jugoslawien 1956/57’, Zeitschrift für Geschichtswissenschaft, 42, 8 (1994), 695–702Google Scholar. The FRG also used foreign assistance aid to further its goals in this area. On this see Schmidt, Heide-Irene, ‘Pushed to the Front: The Foreign Assistance Policy of the Federal Republic of Germany, 1958–1971’, in Contemporary European History, 12, 4 (2003), 473–507CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

104 PRO, FO 371/137398 [WG 1071/2] D. A. Logan to Philip de Zuleta (private secretary to Prime Minister Harold Macmillan), 10 January 1958.

105 Wentker, Hermann, ‘Die Außenpolitik der DDR’, Neue Politische Literatur, 46, 3 (2001), 396Google Scholar.

106 For example, End, Heinrich, Zweimal deutsche Aussenpolitik: Internationale Dimensionen des innerdeutschen Konflikts 1949–1972 (Cologne: Verlag Wissenschaft und Politik, 1973), 43Google Scholar; Hanrieder, Wolfram, Germany, America, Europe: Forty Years of German Foreign Policy (New Haven, CT: Yale University Press, 1989), 170–209CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

107 On FRG economic power see Schmidt, H.-I., ‘“The Embarrassment of Strength”: Die deutsche Position im International Monetary System 1958–1968’, in Lehmkuhl, U., Wurm, C. and Zimmermann, H., eds., Deutschland, Großbritannien, Amerika: Politik, Gesellschaft und internationale Geschichte im 20. Jahrhundert (Stuttgart: Steiner Verlag, 2003), 155–96Google Scholar.

108 British industry was frustrated with its inability to deal directly with the GDR. The Conservative peer, Lord Boothby, declared that ‘I do not see why we should be dictated to by Dr Adenauer. The West Germans are doing 50 times more trade with the East than we are.’ The Times, 13 March 1961.

109 Carr, ‘The Involvement of Politics’, 46.

110 Feinstein, State Symbols, 138–9.

111 Cabinet meeting of 26 November 1959, ‘Flagge der gesamtdeutschen olympischen Mannschaft’, Die Kabinettsprotokolle der Bundesregierung, vol. 12: 1959 (Munich: Oldenbourg, 2002). Online version, available at www.bundesarchiv.de/kabinettsprotokolle/web/index.jsp.

112 Pabst, Ulrich, Sport: Medium der Politik? Der Neuaufbau des Sports in Deutschland nach dem 2. Weltkrieg und die innerdeutschen Sportbeziehungen bis 1961 (Berlin: Bartels & Wernitz, 1980), 252Google Scholar.

113 Dokumente zur Deutschlandpolitik (DzD) (Frankfurt: Alfred Metzner, 1976) series IV, vol. 3, 697. On the deterioration of the FRG position vis-à-vis the GDR on the issue of the Olympics at this time, see Blasius, Olympische Bewegung, 175 ff.

114 Thoß, Hendrik, ‘Diplomat der deutschen Einheit: Heinrich von Brentano und die bundesdeutsche Ostpolitik’, in Koch, Roland, ed., Heinrich von Brentano: Ein Wegbereiter der europäischen Integration (Munich: Oldenbourg, 2004), 214Google Scholar.

115 Balbier, Kalter Krieg auf der Aschenbahn, 69–74.

116 Daume to Schröder, 7 December 1959. Quoted in Geyer, ‘On the Road to a German “Postnationalism”?’, 146.

117 Cabinet meeting of 9 December 1959, ‘Flagge der gesamtdeutschen olympischen Mannschaft’, Die Kabinettsprotokolle der Bundesregierung, vol. 12, 1959 (Munich: Oldenbourg, 2002)Google Scholar. Online version available at www.bundesarchiv.de/kabinettsprotokolle/web/index.jsp.

118 The FRG team failed to turn up to play the GDR at the 1961 ice hockey world championships, as the West German government refused to countenance the prospect of the FRG team having to watch the raising of the GDR flag if the latter won. Balbier, ‘“Zu Gast bei Freunden”’, 5.

119 Feinstein, State Symbols, 51.

120 National Archives of the United States, College Park, MD (hereafter NACP): RG 59, Central Decimal Files 1960–63, 800.453/2–361 to 800.4531/8–1660, file: 800.4531/1–160, paper: 800.4531/1–160, Outgoing telegram from Herter to US embassy Bonn, 26 January 1960.

121 NACP: RG 59, Central Decimal Files 1960–63, 800.453/2–361 to 800.4531/8–1660, file: 800.4531/1–160, paper: 800.4531/1–160, outgoing telegram from Herter, State Department to USBER Berlin, 19 January 1960.

122 NACP: 59, Miscellaneous Records of the Bureau of Public Affairs 1944–62, Lot 65D472, Subject Files of the Policy Plans and Guidance Staff 1946–62, ‘Winter Olympics 1960’, State Department memorandum, 3 February 1960.

123 NACP: RG 59, Bureau of European Affairs, Office of German Affairs, State Department memorandum from Andrew Berding (Office of Political Affairs) to Deputy Under Secretary for Political Affairs Raymond A. Hare and Assistant Secretary for European Affairs Foy D. Kohler, 27 February 1960.

124 PRO, FO 371/160570 [CG 1072/24] FO Memorandum, 25 October 1961.

125 Adenauer, Konrad, Erinnerungen, 1955–1959 (Stuttgart: Deutsche Verlags-Anstalt, 1967), 468–71Google Scholar; Gossel, Briten, Deutsche und Europa, 189–202; Köhler, Henning, Adenauer: Eine Politische Biographie (Frankfurt a.M.: Propyläen, 1994), 1015, 1022Google Scholar.

126 PRO, CAB 129/106, C (61) 116, ‘Berlin’, memorandum by Lord Home, 26 July 1961.

127 Cabinet meeting of 21 September 1960, ‘Zehnjähriges Jubiläum des Deutschen Sportbundes’, Die Kabinetsprotokolle der Bundesregierung, vol. 13, 1960 (Munich: Oldenbourg, 2003), 332 (n).

128 Carr, ‘The Use of Sport in the German Democratic Republic’, 125.

129 Cabinet meeting of 21 September 1960, ‘Zehnjähriges Jubiläum des Deutschen Sportbundes’, Die Kabinetsprotokolle der Bundesregierung, vol. 13, 1960 (Munich: Oldenbourg, 2003), 332.

130 Daume to Schröder, 7 December 1959. Geyer, ‘Der Kampf um nationale Repräsentation’, 63.

131 This Anglo-American consensus was mirrored by thinking on the full spectrum of questions pertaining to Germany. On this see Hughes, Britain, Germany and the Cold War, 82–4, 90–111.

132 NACP: RG 59, Central Decimal Files 1960–63, 800.453/2–2262, State Department memorandum: L. D. Battle, executive secretary, to McGeorge Bundy, National Security Advisor, White House, 22 February 1962.

133 Geyer, ‘Der Kampf um nationale Repräsentation’, 83–4.

134 On sport in cold war Berlin, see Braun, Jutta and Hans Teichler, Joachim, eds., Sportstadt Berlin im Kalten Krieg: Prestigekämpfe und Systemwettstreit (Berlin: Christoph Links Verlag, 2006)Google Scholar.

135 PRO, FO 371/169325 [CG 1801/2] J. C. C. Bennett, Bonn, to J. S. Whitehead, FO, 21 January 1963.

136 PRO, FO 371/169325 [CG 1801/2] J. S. Whitehead, FO, to J. C. C. Bennett, Bonn, 15 February 1963.

137 PRO, FO 371/169325 [CG 1801/6] A. L. Southorn, Political Dept, British Military Government Berlin, to J. C. C. Bennett, Bonn, 14 March 1963. A number of issues were raised during the joint team negotiations for 1964, including confirmation of a mutual flag, anthem and uniform, as well as the status and sovereignty of West Berlin. PRO, FO 371/169325 [CG 1801/15] P. C. H. Holmer, British Military Government Berlin, to J. A. Robson, FO, highlighting issues raised in response to the all-German team proposal for 1964, July 15 1963.

138 PRO, FO 371/169325 [CG 1801/1A] Burghley to J. S. Whitehead, FO, 11 January 1963; PRO, FO 371/169325 [CG 1801/5] Burghley to J. S. Whitehead, FO, 14 February 1963; PRO, FO 371/169325 [CG 1801/15] Memorandum from P. C. H. Holmer, British Military Government Berlin, to FO, 15 July 1963; PRO, FO 371/169325 [CG 1801/4] Oscar State, General Secretary of the International Weightlifting Federation, to Burghley, 9 January 1963; PRO, FO 371/169325 [CG 1801/4] Oscar State to Otto Meyer, General Secretary of the IOC, 9 January 1963; PRO, FO 371/183165 [RG 1801/6B] W. Marsden, UK delegation NATO, Paris, to P. C. H. Holmer, FO, 30 April 1965.

139 PRO, FO 371/169325 [CG 1801/1] J. S. Whitehead, FO, to Burghley, 31 January 1963.

140 PRO, FO 371/170832 [FK 1801/9] FO to Washington, 9 October 1963.

141 PRO, FO 371/169325 [CG1801/1] J. C. C. Bennett, Bonn, to J. S. Whitehead, FO, 4 January 1963.

142 See especially PRO, FO 371/169325 [CG1801/15A] FO Memorandum, P. C. H. Holmer, 29 July 1963.

143 Carr, ‘The Use of Sport in the German Democratic Republic’, 126.

144 Carr, ‘The Involvement of Politics’, 40–50.

145 Balbier, Kalter Krieg auf der Aschenbahn, 99–102.

146 Hill, ‘The Cold War and the Olympic Movement’, 2.

147 PRO, FO 371/183165 [RG 1801/10] FO Aide-Mémoire, annex to letter from Herbert Blankenhorn, FRG ambassador to Foreign Secretary Michael Stewart, 13 May 1965.

148 PRO, FO 371/183165 [RG 1801/10] P. C. H. Homer, FO, 4 June 1965.

149 PRO, FO 371/183165 [RG 1801/12 B] Brundage to the German NOCs, 2 June 1965.

150 PRO, FCO 36/316 ‘Games of the XVIIIth Olympiad’, Sir Francis Rundall, Tokyo, to Foreign Secretary Patrick Gordon Walker, 4 November 1964.

151 PRO, FO 371/183165 [RG 1801/7] Sir Frank Roberts, Bonn, to FO, 15 April 1965.

152 PRO, FO 371/183165 [RG 1801/8] Burghley to FO, 30 April 1965.

153 PRO, FO 371/183165 [RG 1801/7] W. B. J. Ledwidge, FO to Sir F. Roberts, Bonn, 17 May 1965.

154 Observer, 11 May 1965.

155 PRO, FO 371/183165, [RG 1801/12] Brundage to the German NOCs, 2 June 1965.

156 PRO, FO 371/183165 [RG 1801/24] Burghley to P. C. H. Holmer, FO, 8 November 1965.

157 NACP: RG 59, Bureau of European Affairs, Lot 70D4, note from Alfred Puhan (Office of German Affairs) to Nicholas Rodis, 15 November 1965 (emphasis in original). ‘Salonfähig’ might be translated as ‘being acceptable in polite society’.

158 PRO, FO 371/183165 [RG 1801/2] FO Minute, R. Cecil, 10 February 1965.

159 PRO, FO 371/183165 [RG 1801/10] FO Memorandum, W. B. J. Ledwidge, Bonn, 2 June 1965.

160 PRO, FO 371/189305, [RG 1801/14] Heinz Dröge, German delegation to NATO to Jaenicke, Assistant Secretary General for Political Affairs, NATO, 7 September 1966.

161 Balbier, ‘“Zu Gast bei Freunden”’, 5; Balbier, Kalter Krieg auf der Aschenbahn, 158–9.

162 Gray, Germany's Cold War, 190–1.

163 Discussion (chaired by von Lahr) at the Auswärtiges Amt, 4 November 1965. Geyer, ‘Der Kampf um nationale Repräsentation’, 86. At the same time Daume took the opportunity to push sport up the political agenda domestically, declaring in one press release that ‘we want to prove that our free society is not inferior to an authoritarian one’. Balbier, ‘“Zu Gast bei Freunden”’, 6.

164 NACP: RG 59, Central Files: telegram from the US embassy, Bonn, to Department of State, 8 October 1965.

165 PRO, FO 371/183165 [RG 1801/24] Burghley to P. C. H. Holmer, FO, 8 November 1965. See also Gray, Germany's Cold War, 312 n.

166 Balbier, Kalter Krieg auf der Aschenbahn, 163–8.

167 PRO, PREM 13/329, Wilson–Erhard meeting, Bonn, 8 March 1965.

168 PRO, FO 371/183165 [RG 1801/20] Sir Frank Roberts, Bonn, to FO, 9 October 1965; PRO, FO 371/183165 [RG 1801/21] H. F. Stierer, British Military Government Berlin, to J. L. Bullard, Bonn, 13 October 1965.

169 Schröder–Rusk–de Murville–Gore-Booth meeting, Paris, 13 December 1965. FRUS, ‘Berlin; Germany’, 1964–68, XV (Washington, DC: Government Printing Office, 1999), 329.

170 PRO, FO 371/189305 [CS 180/8] Roberts to Stewart, 16 May 1966.

171 PRO, PREM 13/933, Wilson–Brown–Erhard–Schröder meeting, Downing Street, 23 May 1966.

172 PRO, FO 371/189305 [RG 1801/15] Communiqué, British embassy, Bonn, to FO, 6 October 1966.

173 See, e.g., the speeches of Chancellor Kiesinger on 13 December 1966 and 17 June 1967: DzD, series V, vol. I, 60, 1321–2.

174 GDR attempts to join the United Nations in the mid-1960s caused great disquiet in the FRG (Hughes, Britain, Germany and the Cold War, 130). Domestic alarm in the FRG caused questions such as why the FRG was not a UN member, to be asked of the government. On this see Dröge, Heinz, Münch, Fritz and von Puttkamer, Ellinor, The Federal Republic of Germany and the United Nations (New York: Carnegie Endowment for International Peace, 1967)Google Scholar.

175 On the establishment of relations between the FRG and Romania, see Meissner, Boris, Die Deutsche Ostpolitik 1961–1970: Kontinuität und Wandel: Dokumentation (Cologne: Verlag Wissenschaft & Politik, 1970), 181Google Scholar.

176 Wilson later hailed this as a turning point in Bonn's relations with the Eastern bloc. Wilson, Harold, The Labour Government 1964–70: A Personal Record (London: Weidenfeld & Nicolson and Michael Joseph, 1971), 82Google Scholar.

177 On 15 February 1967, State Secretary Lahr advised against re-establishing relations with Yugoslavia, as it would cause a large number of other countries to establish relations with the GDR (especially in the Third World). AAPD, 1967, I (Munich: Oldenbourg, 1998), 282. For Brandt's robust rebuttal of this stance see his letter to Chancellor Kiesinger, AAPD, 1967, vol. I, 412–19.

178 Bahr to Brandt, 3 November 1967: AAPD, 1967, III, 1486–7. By the 1980s Bahr was going so far as to state that even paying lip service to the goal of reunification was ‘hypocritical’. Marsh, David, The Germans: A People at the Crossroads (New York: St. Martin's Press, 1990), 58Google Scholar.

179 PRO, FCO 36/317 [78] ‘East German and North Korean representation at the Olympic Games’, E. Young to Faber, Rhodesian Political Dept., FCO, 29 January 1968. See also PRO, FCO 13/2340, ‘Rhodesia's Participation in Olympic Games in Mexico: Moves to Enforce their Exclusion’, FCO Memorandum.

180 PRO, FCO 36/317 [88] ‘German Participation in the Tokyo Olympic Games’, A. D. S Goodall, Western Dept. FCO, to Faber, 13 February 1968.

181 Miller, Athens to Athens, 175; Hill, Olympic Politics, 42; Balbier, Kalter Krieg auf der Aschenbahn, 163.

182 ‘Extracts from the minutes of the 67th Session of the International Olympic Committee. Mexico City, 7th–11th October 1968’. Newsletter (Olympic Review), 15 December 1968, 599.

183 Balbier, Kalter Krieg auf der Aschenbahn, 163.

184 PRO, FCO 7/665 [151] ‘East German Participation in International Sports Events’, conversation between Lord Exeter and H. F. T. Morgan, 18 September 1968.

185 One historian cites the 1968 Olympic decision, along with the GDR's signature of the Partial Test Ban Treaty of 1963, as having put the ‘official recognition of the GDR on the political agenda’. Bauerkämper, ‘It Took Three to Tango’, 52.

186 In reality the FRG had little option, given that the IOC invited the organising committee of the Munich games to report, by the end of 1968, whether the new system could run smoothly. Balbier, Kalter Krieg auf der Aschenbahn, 163.

187 PRO, FCO 34/45 [16] Chalfont to D. H. Howell, Dept. of Education and Science, February 1969.

188 PRO, FCO 33/476, Brimelow minute, 19 November 1969. Cited in Niedhart, Gottfried, ‘Zustimmung und Irritationen: Die Westmächte und die deutsche Ostpolitik 1969/70’, in Lehmkuhl, Ursula, Wurm, Clemens A. and Zimmermann, Hubert, eds., Deutschland, Großbritannien, Amerika: Politik, Gesellschaft und Internationale Geschichte im 20. Jahrhundert (Wiesbaden and Stuttgart: Steiner, 2003), 234Google Scholar.

189 Third meeting of the Special Committee for Sport and the Olympic Games, 4 December 1969. Quoted in Balbier, ‘“Zu Gast bei Freunden”’, 6–7.

190 PRO, FCO 33/1455 [21] J. D. N. Hartland-Swann, FCO, to N. Bayne, Bonn, 14 April 1971. On GDR propaganda leading up to the Munich Olympics, see Balbier, Kalter Krieg auf der Aschenbahn, 209–13.

191 PRO, FCO 33/1455 [30] W. Unwin, Western European Dept, FCO, to W Schwab, Dept. of Environment and Science, 11 May 1971.

192 Guttmann, The Games Must Go On, 157.

193 Valérin, Harry, Olympia 1972: München–Kiel–Sapporo (Munich: Südwest, 1972), 25Google Scholar.

194 Brandt speech to the Bundestag, 28 October 1969. Quoted in Balbier, ‘“Zu Gast bei Freunden”’, 7. On this see also Uta Andrea Balbier, ‘“Der Welt das moderne Deutschland vorstellen”: Die Eröffnungsfeier der Spiele der XX Olympiade in München 1972’, in Paulmann, Auswärtige Repräsentationen, 105–19.

195 Geyer, ‘Der Kampf um nationale Repräsentation’, 86.

196 Brandt, Willy, Begegnungen und Einsichten (Hamburg: Hoffman & Campe Verlag, 1976), 442Google Scholar.

197 Falin, Valentin, Politische Erinnerungen (Munich: Droemer Knaur, 1993), 291–2Google Scholar.

198 Schneider, Werner, ed., Die Olympischen Spiele 1972: München-Kiel-Sapporo: Mit Berichten und Dokumenten zu den tragischen Ereignissen von München (Munich: Bertelsmann Verlag, 1972), 13Google Scholar.

199 Honecker, Erich, From My Life (Oxford: Pergamon, 1981), 232Google Scholar.

200 Larres, ‘Britain and the GDR in the 1960s’, in Noakes, Wende and Wright, Britain and Germany in Europe, 215.

201 During the 1974 football World Cup the GDR defeated the FRG 1–0 in Hamburg (although the West German team eventually won the tournament). An East German dissident, having watched the match in the hope of seeing the representatives of communism repression humbled, later recalled: ‘The worst of it all was the 300 Party bosses in the stands, waving their little flags with the East German sign, clapping at all the wrong moments because they knew nothing about football.’ Kuper, Simon, Football against the Enemy (London: Orion, 1994), 21Google Scholar.

202 Weizäcker, Richard von, speech to the Convention of the Evangelical Church, Düsseldorf, 8 June 1985, quoted in Gebhard Schweigler, ‘German Questions or the Shrinking of Germany’, in Larrabee, F. Stephen, ed., The Two German States and European Security (New York: St. Martin's Press, 1989), 318 nGoogle Scholar.

203 Margaret Thatcher to Sir Denis Fellows, 20 May 1980, available at www.margaretthatcher.org/speeches/displaydocument.asp?docid=104366

204 Information GDR, 682.

205 Quoted in Steinbruckner, Bruno F., ‘Historical Setting: 1945 to 1990’, in Solsten, Eric, ed., Germany: A Country Study, 3rd edn (Washington, DC: Federal Research Division, Library of Congress, 1996), 124Google Scholar. Gorbachev also told the GDR leadership that ‘if we remain behind, life punishes us straightaway’, Ash, Timothy Garton, In Europe's Name: Germany and the Divided Continent (London: Vintage, 1994), 594 nGoogle Scholar. Gorbachev's comment is also often reproduced as ‘Life itself punishes those who delay.’ Quoted in Niklasson, Tomas, ‘The Soviet Union and Eastern Europe, 1988–89: Interactions between Domestic Change and Foreign Policy’, in Pridham, Geoffrey and Vanhanen, Tatu, eds., Democratization in Eastern Europe: Domestic and International Perspectives (London and New York: Routledge, 1994), 212Google Scholar.