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‘Work and Don't Lose Hope’: Republican Forced Labour Camps during the Spanish Civil War

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  29 September 2009

JULIUS RUIZ
JULIUS RUIZ*
Affiliation:
School of History, Classics and Archaeology, Edinburgh University, William Robertson Building, 50 George Square, Edinburgh, EH8 9JY; j.ruiz@ed.ac.uk.
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Abstract

This article examines the use of forced labour in Republican Spain during the civil war. Although much has recently been written on Francoist camps, very little research has been undertaken on their Republican counterparts. As a consequence the significance of Republican camps has not been recognised. Although some historians argue that the Republicans used forced labour only in a desperate attempt to avoid military defeat, this article demonstrates that labour camps were an integral aspect of Republican ‘popular justice’. Work, it was argued, would redeem ‘fascists’ by allowing them to contribute to the economic reconstruction and transformation of Spain.

‘travaille et garde l'espoir’: les camps de travail forcé républicains pendant la guerre civile espagnole

Cet article analyse l'utilisation du travail forcé dans l'Espagne républicaine durant la Guerre Civile. Tandis qu'on a récemment beaucoup écrit sur les camps franquistes, peu de recherches ont été effectuées du côté républicain. Ainsi, l'importance des camps républicains n'a pas été reconnue. Même si certains historiens défendent la thèse que les Républicains n'ont eu recours au travail forcé que dans un effort désespéré pour éviter la défaite militaire, cet article démontre que les camps de travail faisaient partie intégrante de la ‘justice populaire’ républicaine. Ils soutenaient que le travail permettait aux ‘fascistes’ de se racheter par leur contribution à la reconstruction économique et à la transformation de l'Espagne.

‘arbeite und verlier die hoffnung nicht’: die republikanischen zwangsarbeitslager während dem spanischen bürgerkrieg

Dieser Artikel erforscht die Anwendung der Zwangsarbeit im republikanischen Spanien während des Bürgerkrieges. Obwohl in letzter Zeit viel über die Arbeitslager Francos geschrieben wurde, sind ihre republikanischen Pendants kaum erforscht. Folglich ist die Bedeutung der republikanischen Lager nicht anerkannt worden. Auch wenn gewisse Historiker argumentieren, dass die Republikaner nur auf die Zwangsarbeit zurückgriffen, um in einem letzten verzweifelten Versuch die militärische Niederlage abzuwenden, zeigt dieser Artikel auf, dass die Arbeitslager ein integraler Bestandteil der republikanischen ‘Volksjustiz’ waren. Sie vertraten die Meinung, dass die Arbeit die ‘Faschisten’ erlösen würde indem es ihnen erlaube zum wirtschaftlichen Wiederaufbau und der Verwandlung Spaniens beizutragen.

Type
Articles
Information
Contemporary European History , Volume 18 , Issue 4 , November 2009 , pp. 419 - 441
Copyright
Copyright © Cambridge University Press 2009

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References

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2 Although ad hoc camps did exist in the Nationalist rearguard from the beginning of the civil war, it was all too common in 1936 for military units, especially the Army of Africa in its brutal march towards Madrid, to shoot prisoners out of hand. For early camps see Rodrigo, Javier, ‘Campos en tiempos de guerra. Historia del mundo concentracionario franquista (1936–1939)’, in Molinero, et al. , Inmensa prisión, 21–2. For the Army of Africa's attitude to POWs see Sebastian Balfour, Deadly Embrace: Morocco and the Road to the Spanish Civil War (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2002), 268–317Google Scholar.

3 Boletín Oficial del Estado (henceforth BOE), 1 June 1937.

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8 Rodrigo, Javier, Cautivos: Campos de concentración en la España franquista 1936–1947 (Barcelona: Crítica, 2005), xxivGoogle Scholar. The only POW camp to remain open after 1942 was in Miranda del Ebro (Burgos), which held interned foreign refugees until its closure in 1947. Ibid., 223–4.

9 Rodrigo, Campos, 76, 130–1.

10 Rodrigo, Cautivos, 222–3.

11 Ibid., 132–5.

12 BOE, 11 Oct. 1938. From June 1939, prisoners could also expect work to be taken into account when applying for parole. BOE, 13 Jun. 1939.

13 Sueiro, Verdadera, 47.

14 BOE, 11 Oct. 1938. To emphasise the evangelical purpose of the scheme, Our Lady of Mercy, protector of reconquistadores in medieval Spain, was named patron saint of the Patronato Central and the local boards on 27 April 1939. BOE, 2 May 1939.

15 BOE, 17 Sept. 1939.

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17 Ruiz, Franco's Justice, 117.

18 Sueiro, Verdadera, 93.

19 BOE, 29 March 1938. Reconstruction reflected the regime's ideological priorities. The restoration of ‘artistic and national monuments’ and churches was given precedence over the rebuilding of municipal buildings, factories and housing. BOE, 15 June 1938.

20 BOE, 21 Oct. 1939; Sabín, Prisión, 195–6.

21 José Luis Gutiérrez Molina, ‘Los presos del canal. El servicio de colonias penitenciarias militarizadas y el canal del Bajo Guadalquivir’ in Molinero et al., Inmensa prisión, 64.

22 Sabín, Prisión, 197.

23 Apart from the works cited earlier, see, e.g., Fernández, José Ángel, Historia del campo de concentración de Miranda de Ebro (1937–1947) (Miranda del Ebro: J. A. Fernández, 2003)Google Scholar; Bono, Gonzalo Acosta et al. , El canal de los presos (1940–1962): Trabajos forzados: de la represión política a la explotación económica (Barcelona: Crítica, 2004)Google Scholar; Gonzalo, Fernando Mendiola, Esclavos del franquismo en el Pirineo: la carretera Igal-Vidángoz-Roncal (1939–1941) (Tafalla: Txalaparta, 2006)Google Scholar.

24 Manel Risques Corbella, ‘Archivos y fuentes documentales del mundo concentracionario y penitenciario español’, in Molinero et al., Inmensa prisión, 259–260.

25 Rodrigo, Cautivos, 332n.

26 Badia, Francesc, Els camps de treball a Catalunya durant la guerra civil (1936–1939) (Barcelona: Publicacions de l'Abadia de Montserrat, 2001)Google Scholar. See also Blanch, Pelai Pagès i, La presó Model de Barcelona: Història d'un centre penitenciari en temps de guerra (1936–1939) (Barcelona: Publicacions de l'Abadia de Montserrat, 1996), 79–91Google Scholar.

27 For the SIM see François Hodicheau, ‘La légende noire du Service d'Information Militaire de la République dans la guerre civil espagnole, et I'idée de contrôle politique’, Le Mouvement Social, October–November 2001, 29–52.

28 Badia, Camps, 112.

29 Godicheau, ‘Légende’, 46.

30 Badia, Camps, 16–18.

31 Ibid., 287–9.

32 The first figure is given by Ramón Salas Larrazábal in his history of the Republican army, the second by Rafael Miralles Bravo, the commander of the Second Disciplinary Battalion of the Army of the East (based in Catalonia) between October 1937 and March 1938. Larrazábal, Ramón Salas, Historia del Ejército Popular de la República (Madrid: Esfera de los Libros, 2006), IV, 2939Google Scholar; Bravo, Rafael Miralles, Memorias de un comandante rojo (Madrid: Editorial San Martin, 1975), 129Google Scholar.

33 Gaceta de la República (henceforth Gaceta), 20 Feb. 1938.

34 Thus each of the five army corps that defended Catalonia in the autumn of 1938 had a disciplinary battalion. Salas, Historia, 2934–8.

35 Juliá, Santos et al. , Victimas de la guerra civil (Madrid: Temas de Hoy, 1999), 256–7Google Scholar. See also Graham, Helen, The Spanish Republic at War (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2002), 350–1Google Scholar.

36 Gaceta, 27 Dec. 1936.

37 ABC (Madrid), 2 Jan. 1937.

38 Oliver, Juan García, Mi gestión al frente del Ministerio de Justicia (Raus: CNT-FAI, 1937)Google Scholar. See also his memoirs, El eco de los pasos (Barcelona: Ruedo Ibérico, 1978), 446–75Google Scholar, for a full copy of this speech.

39 Archivo Histórico Nacional (Madrid) (henceforth AHN), Causa General-Murcia, 1067, legajo 1.

40 A decree issued in February 1937 stipulated that all those convicted of political crimes were to be interned in a labour camp, not a prison. Gaceta, 24 Feb. 1937.

41 Recio, Glicerio Sánchez, Justicia y guerra en España: Los tribunales populares (1936–1939) (Alicante: Instituto de Cultura ‘Juan Gil-Albert’, Diputación de Alicante, 1991), 186Google Scholar.

42 Orihuela, San Juan and Calpe (Alicante), Valmuel (Teruel), Venta de Araoz (Almeria) and Rosas (Girona). The camps at San Juan and Rosas had fewer than seventy prisoners. Ibid., 191–2; Archivo General de la Guerra Civil Española (Salamanca), Político-Social de Madrid (henceforth AGGCE, PS Madrid), legajo 1452.

43 ABC (Madrid), 1 Dec. 1937.

44 The Volunteer for Liberty, 25 May 1938.

45 AGGCE, PS Madrid, 937.

46 Ibid., 2050/4627.

47 Ibid. It is curious that he failed to mention that the Spanish also transported convict labour to their colonies. As late as 1889, the then Liberal government of Práxedes Mateo Sagasta created a penal colony on the Philippine island of Mindoro. Gaceta de Madrid, 25 Dec. 1889.

48 Gaceta de Madrid, 5 Aug. 1933.

49 Wachsmann, Nikolaus, Hitler's Prisons (London: Yale University Press, 2004), 367, 375Google Scholar.

50 Not surprisingly, no one wanted to live close to a camp. Thus a proposal to place one at Figueras castle in September 1933 was met by a petition and street demonstrations. ABC, 15 and 23 Sept. 1933. The first order to build a camp was only given by the Popular Front government of Casares Quiroga in June 1936. ABC (Madrid), 21 June 1936.

51 Cervera, Javier, Madrid en guerra: La cuidad clandestina (Madrid: Alianza Editorial, 1998), 79–80Google Scholar; AHN, Causa General-Madrid, 1511/1, II, 637.

52 Cervera, Madrid, 80–2.

53 Rioja, Miguel Écija, ‘Casa de Reforma de Cehegrín’, Alquipir: Revista de Historia, 11 (2001), 103–13Google Scholar.

54 de la Granja, José Luis, ‘La Justicia en la Euskadi en guerra. La Consejería de Justicia del Gobierno Vasco (1936–37)’, in AHN, Justicia en guerra (Madrid: Ministerio de Cultura,1990), 77Google Scholar.

55 Rafael Quirosa-Cheyouze y Muñoz, ‘Procedencia social de las víctimas originadas por la repression en la provincia de Almería durante la guerra civil’, in AHN, Justicia, 159.

56 Gabarda, Vicent, La represión en la retaguardia republicana: País Valenciano, 1936–1939 (Valencia: Edicions Alfons el Magnánim, 1996), 32 nGoogle Scholar.

57 Fernández, Raúl C. Cancio, Guerra civil y tribunales: de los jurados populares a la justicia franquista (1936–1939) (Cáceres: Universidad de Extremadura, 2007), 100Google Scholar.

58 Juliá et al., Victimas, 117–57.

59 Sánchez Recio, Justicia, 23–41.

60 Gaceta de Madrid, 24 Jul. 1936.

61 Fanjul and Fernández de la Quintana were tried on 15 August and shot two days later. See, e.g., El Socialista, 15 Aug. 1936, for a contemporary account of proceedings. The trial of Goded and Fernández Burriel took place on the Uruguay on 11 August and their execution took place the following day. Blanch, Pelai Pagès i, Cataluña en guerra y en revolución 1936–1939 (Seville: Espuela de Plata, 2007), 102Google Scholar.

62 Claridad, 10 Aug. 1936.

63 Informaciones, 24 Aug. 1936.

64 Gaceta de Madrid, 24 Aug. 1936. A decree issued two days later extended special (or popular) tribunals to the rest of Republican Spain, with the important exception of Catalonia. Gaceta de Madrid, 26 Aug. 1936. The Catalan government, which under the terms of the 1932 Statute had control over the administration of justice, created its own tribunals on 26 August. For the evolution of Catalan justice, which did not become harmonised with the rest of the Republican zone until 1937–8, see Pelai Pagès i Blanch, ‘La Administración de Justicia en Catalunya durante la guerra civil española’ in AHN, Justicia, 47–65. For the slow institutionalisation of these tribunals see Sánchez Recio, Justicia, 84–90.

65 Gaceta de Madrid, 11 Oct. 1936.

66 See Cervera, Madrid, 135–6, for a discussion of this decree.

67 The dominance of political appointees was also apparent in the composition of the popular tribunals created in August 1936 which tried more serious cases. Although each tribunal comprised three career judges, guilt or innocence was decided by a jury nominated by Popular Front organizations. For a recent survey of Republican justice see Cancio, Guerra, 45–95.

68 Gallego, Gregorio, Madrid, corazon que se desangra (Madrid: G del Toro, 1976), 127Google Scholar.

69 ABC (Madrid), 30 Jul. 1936.

70 The National Archives (London) (henceforth NA), FO 371/20542, W13020/62/41.

71 Article 3(f), Gaceta de Madrid, 11 Oct. 1936.

72 His experiences were published in 1937 under the title Entre los campesinos de Aragón: El comunismo libertario de las comarcas liberadas. Citations come from the 1977 edition published by Tusquets in Barcelona.

73 Ibid., 26–7.

74 Ibid.

75 Gallego, Madrid, 127. Emma Goldman, on the other hand, was horrified at the prospect of anarchists opening concentration camps. On New Year's Day 1937, she wrote to the CNT National Committee reminding them of the fate of anarchists in the Soviet Union. Goldman, Emma, Vision on Fire: Emma Goldman on the Spanish Revolution, ed. Porter, David (Edinburgh: AK Press, 2006), 108Google Scholar.

76 ABC (Madrid), 6 Nov. 1936.

77 Ealham, Chris, La Lucha por Barcelona: Clase, cultura y conflicto 1898–1937 (Madrid: Alianza Editorial, 2005), 99–100Google Scholar.

78 See Casanova, Julián, Anarchism and the Spanish Civil War (London: Routledge, 2005)Google Scholar, for a comprehensive history of Spanish anarchism during the 1930s.

79 Pagès i Blanch, Cataluña, 67.

80 Julia et al., Victimas, 119–20.

81 The Consejo was created by decree on 11 November 1936. Salas, Historia, II, 958–9.

82 ABC (Madrid), 2 Jan. 1937.

83 Gaceta, 27 Dec. 1936.

84 An earlier draft of the decree was more explicit. Declaring that the ‘decongestion’ of prisons was an ‘urgent necessity’, it stated that forced labour was reserved for those convicted of rebellion, as well as those who ‘spiritually adhered to the [rebel movement], [and] carried out acts of opposition before or after [the rebellion] ‘. AGGCE, PS Madrid, 2050/4627.

85 The extent to which Francoist policymakers based their redemption programme on the Republican model is a question that deserves further examination. That Francoists analysed their opponents’ repressive legislation is suggested by the fact that Republican decrees relating to the elimination of ‘enemies’ in the teaching profession in 1936 can be found among papers dealing with their own purge of ‘red’ teachers. Morente, Francisco, La depuración del magisterio nacional (1936–1943) (Barcelona: Ámbito Ediciones, 1997), 189Google Scholar. It is certainly the case that Republican policymakers scrutinised the way in which their adversaries used forced labour; a copy of the May 1937 decree establishing that work was a ‘duty/obligation’ for prisoners is among DGP camp documents. AGGCE, PS Madrid, 1913.

86 The anarchists had the most representatives (four) on the Patronato Central until the departure of García Oliver and Carnero from the Justice Ministry in May 1937.

87 Prisoners could earn a maximum of 52 ‘marks’ a year. This meant ninety days off tariffs of less than two years and twelve months off tariffs of over 12 years. Gaceta, 9 May 1937.

88 Gaceta, 7 Feb. 1937.

89 BOE, 13 Jun. 1939.

90 García Oliver, Mi gestión.

91 For Maconochie see Barry, John V., Alexander Maconochie of Norfolk Island: a study of a pioneer in penal reform (London/Melbourne: Oxford University Press, 1958)Google Scholar.

92 See the preamble of 8 May 1937 decree. Gaceta, 9 May 1937.

93 Gaceta, 9 Sept. 1937. See also an agronomist report and the DGP feasibility study in AGGCE, PS Madrid, 2050/4627.

94 See the comments of Antonio Carnero at a press conference reported in El Socialista, 27 Dec. 1936, and the proposed project report in AGGC(Salamanca), PS Madrid, 2050/4627.

95 Gutiérrez Molina, ‘Presos’, 65–9.

96 Gaceta, 13 Aug.1937.

97 Unsigned Justice Ministry memorandum, December 1937, AGGC(Salamanca), PS Madrid, 2050/4627.

98 Suero, Verdadera, 32–3. For an extensive list of companies using forced labour see Acosta Bono et al., Canal, 65–79.

99 See, e.g., the CNT's Central Committee internal bulletin of 3 September 1937. International Institute of Social History (Amsterdam) (henceforth IISH), CNT archive, legajo 85A(5).

100 AGGCE, PS Madrid, 2050/4627.

101 Ibid.

102 Suero, Verdadera, 76.

103 AHN, Causa General-Murcia, 1067/1.

104 Hernández, Jesús Aguilar, Historia de Albatera (Albatera: Ayuntamiento de Albatera, 2002), 807–8Google Scholar.

105 AGGCE, PS Madrid, 2050/4627. See also Navarro, Elías Abad, Una heroina Orcelitana bajo la dominación roja (Valencia: Imp F Domenech, 1940), 17Google Scholar.

106 Duque even allowed Pérez de Torres to take 80 kg of sugar, beans, lentils and rice from camp stores for rightists, including a monk and a priest, whom she hid in the village. Abad, Una heroina, 17.

107 See Nuestra Bandera (Alicante), 25–8 Sept. 1937; 15 Oct. 1937.

108 This section is based on the 1937 annual report written by the Albatera camp director and received in the Justice Ministry on 21 March 1938. AGGCE, PS Madrid, 2468. See also Sánchez Recio, Justicia, 181–93.

109 AGGCE, PS Madrid, 1177.

110 Ibid., 1125.

111 Ibid., 1177.

112 AGGCE, PS Madrid, 1913, contains a plea from the city's prison authorities to the Justice Ministry in Barcelona for extra supplies.

113 Ibid.

114 Gaceta, 22 Feb. 1937. Ansó, a member of the Izquierda Republicana, replaced Irujo in December 1937.

115 Sánchez Recio, Justicia, 186. There are no figures beyond June 1938.

116 Ibid.

117 Gaceta, 13 Jun. 1938.

118 AHN, CG-Madrid, 1537, legajo 1.

119 Gaceta, 28 Mar. 1938.

120 AHN, CG-Madrid, 1537, legajo 1.

121 Godicheau, ‘Légende’, 46. De Mora's appointment was indicative of Socialist control of the SIM in Madrid. Its commander, Ángel Pedrero, an ally of the Indalecio Prieto, took part in the anti-communist Casado coup in March 1939.

122 Badia, Camps, 60–1; 265; 344.

123 Ibid., 238–9. Prisoners were to be transferred in three batches of 750. However, when the SIM were told that the number of available prisoners was significantly lower, the quota was reduced to 225–250 prisoners. In total 1,570 prisoners were sent from the Model Prison to SIM camps between April and September 1938. Pagès i Blanch, Presó, 81.

124 Badia, Camps, 58.

125 Corral, Pedro, Desertores: La Guerra Civil que nadie quiere contar (Barcelona: Debate, 2006), 307–9Google Scholar.

126 Minutes of the 15 April 1937 session of the Junta de Defensa reproduced in Aróstegui, Julio and Martínez, Jesús A., La Junta de Defensa de Madrid (Communidad de Madrid: Madrid, 1984), 447Google Scholar. At the same meeting, its head, General Miaja, revealed that the battalion was his suggestion ‘because I am an enemy of having men in prison because work regenerates and prison degrades’.

127 Colonel Tomás Ardid Rey, the commander of Madrid's disciplinary battalions during the civil war, was held responsible by Francoist military prosecutors for alleged poor treatment of rightists in the Nuevo Baztán battalion, and on 9 November 1939 was sentenced to death. He was reprieved three months later. Archivo General de la Administración (henceforth AGA) (Alcalá de Henares), Justicia (Responsabilidades Políticas) (J(RP), caja 30323.

128 See, e.g., the decrees issued by defence minister Indalecio Prieto on 18 June 1937, detailing the crimes and punishments available to military tribunals for infractors. These decrees were published in the Gaceta de la República on 19 June 1937, the same day as the fall of Bilbao to Nationalist forces.

129 Gaceta, 20 Feb. 1938.

130 Miralles, Memorias, 129.

131 AHN, CG-Madrid, 1523, legajo 2.

132 Apart from Ardid Rey, these included brothers José and Salvador Espinosa de los Monteros y Manso, convicted in August 1939 for two deaths in their work company. The latter was executed that December. AGA, J(RP), 1238.

133 Miralles, Memorias, 143–6.

134 Badia, Camps, 294–6.

135 Ibid., 44; 289; 294; 297; 75; 82; 128; 120.

136 Ibid., 139–50. Thus deaths of prisoners were not always reported to their families.

137 Ibid., 199–202.

138 IISH, CNT, 29A(1), Blanco to Negrín, 30 May 1938.

139 It appears that anarchists took their revenge when they murdered Manuel Astorga after he went into exile in France in 1939. Badia, Camps, 76; 201.

140 IISH, CNT, 29A(1) Blanco to Negrín, 30 May 1938. However, anarchist protests about the brutalities inflicted in Catalan SIM camps were contradictory. Blanco's report also asserted that ‘if one has to shoot prisoners [for escapes] then it should be done to prisoners of marked fascist tendencies’. The CNT–FAI leadership (if not necessarily the rank-and-file) continued to support the raison d'être of the SIM – protection of the Republic against internal enemies – and in May 1938 Mariano R. Vázquez, the secretary of the CNT National Committee, proposed to Negrín that García Oliver should be its next leader. IISH, CNT, 004B (3), Vázquez to Negrín, 14 May 1938.

141 Pagès i Blanch, Presó, 84.

142 Balcells, Albert, Justícia i presons, després de maig de 1937, a Catalunya (intents regularitzadors del conseller Bosch Gimpera) (Barcelona: Rafael Dalmau, 1989)Google Scholar.

143 Pagès i Blanch, Presó, 87–8.

144 For the ‘return to order’ see Godicheau, François, La Guerre d'Espagne: République et Révolution en Catalogne (1936–1939) (Paris: Odile Jacob, 2004), 174–296Google Scholar.

145 Pagès i Blanch, Presó, 57–60.

146 Badia, Camps 99–100, 105–6. International brigaders, captured by the SIM attempting to leave Spain, were sent mainly to Concabella (at least thirty) and Falset (at least six). They were most inclined to organise escape attempts, possibly because they believed that their SIM captors would not execute them for fear of the diplomatic consequences. Ibid., 156n.

147 Graham, Republic, 351.

148 Over 5,000, including at least 3,000 civilians, were taken from Teruel to prisons in Valencia, Alicante and Murcia. Many, including Anselmo Polanco, the bishop of Teruel, and Colonel Rey d'Harcourt, the Nationalist garrison commander, were taken to Catalonia. Polanco and Rey would be executed by their Republican guards fleeing the Nationalist push towards the French frontier in February 1939. Clemente, Eloy Fernández, El Coronel Rey D'Harcourt y la rendición de Teruel: Historia y fin de una leyenda negra (Teruel: Instituto de Estudios Turoleses, 1992), 34–5Google Scholar; 61–3. See also Badia, Camps, 162–6.

149 Ibid., 91–8, 257.

150 Ibid., 257.

151 For POW camps see, e.g., Rodrigo, Cautivos, 156–66.

152 Acosta Bono et al., Canal, 217.

153 Sueiro, Verdadera, 76.

154 Badia, Camps, 71.

155 Rodrigo, Cautivos, 317.

156 Applebaum, Anne, Gulag: A History of Soviet Camps (London: BCA, 2003), 220Google Scholar.

157 Gellately, Robert, Backing Hitler: Consent and Correction in Nazi Germany (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2001), 57CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

158 Wachsmann, Prisons, 102. By the late 1930s there were five large prison camps with approximately 10,000 in each. By contrast, there were 12,921 in SS camps by the end of 1938. Ibid., 188, 394.

159 Wachsmann, Nikolaus, ‘“Annihilation through Labor”: The Killing of State Prisoners in the Third Reich’, Journal of Modern History, 71, 3 (1999), 624–59CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

160 Voglis, Polymeris, ‘Political Prisoners in the Greek Civil War, 1945–50: Greece in Comparative Perspective’, Journal of Contemporary History, 37, 4 (2002), 527, 529–30CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

161 Aguilar, Historia, 813.