Hostname: page-component-84b7d79bbc-l82ql Total loading time: 0 Render date: 2024-07-28T05:40:53.571Z Has data issue: false hasContentIssue false

The usual suspect: worker migration and law enforcement in mid-nineteenth-century Anatolia

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  05 August 2015

OMRI PAZ*
Affiliation:
Ben Gurion University of the Negev.

Abstract

Trials held in Anatolia around the mid-nineteenth century suggest that labour migrants became ‘the usual suspects’ in felony cases. Since the 1980s, a significant body of work on migration has emerged. Uncovering the voices of individual migrants has been a major endeavour of these studies. By following a legal case concerning one labour immigrant, and applying the methods of microhistory, this article aims to show how a socio-legal reading of migration is useful in reconstructing the history of immigrants, especially in the nineteenth century, when migration became a legal issue. Second, the article aims to demonstrate the potential of diaspora theory for analysing and explaining the experience of labour immigrants from the Balkans and the Aegean Islands during the nineteenth century, among them the protagonist of this paper.

Suspects habituels: migrations de travailleurs et application de la loi en anatolie, au milieu du xixe siècle

Des procès qui eurent lieu en Anatolie au milieu du XIXe siècle laissent à penser que les travailleurs migrants devinrent «les suspects habituels» dans les cas de crime. De nombreuses études sur les migrations ont vu le jour depuis les années 1980. L'une de leurs principales contributions fut de redonner la parole aux migrants individuels. Cet article suit une affaire judiciaire impliquant un unique travailleur immigrant. Faisant appel aux méthodes de la micro-histoire, l'auteur montre tout d'abord comment une lecture socio-juridique de la migration est utile pour reconstruire l'histoire des immigrants, en particulier au XIXe siècle, lorsque la migration est devenue un problème de droit. En second lieu, il vise à démontrer le potentiel de la théorie de la diaspora pour analyser et expliquer l'expérience vécue par les travailleurs immigrés des Balkans et des îles de la mer Égée au cours du XIXe siècle, dont le protagoniste de cet article.

Der übliche verdächtige: wanderarbeit und rechtsdurchsetzung in anatolien in der mitte des 19. jahrhunderts

In Gerichtsverhandlungen, die um die Mitte des 19. Jahrhunderts in Anatolien stattfanden, gehörten bei Schwerverbrechen Arbeitsmigranten zu den „üblichen Verdächtigen”. Seit den 1980er Jahren ist ein nennenswerter Bestand an Arbeiten zur Migration entstanden, wobei eine maßgebliche Leistung dieser Untersuchungen darin besteht, die Stimmen individueller Migranten erschlossen zu haben. Dieser Beitrag folgt dem Fall eines einzigen Arbeitsimmigranten und versucht mit den Methoden der Mikrogeschichte zu zeigen, inwiefern eine sozialrechtliche Lektüre der Migration zur Rekonstruktion der Geschichte von Einwanderern beiträgt, insbesondere für das 19. Jahrhundert, als Migration zu einer Rechtsfrage wurde. Außerdem zielt der Beitrag darauf ab, das Potential der Diaspora-Theorie zu demonstrieren, um das Verhalten von Arbeitseinwanderern aus dem Balkan und den ägäischen Inseln im 19. Jahrhundert – unter ihnen auch der Protagonist dieses Aufsatzes – zu analysieren und zu erklären.

Type
Research Article
Copyright
Copyright © Cambridge University Press 2015 

Access options

Get access to the full version of this content by using one of the access options below. (Log in options will check for institutional or personal access. Content may require purchase if you do not have access.)

References

ENDNOTES

1 This material is taken from the Prime Ministry's Ottoman Archive in Istanbul: Başbaknlık Osmanlı Arşivi (hereafter BOA), İrade Meclis-i Vala (hereafter İ.MVL), 245/8884, 18 Za. 1268 (3 September 1852). This includes the summaries of Mihail's trials, and his testimony given before an investigation commission. All the evidence discussed throughout the remainder of this article is drawn from these documents.

2 See for example, BOA, Ayniyat Defterleri (hereafter AYN.D), vol. 486, pp. 12–13, 15 Ra. 1277 (15 October 1860); and BOA, İ.MVL, 279/10920, 20 L. 1269 (27 July 1853).

3 R. Kasaba, A moveable empire: Ottoman nomads, migrants, and refugees (Seattle and London, 2009), 106–7.

4 On censuses, see K. H. Karpat, Ottoman population 1830–1914: demographic and social characteristics (Madison, WI, 1985); Karpat, Kemal H., ‘Ottoman population records and the census of 1881/2–1893’, International Journal of Middle East Studies 9, 2 (1978), 234–74Google Scholar; Shaw, Standford J., ‘The Ottoman census system and population, 1831–1914’, International Journal of Middle East Studies 9, 3 (1978), 325–38CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Şaşmaz, M., ‘The Ottoman censuses and the registration systems in the nineteenth and early twentieth centuries’, Osmanlı Tarihi Araştırma ve Uygulama Merkezi Dergeisi 6 (1995), 289305Google Scholar. On passports and identity documents, see Çadırcı, M., ‘Tanzimat Döneminde Çıkarılan Men’-i Mürûr ve Pasaport Nizamnameleri’, Belgeler 15, 19 (1993), 169–81Google Scholar. For similar observations with regards to Athens, see I. Fatsea, ‘Migrant builders and craftsmen in the founding phase of modern Athens’, in Ulrike Freitag, M. Fuhrmann, N. Lafi and F. Riedler eds., The city in the Ottoman Empire: migration and the making of urban modernity (London and New York, 2011), 208. On the police, see F. Ergut, Modern Devlet ve Polis: Osmanlı'dan Cumhuriyet'e Toplumsal Denetimin Diyalektiği (Istanbul, 2004); and O. Paz, ‘Crime, criminals, and the Ottoman state: Anatolia between the late 1830s and the late 1860s’ (unpublished Ph.D. thesis, Tel Aviv University, 2011), 170–225.

5 C. Pooley and I. Whyte eds., Migrants, emigrants and immigrants: a social history of migration (London, 1991). On migration and subaltern studies, see R. Chandavarkar, ‘“The making of the working class”: E. P. Thompson and Indian history’, in Vinayak Chaturvedi ed., Mapping subaltern studies and the postcolonial (London and New York, 2000), 50–71; and J. Clancy-Smith, “Making it” in pre-colonial Tunis: migration, work and poverty in a Mediterranean port-city, c. 1815–1870’, in Stephanie Cronin ed., Subalterns and social protest: history from below in the Middle East and North Africa (London, 2007), 213–36. On diaspora studies, see R. Cohen, Global diasporas: an introduction, 2nd edn. (New York, 2008).

6 E. R. Toledano, As if silent and absent: bonds of enslavement in the Islamic Middle East (New Haven, 2007), 41, 44–7; N. Lafi, ‘The Ottoman urban governance of migrations and the stakes of modernity’, in Freitag, Fuhrmann, Lafi and Riedler, The city in the Ottoman Empire, 10.

7 For pioneering works, see E. R. Toledano, State and society in mid-nineteenth-century Egypt (Cambridge, 1990); E. R. Toledano, ‘Shemsigül: a Circassian slave in mid-nineteenth-century Cairo’, in Edmund Burke III ed., Struggle and survival in the modern Middle East (Berkeley, 1993), 59–74; Toledano, As if silent and absent; and Freitag, Fuhrmann, Lafi and Riedler, The city in the Ottoman Empire.

8 Relevant works include Ergut, Modern Devlet ve Polis; A. Sönmez, ‘Zaptiye Teşkilatı'nın kuruluşu ve Gelişimi’ (unpublished Ph.D. thesis, Ankara University, 2005); A. Tourmarkine, N. Özbek and N. Levy eds., Jandarma ve Polis: Fransız ve Osmanlı Tarihçiliğine Çapraz Bakışlar (Istanbul, 2009); E. B. Ekinci, Osmanlı Mahkemeleri (Istanbul, 2004); S. Bingöl, Tanzimat Doneminde Osmanli Imparatrorluğunda Yargi Reformu: Nizamiyye Mahkemelerinin Kurulusu ve İşleyişi (Eskişehir, 2004); and G. Yıldız, Mapusane: Osmanlı Hapishanelerinin Kuruluş Serüveni (1839–1908) (Istanbul, 2012).

9 Magnusson, S. G., ‘The singularization of history: social history and microhistory within the postmodern state of knowledge’, Journal of Social History 36, 3 (2003), 701–35CrossRefGoogle Scholar, here 709–10. See also, for example, C. Ginzburg, The cheese and the worms: the cosmos of a sixteenth-century miller (Baltimore, 1992); and N. Z. Davis, The return of Martin Gurre (Harmondsworth, 1985).

10 I. Agmon, Family and court: legal culture and modernity in late Ottoman Palestine (New York, 2006), 50–1; Gregory, Brad S., ‘Is small beautiful? Microhistory and the history of everyday life’, History and Theory 8, 1 (1999), 100110CrossRefGoogle Scholar, here 102–3.

11 Kasaba, A moveable empire, 106.

12 Kale, Başak, ‘Transforming an empire: the Ottoman Empire's immigration and settlement policies in the nineteenth and early twentieth centuries’, Middle Eastern Studies 50, 2 (2014), 252–71CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

13 This survey will not include emigration from Anatolia. Emigrants flocked to the newly established nation-states in the Balkans, to western Europe, and the United States; see Karpat, Kemal H., ‘The Ottoman emigration to America, 1860–1914’, International Journal of Middle East Studies 17, 2 (1985), 175209CrossRefGoogle Scholar; İpek, N. and Caglayan, K. T, ‘The emigration from the Ottoman Empire to America’, International Journal of Turkish Studies 12 (2006), 2943Google Scholar; F. Ahmed, Turks in America: the Ottoman Turk's immigrant experience (Greenwich, 1993); N. İpek and K. T. Çağlayan, ‘The emigration from the Ottoman Empire to America’, in A. Deniz Balgamış and Kemal H. Karpat eds., Turkish migration to the United States: from Ottoman times to the present (Madison, WI, 2008), 29. Some of these emigrants were from the Arab-speaking provinces; see Halliday, Fred, ‘The millet of Manchester: Arab merchants and cotton trade’, British Journal of Middle Eastern Studies 19, 2 (1992), 159–76CrossRefGoogle Scholar. However, when they tried to return to their homeland they were classified as Turks and were banned from entry into the newly established nation states; see I. Blumi, Ottoman refugees, 1878–1939: migration in a post-imperial world (New York and London, 2013), 148–54.

14 In Ottoman historiography the ‘long nineteenth century’ began with the reign of Sultan Selim III (1789–1807), and lasted until its demise in 1918. On the Ottoman ‘long nineteenth century’, see Tabak, Faruk, ‘Local merchants in peripheral areas of the Empire: the fertile crescent during the long nineteenth century’, Review 11, 2 (1988), 179214Google Scholar; R. Kasaba, ‘A time and place for the nonstate: social change in the Ottoman Empire during the “long nineteenth century”’, in Joel S. Migdal, Atul Kohli and Vivienne Shue eds., State power and social forces: domination and transformation in the third world (Cambridge, 1994), 207–30; and E. R. Toledano, ‘Social and economic change in the “long nineteenth century”’, in M. W. Daly ed., The Cambridge history of Egypt. Volume two: modern Egypt from 1517 to the end of the twentieth century (Cambridge, 1998), 252–84. The term was originally coined by Eric Hobsbawm and referred to Europe from the 1780s until the beginning of the First World War in 1914. See Eric Hobsbawm, The age of revolution, 1789–1848 (London, 1975); and Eric Hobsbawm, The age of capital, 1848–1875 (London, 1975).

15 B. Başaran, Selim III, social control and policing in Istanbul at the end of the eighteenth century. Between crisis and order (Leiden, 2014), 25–32.

16 W. Blackstone, Commentaries on the laws of England, vol. 4 (Chicago, [1769] 1979), 162; Markus D. Dubber and Mariana Valverde, ‘Perspectives on the power and science of police’, in Markus D. Dubber and Mariana Valverde eds., The new police science: the police power in domestic and international governance (Stanford, 2006), 5–11; M. Neocleous, ‘Theoretical foundations of the “new police science”’, in Dubber and Valverde, The new police science, 23.

17 Kasaba, A moveable empire, 86–7.

18 S. J. Shaw, ‘Local administration in the Tanzimat’, in Hakkı Dursun Yıldız ed., 150. Yılında Tanzimat (Ankara, 1992), 33.

19 See, for example, BOA, Konya Ş. S., 78/5952, p. 4, 15 R. 1259 (15 April 1843).

20 R. Kasaba, ‘Migrant labor in western Anatolia, 1750–1850’, in Çağlar Keydar and Faruk Tabak eds., Landholding and commercial agriculture in the Middle East (Albany, 1991), 116–19; Kasaba, A moveable empire, 31–2.

21 Kasaba, A moveable empire, 125.

22 Clay, Christopher, ‘Labour migration and economic conditions in nineteenth-century Anatolia’, Middle Eastern Studies 34, 4 (1998), 132CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Özbek, Nadir, ‘Policing the countryside: gendarmes of the late 19th-century Ottoman Empire (1876–1908)’, International Journal of Middle East Studies 40, 1 (2008), 4767CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

23 N. Doumanis, Before the nation: Muslim–Christian coexistence and its destruction in late Ottoman Anatolia (Oxford, 2013), 41.

24 Ibid, 30.

25 Ibid, 52.

26 Ibid, 47. See also Kasaba, ‘Migrant labor in western Anatolia’, 113–21.

27 Ibid, 52. For the taxation burden, see R. Aktan, ‘The burden of taxation on the peasants’, in Charles Issawi ed., The economic history of Turkey, 1800–1914 (Chicago, 1980), 109–13.

28 Kale, ‘Transforming an empire’, 252–3.

29 K. H. Karpat, ‘Muslim migration’, in K. H. Karpat ed., Studies on Ottoman social and political history: selected articles and essays (Leiden, 2002), 321.

30 Meyer, James H., ‘Immigration, return, and the politics of citizenship: Russian Muslims in the Ottoman Empire, 1860–1914’, International Journal of Middle East Studies 39, 1 (2007), 1532CrossRefGoogle Scholar, here 21, 29; J. McCarthy, Death and exile: the ethnic cleansing of Ottoman Muslims, 1821–1922 (Princeton, NJ, 1995), 14–17.

31 Toledano, As if silent and absent, 94–5.

32 Kale, ‘Transforming an empire’, 264.

33 Kasaba, A moveable empire, 106–7.

34 Cerasi, Maurice, ‘The formation of Ottoman house types: a comparative study in interactions with neighboring cultures’, Muqarnas 15 (1998), 116–56, here 120CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

35 Özmucur, Süleyman and Pamuk, Şevket, ‘Real wages and standards of living in the Ottoman Empire, 1489–1914’, Journal of Economic History 62, 2 (2002), 293321CrossRefGoogle Scholar, here 305.

36 Fatsea, ‘Migrant builders and craftsmen’, 194.

37 Özbek, ‘Policing the countryside’, 57; S. A. Somel, The modernization of public education in the Ottoman Empire, 1839–1908: Islamization, autocracy, and discipline (Leiden, 2001), 164.

38 Pamuk, Şevket, ‘Prices in the Ottoman Empire, 1469–1914’, International Journal of Middle East Studies 36, 3 (2004), 451–68Google Scholar, here 454–6.

39 For the difficulty in producing a price index, see Özmucur and Pamuk, ‘Real wages’, 297–9; Pamuk, ‘Prices’, 451–86.

40 Özmucur and Pamuk, ‘Real wages’, 299.

41 C. Herzog, ‘Migration and the state: on Ottoman regulations concerning migration since the age of Mahmud II’, in Freitag, Fuhrmann, Lafi and Riedler, The city in the Ottoman Empire, 120–1.

42 Ibid., 130.

43 Toledano, State and society, 200–4.

44 Ibid.

45 On the Ottoman Gendarmerie, see Paz, ‘Crime, criminals, and the Ottoman state’, 170–225; O. Paz, ‘The policeman and state policy: policemen's accountabilities, civil entitlements, and Ottoman modernism, 1840–1860s’, in Dror Ze'evi and Ehud R. Toledano eds., Society, law, and culture in the Middle East: modernity in the making (London, forthcoming).

46 H. Inalcik, Application of the Tanzimat and its social effects (Lisse, 1976), 97–128; Shaw, ‘Local administration in the Tanzimat’, 33; Rubin, Avi, ‘Ottoman judicial changes in the age of modernity: a reappraisal’, History Compass 7, 1 (2009), 119–40CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

47 H. Alyot, Türkiye'de Zabıta: Tarihi Gelişim ve Bugünkü Durum (Ankara, 1947), 92.

48 Paz, ‘Crime, criminals, and the Ottoman state’, 240–5.

49 Paz, ‘Crime, criminals, and the Ottoman state’, 190–6; Ergut, Modern Devlet ve Polis, 104–5, 124.

50 Ergut, Modern Devlet ve Polis, 106.

51 Ibid.; Özbek, ‘Policing the countryside’, 52.

52 Özbek, ‘Policing the countryside’, 51–2.

53 Ibid.

54 The Supreme Council was a consultative body that advised the Sultan on matters involving the drafting of laws, and regulating the administration, and served as a supreme criminal court; on the Supreme Council, see M. Seyitdanlıoğlu, Tanzimat Devrinde Meclis-i Vala (1838–1868) (Ankara, 1999); M. Seyitdanlıoğlu, ‘Tanzimat Döneminde Yüksek Yargı ve Meclis-i Vala-yı Ahkam-ı Adliye’, in B. Arı and S. Aslantaş eds., Adalet Kitabı (Ankara, 2007), 207–20; Shaw, Stanford J., ‘The central legislative councils in the nineteenth century Ottoman reform movement before 1876’, International Journal of Middle East Studies 1, 1 (1970), 5184CrossRefGoogle Scholar; and Toledano, Ehud R., ‘The legislative process in the Ottoman Empire in the early Tanzimat period: a footnote’, International Journal of Turkish Studies 11, 2 (1980), 99106Google Scholar. For an example of police work, see BOA, AYN.D, vol. 486, pp. 12–13, 15 Ra. 1277 (15 October 1860); see also Paz, ‘The policeman and state policy’.

55 Paz, ‘Crime, criminals, and the Ottoman state’, 279; for the examining or investigative magistrate in the Ottoman Nizamiye system, see A. Rubin, Ottoman Nizamiye courts: law and modernity (New York, 2011), 120–2, 127–8.

56 See Johansen, Baber, ‘Signs as evidence: the doctrine of Ibn Taymiyya (1263–1328) and Ibn Qayyim al-Jawziyya (d. 1351) on proof’, Islamic Law and Society 9, 2 (2002), 168–93CrossRefGoogle Scholar, here 169–70; and U. Heyd, Studies in old Ottoman criminal law (Oxford, 1973), 252–4.

57 For the Exalted Instructions to Provincial Councils, see ‘Eyalet Meclislerine Verilecek Talimat-ı Seniyedir’, in Mecmu‛a-yı Kavanin (Istanbul, 1851), Art. 37. See also R. Peters, Crime and punishment in Islamic law: theory and practice from the sixteenth to the twenty-first century (Cambridge and New York, 2005), 127.

58 For studies showing that police continued to apply torture in interrogations even after 1840, see R. A. Deal, Crimes of honor, drunken brawls, and murder: violence in Istanbul under Abdülhamid II (Istanbul, 2010), 38; K. F. Schull, Prisons in the late Ottoman Empire: microcosms of modernity (Edinburgh, 2013); Ergut, Ferdan, ‘Policing the poor in the late Ottoman Empire’, Middle Eastern Studies 38, 2 (2002), 149–64, here 157CrossRefGoogle Scholar; and Petrov, Milen V., ‘Everyday forms of compliance: subaltern commentaries on Ottoman reform, 1864–1868’, Comparative Studies in Society and History 46, 4 (2004), 730–59CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

59 See The Exalted Instructions to Provincial Councils.

60 For example, governors can be identified deporting single, unemployed men to a neighbouring administrative unit as late as the early twentieth century; see Ergut, ‘Policing the poor’, 156.

61 For a thorough review of this court system, see Paz, O., ‘Documenting justice: new recording practices and the establishment of an activist criminal court system in the Ottoman provinces (1840–late 1860s)’, Islamic Law and Society 21 (2014), 81113CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

62 On local councils prior to reforms, see Ginio, E., ‘The administration of criminal justice in Ottoman Selanik (Salonica) during the eighteenth century’, Turcica 30 (1998), 195CrossRefGoogle Scholar; and J. E. Baldwin, ‘Islamic law in an Ottoman context: resolving disputes in late 17th/early 18th-century Cairo’ (unpublished Ph.D. thesis, New York University, 2010), 32–42.

63 L. Peirce, Morality tales: law and gender in the Ottoman court of Aintab (Berkeley and Los Angeles, 2003), 89.

64 Heyd, Studies, 250; B. Ergene, Local court, provincial society, and justice in the Ottoman Empire: legal practice and dispute resolution in Çankırı and Kastamonu (1652–1744) (Leiden, 2002), 202.

65 Ginio, ‘The administration of criminal justice’, 202.

66 Ibid.

67 Heyd, Studies, 250; Ginio, ‘The administration of criminal justice’, 206–8.

68 See Paz, ‘Crime, criminals, and the Ottoman state’, 154–5.

69 See Art. 4 of the 1840 Ottoman Penal Code in A. Lütfi, Mirat-ı Adalet, yahud Tarihçe- i Adliyei Devlet-i Aliye (Istanbul, 1304 [1888]), 116.

70 On the provincial councils’ responsibilities during the Tanzimat, see İ. Ortaylı, Tanzimattan Sonra Mahalli İdareler (1840–1878) (Ankara, 1974); Çadırcı, Musa, ‘Tanzimat Döneminde Türkiyede Yönetim’, Belleten 52 (1988), 601–26Google Scholar, here 602–25; Yalçınkaya, M. A., ‘The provincial reforms of the early Tanzimat period as implemented in the Kaza of Averthısarı’, Osmanlı Tarihi Araştırma ve Uygulama Merkezi Dergeisi 6 (1995), 343–85Google Scholar; and Efe, A., ‘Tanzimat’ın Eyalet Reformları 1840–64: Silistre Örneği’, Karadeniz Araştırmaları 6, 22 (2009), 87113Google Scholar. On the councils’ judicial roles, see E. B. Ekinci, Osmanlı Mahkemeleri, 126–42; and Bingöl, Tanzimat Devrinde Osmanlı 'da Yargı Reformu, 51–86.

71 See, for example, BOA, İ.MVL, 16/260, 29 Z. 1256 (21 February 1841).

72 Paz, ‘Crime, criminals, and the Ottoman state’, 140–63, 342–60.

73 M. Çadırcı, Tanzimat Döneminde Anadolu Kentleri'nin Sosyal ve Ekonomik Yapısı (Ankara, 1997), 214–15; Bingöl, Tanzimat Devrinde Osmanlı 'da Yargı Reformu, 29–30; Ekinci, Osmanlı Mahkemeleri, 127–8.

74 For the use of attorneys and the development of professional advocates, which developed at a later stage, with the establishment of the Nizamiye court system that succeeded the court system discussed here, see Rubin, Avi, ‘From legal representation to advocacy: attorneys and clients in Ottoman Nizamiye courts’, International Journal of Middle East Studies 44, 1 (2012), 111–27CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

75 See ‘Translation of a Turkish Temporary Code of Regulations Concerning the Apprehension, Trial, and Detention of Persons Accused of Crime and Offenses in Constantinople’ Art. 28. The National Archives, UK (TNA) Foreign Office (FO) 97/418 (5 March 1859); BOA, AYN.D, vol. 471, pp. 142–3, 27 R. 1264 (3 March 1848); Bingöl, Tanzimat Devrinde Osmanlı'da Yargı Reformu, 98; Ekinci, Osmanlı Mahkemeleri, 137; TNA, FO, 97/418 (5 March 1859); Ekinci, Osmanlı Mahkemeleri, 130. See BOA, AYN.D, vol. 471, pp. 142–3, 27 R. 1264 (3 March 1848).

76 See BOA, AYN.D, vol. 471, pp. 142–3, 27 R. 1264 (3 March 1848).

77 For a discussion of the guarantor (kefil) in Ottoman history, see F. Zarinebaf, Crime and punishment in Istanbul, 1700–1800 (Berkeley, 2010), 132–3.

78 Cohen, Global diasporas, chapter 4.

79 Armstrong, John A., ‘Mobilized and proletarian diasporas’, American Political Science Review 70, 2 (1976), 393408CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

80 Ibid., 394.

81 Ibid., 394–7.

82 Ibid., 401.

83 Ibid., 393, 405–6.

84 See S. A. Brighton, Historical archaeology of the Irish diaspora: a transnational approach (Knoxville, 2009); Rovinello, Marco, ‘“French” immigrants in Naples, 1806–1860’, Journal of the Historical Society 9, 2 (2009), 273303CrossRefGoogle Scholar; and D. R. Gabaccia and F. Ottanelli eds., Italian workers of the world: labor migration and the formation of multiethnic states (Urbana and Chicago, 2001).

85 R. M. Bendele, Black Star: African American activism in international political economy (Urbana, 2008), 15.

86 Cohen, Global diaspora, 62.

87 Cohen, Global diaspora, 62. Nora Lafi uses a different taxonomy to classify nineteenth-century immigrants within the Ottoman Empire; see Lafi, ‘The Ottoman urban governance of migrations’, 16–20.

88 See BOA, İ. MVL, 245/1497, 29 M. 1279 (11 October 1855); and BOA, İ. MVL, 279/10920, 20 L. 1269 (27 July 1853). See also Ergut, ‘Policing the poor’; Başaran, Selim III, social control and policing; F. Zarinebaf, ‘Maitien de l'ordre et contrôle social à Istanbul au XVIII siècle’, in Jean-Marc Berlière ed., Metiérs de police: être policier en Europe, XVIII–XX siècle (Rennes, 2008), 87–96.

89 See Kasaba, ‘Migrant labor’, 115.

90 Lafi, ‘The Ottoman urban governance of migrations’, 20.

91 For a similar commission sent to investigate allegations regarding the use of torture, see BOA, AYN.D, vol. 471, pp. 142–3 Izmir, 27 Ra. 1264 (3 March 1848).

92 Elsewhere I discuss at length the Ottoman police's and criminal courts’ new recording practices; see Paz, ‘Documenting justice’.

93 For a thorough discussion, see Paz, ‘Crime, criminals, and the Ottoman state’, 279–93.

94 See BOA, AYN.D, vol. 499, p. 57, 16 S. 1282 (20 July 1864); BOA, AYN.D, vol. 471, pp. 142–3 Izmir, 27 Ra. 1264 (3 March 1848). See also Deal, Crimes of honor, 38; Schull, Prisons in the late Ottoman Empire, 205–6; and Ergut, ‘Policing the poor’, 157.

95 E. Aykut, ‘Alternative claims on justice and law: rural arson and poison murder in the 19th century Ottoman Empire’ (unpublished Ph.D. thesis, Boğaziçi University, 2011), 66–75.

96 Art. 203, 204 and 205 of the Ottoman Penal Code 1858; see J. A. S. Bucknill and H. A. S. Utidjian, The Imperial Ottoman penal code: a translation (London, 1913), 158–9.

97 I. Agmon, ‘Review of Leslie Peirce, Morality tales: law and gender in the Ottoman court of Aintab’, H-Net reviews, available at http://www.h-net.org/reviews/showrev.php?id=13539

98 Agmon, ‘Review of Leslie Peirce, Morality tales’; Magnusson, ‘Singularization’, 711, 721–2; Gregory, ‘Is small beautiful?’, 108.

99 Aykut, ‘Alternative claims’, 71.