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The Political Implications of the Minority Policy in the Qin Law

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  08 August 2014

Shun-chiu Yau 游順釗*
Affiliation:
CRLAO – EHESS, 131 bvd Saint-Michel, 75005 Paris, France, yaushunchiu@gmail.com

Abstract

Among the 190 articles in the so-called “Answers to questions about the Qin Laws/Statutes” (Falü dawen 法律答問) written on bamboo strips excavated from a tomb at Shuihudi in Yunmeng County, Hubei Province, the one concerning Qin's citizenship particularly attracts my attention. It says: “What is the meaning of a ‘Xia child’? (A child born of a) father from a vassal state, and a Qin mother.” (可 [何] 謂夏子? 臣邦父、秦母 謂也). In this paper, I argue that this article, which is perhaps surprising in regard to the patriarchal mentality dominating the Chinese world, can be explained by the historical, political and military context of the Qin state in the 3rd Century B.C.E. and by its global strategy of infiltrating and “nibbling at” its protectorates.

本文重點討論睡虎地秦簡《法律答問》律文: “可 (何) 謂夏子? 臣邦 父、秦母謂也。” 雖然從中國父權傳統角度看 , 這條律文頗令人感到 詫異 , 然而要正確釋讀並深入分析它的政治內涵 , 必須瞭解秦國歷史 的背景和當時境內境外的形勢以及秦王室的企圖和心態。這條律文的 制訂 , 是秦國為實現入主中原大業長遠統籌策略的一個重要環節 , 此 中還隱藏着滲透邦國的伏線 , 企圖藉通婚滲進臣邦王室內部 , 以配合 秦國的蠶食策略。

Type
Articles
Copyright
Copyright © Society for the Study of Early China 2013

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References

1. Li in this address expressed his admiration for Chen Zhi's 陳直 personal integrity, both in and outside his academic activities. See Xueqin, Li 李學勤, Zhui gu ji 綴 古集 (Shanghai: Shanghai guji, 1998), 280 Google Scholar. This episode reminded me of this casual remark he made when he was my guest in 2005. I would like to take this opportunity to thank Prof. Li Xueqin for checking some of his own remarks cited in the present paper, and Dr. Zhou Shangzhen 周尚真 (Tsou Sheung Tsun), Mathematical Institute, Oxford University, Oxford, and Dr. Geneviève Barman of the Université populaire de Lausanne, for making various stylistic contributions to its presentation, as well as Dr. Chrystelle Maréchal of CNRS-EHESS-CRLAO, Paris, and Ms. Cen Yongfang 岑詠芳, librarian at the Institut des Hautes Etudes Chinoises, Collège de France, for providing me with practically all the necessary publications for the preparation of this paper. Last but not least, I should thank Prof. Xing Wen and Prof. Sarah Allan, both of the Department of Asian and Middle Eastern Languages and Literatures, Dartmouth College for inviting me to take part in this Festschrift, and for kindly proofreading this final version.

2. Haoliang, Yu 于豪亮, “Qin wangchao guanyu shaoshu minzu de falü jiqi lishi zuoyong” 秦王朝關於少數民族的法律及其歷史作用, in Yunmeng Qinjian yanjiu 雲夢 秦簡研究 (Beijing: Zhonghua, 1981), 316–23Google Scholar; Xueqin, Li 李學勤, “Xin chutu wenxian yu gudai wenming yanjiu huiyi bimu de yanjiang” 新出土文獻與古代文明研究會議閉幕 式的演講, in Xin chutu wenxian yu gudai wenming yanjiu 新出土文獻與古代文明研究, ed. Weiyang, Xie 謝維揚, Yuanqing, Zhu 朱淵清 (Shanghai: Shanghai daxue, 2004), 1 Google Scholar.

3. In order to avoid a too long title, I take the liberty of using the term “political” in its broad sense, including economic and military aspects.

4. Haoliang, Yu, “Qin wangchao guanyu shaoshu minzu de falü jiqi lishi zuoyong,” 316 Google Scholar, said: “The law section in the Yunmeng bamboo slips calls those articles concerning specific relationships with the minorities ‘statutes on vassal states’ (shu bang lü 屬 邦律). Before then, nothing bearing on this problem has been mentioned in existing documents inherited from the past. Unfortunately there is only one single article of this kind, probably because the person buried together with the bamboo slips in Tomb 11 at Shuihudi was a public servant of low grade, and he only copied the few items that were directly related to his job. However the fact that there is a document called ‘statutes on vassal states’ in the Qin laws indicates that there should be more articles of this kind.”

5. Hulsewé, A.F.P., Remnants of Ch'in Law: An Annotated Translation of the Ch'in Legal and Administrative Rules of the 3rd Century B.C. Discovered in Yün-Meng Prefecture, Hu-pei Province, in 1975, Sinica Leidensia 17 (1985), 171 Google Scholar.

6. Yu's paper was first published in Yunmeng Qinjian yanjiu in 1981. To my knowledge, the article in question has not been discussed in related literature. As a representative of the spade-work on this article, some of the viewpoints are not maturely considered and this is excusable; it is our duty as late comers to make the necessary amendments.

7. On this point, Moto-o, Kudo 工藤元男, (Shuihudi Qinjian suo jian Qindai guojia yu shehui 睡虎地秦簡所见秦代國家與社會, trans. Feng, Cao 曹峰 et al. [Shanghai: Shanghai guji, 2010], 91)Google Scholar is more prudent: “logically we may deduce that if both parents were Qin people, their children should be considered as Xia zi. The Falü dawen 法律答問 does not mention this point because this goes without saying, and there is no need to discuss it.”

8. See Mishna, Seder Nashim, Tractate Kiddushin 3/12. English translation by Danby, Herbert, The Mishnah (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1933), 327 Google Scholar

9. See Joseph Mélèze, “Père ou mère? Aux origines de la matrilinéarité juive,” online http://www.clio.fr/BIBLIOTHEQUE/pere_ou_mere_aux_origines_de_la_matrilinearite_juive.asp.

10. Moto-o, Kudo, Shuihudi Qin jian, 91 Google Scholar, has also noticed this particularity in the article. He said: “From a Chinese traditional point of view, to decide the citizenship of those living within Qin's governing area on the sole basis of their mothers' status seems to be very special.”

11. Haoliang, Yu, “Qin wangchao guanyu shaoshu minzu de falü jiqi lishi zuoyong,” 318 Google Scholar.

12. Han Xin (?–196) was a great general and strategist of the Han dynasty.

13. Towards the end of the Warring States, users of advanced type of crossbows formed a special combat branch of the armed forces. See Haoliang, Yu 于豪亮, “Yunmeng Qinjian suo jian zhiguan shulüe” 雲夢秦簡所見職官述略, Wenshi 文史 8 (1980), 18 Google Scholar.

14. See Kuan, Yang 楊寛, “Chunqiu Zhanguo jian fengjiande junshi zuzhi he zhanzheng de bianhua” 春秋戰國間封建的軍事組織和戰爭的變化, in Lishi jiaoxue 歷史教 學 4 (1954), 713 Google Scholar.

15. One pace was equivalent to roughly 138 cm. in Qin-Han times. For the rest, see also Kuan, Yang 楊寛, Zhanguo shi 戰國史 (1955 ed.; rpr. Shanghai: Renmin, 1980), 279, 290, 293 Google Scholar.

16. See Jianming, Lin 林劍鳴, Qin shi gao 秦史稿 (Shanghai: Shanghai renmin, 1981), 224 Google Scholar.

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20. According to the Qin Basic Annals in the Shi ji 史記, (Beijing: Zhonghua, 1963), 5.173Google Scholar (“Qin ben ji” 秦本記), it was because in the past, the Qin people took charge of animals for Zhou, and as the animals multiplied, they were given the cognomen Ying 嬴 “abundance.”

21. Now near Gansu Province.

22. See Shi ji, 5.202.

23. See Shi ji, 47.1910.

24. For more details about the historical personality of Bai Lixi 百里奚, the “Five Rams Grand Officer” (五羖大夫), see Nienhauser, William H. Jr., ed., The Grand Scribe's Records, vol. I, The Basic Annals of Pre-Han China, (Bloomington & Indianapolis: Indiana University Press, 1994), 9495 Google Scholar.

25. See Jianming, Lin, Qin shi gao, 101 Google Scholar.

26. As quoted in Jianming, Lin, Qin shi gao, 101 Google Scholar.

27. See Jianming, Lin, Qin shi gao, 101 Google Scholar.

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29. See Shi ji, 5. 202.

30. See Xuemin, Zhu, “Shi lun Qinren jueqi de lishi yinsu,” 18 Google Scholar.

31. This is coherent with the policy of marriage of convenience. For generations, only women from other feudal states were chosen to marry in the Qin court; for example, Duke Mu married Mu Ji, daughter of Duke Xian of Jin.

32. See Chunhua, Liu 劉春華, “Cong Shi ji kan Qinren de minzuguan” 從史記看 秦人的民族觀 in Qin wenhua luncong 秦文化論叢 12, ed. Qinshihuang bingmayong bowuguan Luncong bianweihui 秦始皇兵馬俑博物館《論叢》編委會編 (Xi'an: San Qin, 2005), 398 Google Scholar.

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35. It seems that Guo Yundao's Shu Jian also agrees with the Shi ji, because he wrote: “Qin occupied Shu with the help of their kinsmen and yet killed all of them.” (秦人取 蜀以王其親子弟而卒皆殺之). See Yundao, Guo 郭允蹈 (Dynasty, Song), Shu Jian 蜀鑒 (Chengdu: Bashu, 1984), 19 Google Scholar.

36. See Shengzhang, Huang 黃盛璋, “Yunmeng Qinjian bianzheng” 雲夢秦簡辨正, Kaogu xuebao 考古學報 1979.1, 126 Google Scholar.

37. See Shuzhen, Guo, “Shi lun Chunqiu shiqi Qinguo de waijiao celüe,” 257 Google Scholar.

38. See Guancheng, Wang 王關成, “Qin Jin (Wei) Hexi zhengzhan shulun” 秦晉 (魏) 河西爭戰述論, in Qin wenhua luncong 秦文化論叢 7, ed. Qinshihuang bingmayong bowuguan Luncong bianweihui 秦始皇兵馬俑博物館《論叢》編委會編 (Xi'an: San Qin, 1999), 246 Google Scholar.

39. See Jianming, Lin, Qin shi gao, 247 Google Scholar.

40. It is generally agreed that the setting up of the household system was rather late in Qin as compared with other feudal states, but the Qin system was more typical and comprehensive because it was the culmination of those practiced in the eastern states, in particular the three Jin.

41. See Heng, Gao 高恆, “Qinjian zhong yu zhiguan youguan de jige wenti” 秦簡中 與職官有關的幾個問題, in Yunmeng Qinjian yanjiu 雲夢秦簡研究 (Beijing: Zhonghua, 1981), 215 Google Scholar.